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Washington's Foundering Fathers: the Contras and Contragate
AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW 31 WASHINGTON'S FOUNDERING FATHERS The Contras and Contragate Barry Carr Contragate revealed the depth of Washington's commitment to the Contras. But it hasn't made life any easier for Nicaragua. here is no issue closer to the footsteps of the Founding Fathers of million) to the Contras, Reagan heart of the Reagan administ the United States, and has likened commented "I'm sure it put a smile T ration than its crusade against them to Simon Bolivar, the French on the face ofthe Statue ofLiberty".1 the Sandinista government of Resistance and, most recently and Nicaragua. President Reagan is bizarrely, the Abratlam Lincoln Support for the Nicaraguan completely besotted with the Brigade of the Spanish Civil War. counter-revolution is the best Contras. He has described them as When the US Co!!gress finall3 voted, example of the US's grotesque efforts freedom fighters following in the in JuJy 1986, to renew aid ($100 at "symmetry" - i.e. the attempt to AUSTRALIAN LEFT REVIEW 33 mtmtc and counter the Soviet Union's alleged instigation of national liberation movements by fomenting anti-communist insurgencies in regions of the world where US hegemony is threatened by nationalist and socialist states. The Contras emerged from the ranks of the hated National Guard who fled to Honduras and Costa Rica following on the fall of the Somoza dynasty in 1979. The bedraggled and demoralised Somocistas in Honduras were reorganised by the CIA during 1981, receiving $19 million in US government funds, and training from Argentine military advisers who had been blooded in the ferocious "dirty war" of 1976-81 in which 25-30,000 Argentine civilians were murdered. -
Nicaragua= a Blueprint for Democracy
558 , . ,. .. .. .. _..I..i.:... I., I I .. 1." . January 20, 1987 ... .. ~ .. -... NICARAGUA= A BLUEPRINT FOR DEMOCRACY INTRODUCTION The democratic aspirations of Nicaraguans have been suppressed by dictatorships of both left and right for most of their nation's history. Yet the chances for democracy's emergence in Nicaragua seem better now than ever before. Just this week, the United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO) and the Southern Opposition Bloc (BOS) issued a manifesto, which is a democratic alternative to the Sandinista political program. When the Marxist Sandinista regime is finally overthrown by these nationalist democratic forces, Nicaraguans will need the support and cooperation of the Western democracies in developing a truly pluralist system of government and rebuilding their nation's..economy. With the tide in Latin America now running strongly in favor of democracy, Nicaragua could follow the example of' Argentina, Ecuador, Uruguay, and other nations that have experienced a transition from military dictatorship to democratic rule. To do so, however, Nicaragua will need a blueprint for building democracy, once the current Marxist-Leninist Sandinista-regime collapses. Such a plan for pluralism should include: o Drafting a timetable for truly free and fair national elections, beginning with the election of a constituent assembly and ending with concurrent elections for a president, a legislative assembly, and mayoralties/municipal councils; o Assuring Nicaragua's Indian, Creole, and other minorities that they will be free to follow their unique cultural and religious practices in perpetuity; o Revitalizing the Nicaraguan economy through sweeping structural economic reforms: legal guarantee of private property rights; streamlining the government bureaucracy: and privatization of state-owned holdings. -
The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government
The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government A thesis presented to the faculty of the Center for International Studies of Ohio University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Kevin Santos Flores June 2010 © 2010 Kevin Santos Flores. All Rights Reserved. 2 This thesis titled The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government by KEVIN SANTOS FLORES has been approved for the Center for International Studies by Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science Jose' A. Delgado Director, Latin American Studies Daniel Weiner Executive Director, Center for International Studies 3 ABSTRACT SANTOS FLORES, KEVIN A., M.A., June 2010, Latin American Studies The Reason the Reagan Administration Overthrew the Sandinista Government (86 pp.) Director of Thesis: Patricia Weitsman The purpose of my study is to understand why the United States intervened in Nicaragua in the early 1980s to overthrow the Sandinista government. I will be looking at declassified documents, radio transcripts, campaign papers, and