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Darfur Genocide
Darfur genocide Berkeley Model United Nations Welcome Letter Hi everyone! Welcome to the Darfur Historical Crisis committee. My name is Laura Nguyen and I will be your head chair for BMUN 69. This committee will take place from roughly 2006 to 2010. Although we will all be in the same physical chamber, you can imagine that committee is an amalgamation of peace conferences, UN meetings, private Janjaweed or SLM meetings, etc. with the goal of preventing the Darfur Genocide and ending the War in Darfur. To be honest, I was initially wary of choosing the genocide in Darfur as this committee’s topic; people in Darfur. I also understood that in order for this to be educationally stimulating for you all, some characters who committed atrocious war crimes had to be included in debate. That being said, I chose to move on with this topic because I trust you are all responsible and intelligent, and that you will treat Darfur with respect. The War in Darfur and the ensuing genocide are grim reminders of the violence that is easily born from intolerance. Equally regrettable are the in Africa and the Middle East are woefully inadequate for what Darfur truly needs. I hope that understanding those failures and engaging with the ways we could’ve avoided them helps you all grow and become better leaders and thinkers. My best advice for you is to get familiar with the historical processes by which ethnic brave, be creative, and have fun! A little bit about me (she/her) — I’m currently a third-year at Cal majoring in Sociology and minoring in Data Science. -
Sudan: Freedom in the World 2020
4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House FREEDOM IN THE WORLD 2020 Sudan 12 NOT FREE /100 Political Rights 2 /40 Civil Liberties 10 /60 LAST YEAR'S SCORE & STATUS 7 /100 Not Free Global freedom statuses are calculated on a weighted scale. See the methodology. https://freedomhouse.org/country/sudan/freedom-world/2020 1/24 4/8/2020 Sudan | Freedom House Overview The military leaders and civilian protesters who ousted the repressive regime of Omar al-Bashir and his National Congress Party (NCP) in 2019 are uneasy partners in a transitional government that—if successful—will be replaced by an elected government in 2022. Civic space is slowly opening to individuals and opposition parties, but security personnel associated with the abuses of old regime remain influential, and their commitment to political freedoms and civil liberties is unclear. Key Developments in 2019 President Omar al-Bashir, who came to power in a coup d’état in 1989, was overthrown by the military in April, after a protest movement beginning in December 2018 placed growing pressure on the government. The military initially attempted to rule without the input of civilian protesters, who originally demonstrated against rising commodity prices and pervasive economic hardship before calling for al-Bashir’s resignation as the year opened. Security forces killed 127 protesters in the capital of Khartoum in June, sparking a backlash that forced the short-lived junta to include civilian leaders in a new transitional government as part of a power-sharing agreement reached in August. Al-Bashir was arrested by the military junta and charged with corruption by the succeeding transitional government in August. -
36 Csos and Individuals Urge the Council to Adopt a Resolution on Sudan
Letter from 36 NGOs and individuals regarding the human rights situation in Sudan in advance of the 33rd session of the UN Human Rights Council To Permanent Representatives of Members and Observer States of the UN Human Rights Council Geneva, Switzerland 7 September 2016 Re: Current human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan Excellency, Our organisations write to you in advance of the opening of the 33rd session of the United Nations Human Rights Council to share our serious concerns regarding the human rights and humanitarian situation in Sudan. Many of these abuses are detailed in the attached annex. We draw your attention to the Sudanese government’s continuing abuses against civilians in South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Darfur, including unlawful attacks on villages and indiscriminate bombing of civilians. We are also concerned about the continuing repression of civil and political rights, in particular the ongoing crackdown on protesters and abuse of independent civil society and human rights defenders. In a recent example in March 2016, four representatives of Sudanese civil society were intercepted by security officials at Khartoum International Airport on their way to a high level human rights meeting with diplomats that took place in Geneva on 31 March. The meeting was organised by the international NGO, UPR Info, in preparation for the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of Sudan that took place in May.1 We call upon your delegation to support the development and adoption of a strong and action- oriented resolution on Sudan under agenda item 4 at the 33rd session of the UN Human Rights Council. -
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur
The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 WWW.ENOUGHPROJECT.ORG WWW.SATSENTINEL.ORG The Economics of Ethnic Cleansing in Darfur John Prendergast, Omer Ismail, and Akshaya Kumar August 2013 COVER PHOTO Displaced Beni Hussein cattle shepherds take shelter on the outskirts of El Sereif village, North Darfur. Fighting over gold mines in North Darfur’s Jebel Amer area between the Janjaweed Abbala forces and Beni Hussein tribe started early this January and resulted in mass displacement of thousands. AP PHOTO/UNAMID, ALBERT GONZALEZ FARRAN Overview Darfur is burning again, with devastating results for its people. A kaleidoscope of Janjaweed forces are once again torching villages, terrorizing civilians, and systematically clearing prime land and resource-rich areas of their inhabitants. The latest ethnic-cleans- ing campaign has already displaced more than 300,000 Darfuris this year and forced more than 75,000 to seek refuge in neighboring Chad, the largest population displace- ment in recent years.1 An economic agenda is emerging as a major driver for the escalating violence. At the height of the mass atrocities committed from 2003 to 2005, the Sudanese regime’s strategy appeared to be driven primarily by the counterinsurgency objectives and secondarily by the acquisition of salaries and war booty. Undeniably, even at that time, the government could have only secured the loyalty of its proxy Janjaweed militias by allowing them to keep the fertile lands from which they evicted the original inhabitants. Today’s violence is even more visibly fueled by monetary motivations, which include land grabbing; consolidating control of recently discovered gold mines; manipulating reconciliation conferences for increased “blood money”; expanding protection rackets and smuggling networks; demanding ransoms; undertaking bank robberies; and resum- ing the large-scale looting that marked earlier periods of the conflict. -
Sudan: Freedom
SUDAN: FREEDOM, PEACE, AND JUSTICE “we have risen, against those who stole our sweat.” Prepared by: Laura Stevens | Daphne Wang | Hashim Ismail Cover Photo Credit: https://www.voanews.com/africa/sudan-activists-call-justice-killed-protesters Table of Contents 1 Executive Summary 1 Methods 1 Background 2 End User 2 Stakeholders 4 Fragility Risk Assessment 9 ALC Analysis 10 Scenarios 11 Policy Options 15 Bibliography 20 Annexes 20 Annex 1: Fragility in Sudan According to Different Indices 20 Annex 2: Definitions and Additional Readings 22 Annex 3: Timeline of Major Events in the Last Five Years (Trends and Trajectory) 23 Annex 4: History of Recent Conflicts 24 Annex 5: Further Detail on Stakeholders 27 Annex 6: Social contract 28 Annex 7: Agriculture as part of the economy 28 Annex 8: State Sponsor of Terrorism 29 Annex 9: Security and Displacement Figures 32 Annex 10: Household Economic Data 33 Annex 11: Donor Profile 34 Annex 12: ALC Assessment Graphic 34 Annex 13: Additional Policy Information 36 Endnotes Acronyms ACC Anti-Corruption Committee ALC Authority, Legitimacy, Capacity AU African Union CIFP Country Indicators for Foreign Policy CPA Comprehensive Peace Agreement CSO Civil Society Organization EU European Union FAO Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations FDI Foreign Direct Investment FFC Forces for Freedom and Change FY Fiscal Year GDP Gross Domestic Product GEF Global Environment Facility HD Human Development ICC International Criminal Court IDPs Internally Displaced Persons IMF International Monetary Fund INGO -
Q&A: Sudan's Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future
Q&A: Sudan’s Pardon of Militia Leader Musa Hilal – and Future Accountability? This Q&A was prepared by Rifaat Makkawi, director of the People’s Legal Aid Clinic (PLACE) and REDRESS. On 11 March 2021, in accordance with a pardon by Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Musa Hilal was released from military detention, in a move that was described by those within political circles as supporting transitional justice processes. In dropping all charges against Hilal, the military court cited the fact that the “blood guardians” reached a comprehensive settlement regarding Hilal’s case, including a decision regarding the payment of blood money (“dia”), and the criminal proceedings against Hilal were closed. This questions-and-answers document addresses key issues surrounding the pardon of Musa Hilal, including challenges to seeking accountability for past serious crimes Hilal and others are alleged to have committed in Sudan. • Who is Musa Hilal? • Why was Musa Hilal under military detention? • On what basis was a pardon for Musa Hilal issued? • Were victims consulted or included in proceedings before a pardon was issued? • Can Musa Hilal still be prosecuted for crimes committed in Darfur? • Does the Nov. 2020 amnesty issued by Sudan’s Sovereign Council apply to Musa Hilal? • Is Musa Hila immune from prosecution under Sudan’s Criminal Act 1991? 1. Who is Musa Hilal? Musa Hilal has been described by Human Rights Watch as “internationally synonymous with the Janjaweed,” the government-backed militias who conducted serious international crimes in Darfur. Human Rights Watch has also described Hilal and his men as playing an “integral role in the two-year campaign of ethnic cleansing by the Sudanese army and Janjaweed militias,” and noted that countless victims, witnesses to attacks, and members of the Sudanese armed forces have named Hilal as the top commander of the Janjaweed. -