presidential speeches to determine why officials in the Reagan administration believed that American involvement in Central America was crucial to U.S. national security. This thesis argues that the Reagan administration’s decision to overthrow the Sandinista government was shaped by the preconceived notion of Ronald Reagan, the administration’s inability to distinguish from perception and reality of the events occurring in Nicaragua, and to undermine the Nicaraguan revolution as a model for other guerrilla organizations in Central America that could have potentially challenged American hegemony in the region. Approved: _____________________________________________________________ Patricia Weitsman Professor of Political Science 4 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS First and foremost I would like to thank God for everything. -
Formas Y Prácticas De La Guerra De Nicaragua En El Siglo XX
NÚMERO 28 GILLES BATAILLON Formas y prácticas de la guerra de Nicaragua en el siglo XX ABRIL 2004 www.cide.edu Las colecciones de Documentos de Trabajo del CIDE representan un medio para difundir los avances de la labor de investigación, y para permitir que los autores reciban comentarios antes de su publicación definitiva. Se agradecerá que los comentarios se hagan llegar directamente al (los) autor(es). • D.R. ® 2004. Centro de Investigación y Docencia Económicas, carretera México-Toluca 3655 (km. 16.5), Lomas de Santa Fe, 01210, México, D.F. Tel. 5727•9800 exts. 2202, 2203, 2417 Fax: 5727•9885 y 5292•1304. Correo electrónico: [email protected] www.cide.edu Producción a cargo del (los) autor(es), por lo que tanto el contenido así como el estilo y la redacción son su responsabilidad. Resumen Nicaragua, a lo largo de su historia, ha presenciado diferentes momentos de conflictos armados. En este documento de trabajo se describen dos de ellos, los que transcurren entre 1978 y 1987. El primero, que va de 1978 a 1979, culmina con la derrota de Somoza. El segundo, que se ubica entre 1982 y 1987, cubre el enfrentamiento entre el nuevo Estado dominado por los sandinistas y una nebulosa de opositores. El autor argumenta que estas dos guerras constituyen los últimos momentos de las prácticas políticas arrastradas por los actores sociopolíticos nicaragüenses desde la época de independencia. Las prácticas y formas de estas dos guerras sólo pueden entenderse prestando atención a las particularidades políticas y sociológicas de Nicaragua, tales como la existencia de facciones, la yuxtaposición de cuerpos heterogéneos detrás de sus élites respectivas, un Estado incipiente cuya ausencia es palpable en algunas partes de su territorio y una falta de autorregulación social que conduce a la instauración de la barbarie y la violencia. -
Six Members of Seven-Man Directorate for New Contra Movement Organization Elected Deborah Tyroler
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 5-15-1987 Six Members Of Seven-man Directorate For New Contra Movement Organization Elected Deborah Tyroler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Tyroler, Deborah. "Six Members Of Seven-man Directorate For New Contra Movement Organization Elected." (1987). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/648 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 076679 ISSN: 1089-1560 Six Members Of Seven-man Directorate For New Contra Movement Organization Elected by Deborah Tyroler Category/Department: General Published: Friday, May 15, 1987 In Miami, Florida, on May 14, leaders of a newly organized contra movement told reporters they planned to intensify their struggle against the Nicaraguan government, especially on the political front. Alfredo Cesar, member of the directorate of the new group said, "We want to use military action for political solutions, not as an end in itself." Cesar represents the Southern Opposition Bloc (BOS), a small Costa Rica-based left-of-center group. Cesar expressed support of the peace plan sponsored by Costa Rican President Oscar Arias, as did three other members of the new directorate. BOS plans to offer modifications to the Arias plan at the Central American summit meeting scheduled for June in Esquipulas, Guatemala. The modifications include: amnesty for combatants, lifting the state of siege in Nicaragua, resupply of the combatants in Nicaragua and evacuation of the wounded. -
Revolutionary Nicaragua: the Evolution of Governmental Institutions
Thomas Walker, ed., Revolution and Counterrevolution in Nicaragua (Westview 1991), Chapter 2, 15-47 The Evolution of Governmental Institutions By Andrew Reding Following two years of popular insurrection, the revolutionary triumph of July 19, 1979, was absolute. Dictator Anastasio Somoza Debayle fled first to Miami and then to Paraguay, where he was later assassinated by Argentine extremists. His praetorian National Guard disintegrated. While officers were rescued by a U.S. government DC-8 disguised with Red Cross markings, soldiers fled for the borders.1 Thousands were captured and imprisoned by a population outraged by the slaughter of tens of thousands of their fellow citizens. Many of the government institutions that did not collapse outright were so thoroughly discredited by their collaboration with the dictatorship that they were abolished after the triumph. Such was the case with local government, the courts, and the congress, all of which had been little more than sinecures for the dictator’s family, friends, and supporters.2 So strong was the popular revulsion that even the buildings in which these institutions had been housed—most notably the National Palace— had to be converted to other uses. Only the portions of the legal codes that did not conflict with the new revolutionary decrees were allowed to stand, pending preparation of new laws. Most government institutions had to be created anew, beginning with those essential to restoring order: a provisional executive authority, a new army and police force, and new courts. These initially constituted the aptly named Government of National Reconstruction. By spring 1980 the revolutionary government was able to install a rudimentary legislative body, the Council of State, which by the following year had begun the complex task of translating the revolution’s commitment to political pluralism into a Law of Political Parties. -
Contra Leaders Attempt Trip to Managua: Summary of Events & Statements Deborah Tyroler
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 11-25-1987 Contra Leaders Attempt Trip To Managua: Summary Of Events & Statements Deborah Tyroler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Tyroler, Deborah. "Contra Leaders Attempt Trip To Managua: Summary Of Events & Statements." (1987). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/1118 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 075727 ISSN: 1089-1560 Contra Leaders Attempt Trip To Managua: Summary Of Events & Statements by Deborah Tyroler Category/Department: General Published: Wednesday, November 25, 1987 On Nov. 23, the Miami office of the contra umbrella organization, the Nicaraguan Resistance, announced that two members of its directorate Alfonso Robelo and Maria Azucena Ferrey were planning to travel to Managua on the following day to deliver their first official reply to a cease-fire plan proposed by President Daniel Ortega. Contra spokespersons said Robelo and Ferrey would present a "document" to Cardinal Miguel Obando y Bravo in Managua at 12:30 p.m. Tuesday. At a news conference in Managua on Monday, President Ortega reiterated his government's policy on contra leaders who wish to enter Nicaragua. He said Robelo and Ferrey, and any other contra leaders, would have to first accept the government's amnesty decree before they would be permitted to visit Managua. -
Einar Berntzen the Aim of This Article Is to Analyse the Relationship
Iberoamericana. Nordic Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies Vol. XLII: 1-2 2012, pp. 159-182 RELIGION AND POLITICS IN NICARAGUA: WHAT DIFFERENCE DOES A REVOLUTION MAKE? Einar Berntzen I. INTRODUCTION The aim of this article is to analyse the relationship between religion and politics in Nicaragua with a special emphasis on the power relations between the Catholic Church and the State. In spite of the fact that the Republic of Nicaragua constitutionally has been, and according to the 1987 Constitution still is, a secular state since the Liberal José Santos Zelaya came to power in 1893, Church and State have used one another in their respective struggles for power. In Nicaragua, the Church-State relationship has broken down twice in the last quarter of the twentieth century: in the 1970s under Anastasio Somoza Debayle, and in the 1980s under the Sandinistas. In the late 1970s, the Catholic hierarchy gradually distanced itself from the State to become an open advocate of change. However, although it realized the need for social reform, revolution could well undermine the Church’s powerbase and position in society, and constitute a challenge to the role of the institutional hierarchy in both the spiritual and temporal spheres. Hence, the Church sought to introduce itself as a mediator, bringing the various opposing factions together for dialogue. When dialogue was no longer possible due to Somoza’s intransigence, the Catholic Church endorsed armed revolution. During the first year of the revolution (1979-80) there was practically no opposition. However, the resignation of Alfonso Robelo and Violeta Chamorro from the ruling Junta in April 1980, amid growing bourgeois disenchantment with the Sandinista National Liberation Front (Frente Sandinista de Liberación Nacional, FSLN) set the stage for a new phase in Church-State relations. -