Le Mode Diplomatique 01 05 2020
H DANS LES MARGES CRÉATIVES DE LA BD – pages 14 et 15 POPULISME, RÉPONSE ÀPIERRE ROSANVALLON PARCHANTAL MOUFFE Page 3. 5,40 €-Mensuel -28pages N° 794 -67e année. Mai 2020 DOSSIER : C OVID -19, APRÈS LA CRISE … LES CRISES Un avant-goût Qui du choc va payer? NDRES LO climatique Y, Les crisesseressemblent. Lorsquelatempête fait ALLER rage, le capitaineen appelle àlasolidarité.Lamenace TG passée, l’union s’évanouit :certains écopent en fond L’abîme dans lequel un coronavirus aprécipité de nombreux de cale, d’autres se trémoussent sur les ponts pays illustrelecoût humain de la négligence face àun danger supérieurs. En sera-t-il de nouveau ainsi ou la AMES FINE AR pourtant parfaitement identifié. Évoquer la fataliténepeut dissi- -E pandémie provoquera-t-elle un changement de cap? muler l’évidence:mieux vaut prévenir que guérir.Les atermoie- ments actuels dans la lutte contre le réchauffement climatique P AR L AURENT C ORDONNIER * pourraient conduireàdes phénomènes bien plus dramatiques. OHN CROSSLEY ©J Astrid54–«TheLookout »(Le Guetteur), 2015 LACRISE quisurvient n’est pas de nature sanitaire, mais économique. PAR PHILIPPE DESCAMPS ET THIERRY LEBEL * Le battement d’ailes de papillon qui s’est sans doute produit au marché de Wuhan acheminé suivant les lignes de fragilité du capitalisme mon- dialisé et libéralisé, lequel aredéployé depuis quarante ans ses «chaînes ENMARS 2020, la crise sanitaire arelégué l’actualitéclimatique Signe avant-coureur de possibles effondrements plus graves, le de valeur»augré des eldorados de pacotille qui lui promettaient de pares- loin des titres. Pourtant,cemois fera date comme le dixième de suite naufrage sanitaire actuel peut se voir àlafois comme un modèle réduit seux profits:lacaptationfinancière, la concurrence «libre et non faussée» avec une température moyenne au-dessus des normales. -
June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- Units (If Applicable)
COI QUERY Country of Origin Sudan Main subject Rapid Support Forces Question(s) 1. Are there any reports on the cooperation between the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed and the Sudanese intelligence services (NISS) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? - Introductory note on the Rapid Support Forces 2. Is there any information on members of particular ethnic groups, religions or professions being targeted by the Rapid Support Forces/Janjaweed in Darfur and the Two Areas (South Kordofan and Blue Nile) in the period of April 2019 – March 2020? If yes, is there any information on the means of monitoring of such people? - Targeting by the RSF - Examples of incidents attributed to the RSF in the reference period - Monitoring by the RSF Date of completion 2 June 2020 Query Code Q10-2020 Contributing EU+ COI -- units (if applicable) Disclaimer This response to a COI query has been elaborated according to the EASO COI Report Methodology and EASO Writing and Referencing Guide. The information provided in this response has been researched, evaluated and processed with utmost care within a limited time frame. All sources used are referenced. A quality review has been performed in line with the above mentioned methodology. This document does not claim to be exhaustive neither conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to international protection. If a certain event, person or organisation is not mentioned in the report, this does not mean that the event has not taken place or that the person or organisation does not exist. Terminology used should not be regarded as indicative of a particular legal position. -
The Chinese Stance on the Darfur Conflict
OCCASIONAL PAPER NO 67 China in Africa Project September 2010 The Chinese Stance on the Darfur Conflict Gaafar Karrar Ahmed s ir a f f A l a n o ti a rn e nt f I o te tu sti n In rica . th Af hts Sou sig al in Glob African perspectives. About SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think-tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. About the C h INA IN AFRICA PR o J e C t SAIIA’s ‘China in Africa’ research project investigates the emerging relationship between China and Africa; analyses China’s trade and foreign policy towards the continent; and studies the implications of this strategic co-operation in the political, military, economic and diplomatic fields. The project seeks to develop an understanding of the motives, rationale and institutional structures guiding China’s Africa policy, and to study China’s growing power and influence so that they will help rather than hinder development in Africa. -
The Making and Unmaking of a Revolution: from the Fall of Al-Bashir to the Return of Janjaweed
The Making and Unmaking of a Revolution: From the Fall of al-Bashir to the Return of Janjaweed By Claudio Butticè After more than 30 years of ruling Sudan, in April 2019 the dictator Omar al-Bashir was finally deposed by the military following an irrepressible explosion of civil unrest. In less than five months of protest following the intolerable austerity politics imposed by al-Bashir’s administration, the Sudanese population found unexpected energy and cohesion in fighting peacefully to obtain a democratic government. As crowds of demonstrators from all across the country converged on the capital to join the civil movement, art flourished, and a renewed sense of freedom gave voice once again to those who found the strength to break their chains. Women, such as the “Nubian Queen” Alaa Salah (dubbed “the woman in white”), have been at the forefront of the demonstrations, and people from all walks of life who have been denied their basic human rights rose to finally end their silence. However, things went south in June when the army refused to hold its promise to guarantee a three- year transition period before a new civilian rule could be established. Although the protest organisers rebuked the military’s decision to scrap the agreement, the Transitional Military Council (TMC) acted with unexpected brutality, killing more than one hundred Sudanese activists during the Khartoum massacre. Today, the situation is extremely tense, with claims that the United Arab Emirates is arming the violent counter-revolution. Furthermore, back-and-forth negotiations after a general strike have brought the whole country to a halt. -
Sudan: Non Arab Darfuris
Country Policy and Information Note Sudan: Non Arab Darfuris Version 1.0 August 2017 Preface This note provides country of origin information (COI) and policy guidance to Home Office decision makers on handling particular types of protection and human rights claims. This includes whether claims are likely to justify the granting of asylum, humanitarian protection or discretionary leave and whether – in the event of a claim being refused – it is likely to be certifiable as ‘clearly unfounded’ under s94 of the Nationality, Immigration and Asylum Act 2002. Decision makers must consider claims on an individual basis, taking into account the case specific facts and all relevant evidence, including: the policy guidance contained with this note; the available COI; any applicable caselaw; and the Home Office casework guidance in relation to relevant policies. Country information COI in this note has been researched in accordance with principles set out in the Common EU [European Union] Guidelines for Processing Country of Origin Information (COI) and the European Asylum Support Office’s research guidelines, Country of Origin Information report methodology, namely taking into account its relevance, reliability, accuracy, objectivity, currency, transparency and traceability. All information is carefully selected from generally reliable, publicly accessible sources or is information that can be made publicly available. Full publication details of supporting documentation are provided in footnotes. Multiple sourcing is normally used to ensure that the information is accurate, balanced and corroborated, and that a comprehensive and up-to-date picture at the time of publication is provided. Information is compared and contrasted, whenever possible, to provide a range of views and opinions. -
Red Lines: Upheaval and Containment in the Horn of Africa
Red Lines: Upheaval and Containment in the Horn of Africa This is the final part in a series of three analysis features covering unrest in Sudan. The first in the series — Riders on the Storm — explored the dynamics and agendas which resulted in the Juba Peace Agreement. The second — Danse Macabre — examined the origins of the uprising in Sudan and its trajectory following the coup of April 2019. This final analysis situates Sudan’s current upheaval in the context of the Horn of Africa, and extends the scope of analysis to encompass conflict in Ethiopia and the region. Introduction Since 2018, the Horn of Africa has made headlines for a series of dramatic developments. Following years of protests in the restive Oromia region, a power transition took place in Ethiopia in April 2018.In December of that year, anti-government demonstrations began. This culminated in a coup in April 2019 which was greenlit by Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) (Gallopin, 2020). A dubious peace deal was reached in South Sudan in September of 2018 at the insistence of Sudan and Uganda, months after Saudi Arabia and the UAE brokered a peace agreement in Ethiopia and Eritrea in July (see Woldemariam, 2018; Watson, 2019). Events in the Horn have not proceeded entirely smoothly since these changes, despite initial optimism that a more pluralistic form of politics led by civilians would take root in Sudan and Ethiopia. Sudan’s military and paramilitary forces have cast an increasingly long shadow over the supposed transition underway in the country, while growing tensions between Ethiopia’s new administration and its former rulers — the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) — led to fears of civil war, as disorder spread to several parts of the country (see International Crisis Group, 2020a).