The Nicaraguan Peace Process
Special Report The Nicaraguan No. 126 Peace Process: A Documentary Record April 1985 United States Department of State Bureau of Public Affairs Washington, D.C. CONTENTS 2 lntrodnction 8 Initial Regional Support 8 President Duarte of El 2 The Contadora Framework Salvador, April 4, 1985 2 Contadora Document of Objec- 8 President Betancur of Colom- tives, September 9. 1983 bia, April 5 and 7, 1985 3 Nicaraguan Calls for Dialogue 8 President Suazo of Honduras. April 8, 1985 3 Pastoral Letter on Reconcilia- tion From the Nicaraguan 9 President de la Madrid of Bishops, April 22, 1984 Mexico, April 8, 1985 4 Statement of the Coordinadora 9 President Barletta of Panama, Democratica Nicaraguense, April 10, 1985 February 22, 1985 9 President Lusinchi of 5 Document on National Dialogue Venezuela, April 10, 1985 of the Nicaraguan Resistance, 9 President Febres Cordero of March l, 1985 Ecuador, April 10, 1985 6 Communique of the Nicaraguan 9 President Monge of Costa Rica, Episcopal Conference, April 10, 1985 March 22, 1985 9 President Alfonsin of Argen- tina, April 11, 1985 7 President Reagan's Proposal 7 Remarks by President Reagan, 9 Chronology April 4, 1985 10 Additional References Introduction The self-determination of peoples; operations and pursuing policies of Non-intervention; destabilization against others; The Contadora process had as one of its The sovereign equality of States; The need for concerted political ~{ agreed objectives "to promote national The peaceful settlement of disputes; forts 'in order to encourage dialogue and reconciliation efforts wherever deep divi Refraining from the threat or use of understanding in Central America, sions have taken place within society, force; avert the danger of a general spreading with a view to fostering participation in Respect of the territorial integrity of of the conflicts, and set in motion the democratic political processes." States; machinery needed to ensure the peaceful Nicaragua is one of the signatories. -
Enrique Bermãºdez Varela Papers
http://oac.cdlib.org/findaid/ark:/13030/kt2b69r8hx No online items Register of the Enrique Bermúdez Varela papers, 1980-1990 Finding aid prepared Daniel Case Hoover Institution Archives 434 Galvez Mall Stanford University Stanford, CA, 94305-6010 (650) 723-3563 [email protected] © 2011, 2015 Register of the Enrique Bermúdez 2011C43 1 Varela papers, 1980-1990 Title: Enrique Bermúdez Varela papers Date (inclusive): 1977-1990 Collection Number: 2011C43 Contributing Institution: Hoover Institution Archives Language of the Material: In Spanish and English Physical Description: 4 manuscript boxes, 1 oversize box(2.0 linear feet) Abstract: Reports, memoranda, clippings, and other printed matter relating to political conditions and civil war in Nicaragua. Physical Location: Hoover Institution Archives Creator: Bermúdez Varela, Enrique, 1932-1991 Access Collection is open for research. The Hoover Institution Archives only allows access to copies of audiovisual items. To listen to sound recordings or to view videos or films during your visit, please contact the Archives at least two working days before your arrival. We will then advise you of the accessibility of the material you wish to see or hear. Please note that not all audiovisual material is immediately accessible. Publication Rights For copyright status, please contact the Hoover Institution Archives. Preferred Citation [Identification of item], Enrique Bermúdez Varela papers, [Box number], Hoover Institution Archives. Acquisition Information Acquired by the Hoover Institution Archives in 2011. Accruals Materials may have been added to the collection since this finding aid was prepared. To determine if this has occurred, find the collection in Stanford University's online catalog at http://searchworks.stanford.edu/ . -
Cooperation Among the Nicaraguan Sandinista Factions1
Cooperation Among the Nicaraguan Sandinista Factions1 Martha L. Cottam, Bruno Baltodano, and Martín Meráz García This article reports on the findings of archival and field research in Nicaragua and includes interviews with 33 top-, mid-, and low-level rebel fighters who participated in the Nica- raguan Revolution. Several theories in political psychology are used to explore coalition formation and cooperation among Sandinista factions. The article also examines the lack of cooperation among the Contra fighters during the same time period. Several hypotheses are presented identifying sources of the Sandinista division into three factions and later unification into a single revolutionary force. Finally, the article offers our perspective on the factors that hindered cooperation among Contra factions and ultimately allowed the Sandinistas to emerge victorious in the revolution. Este trabajo difunde los hallazgos de investigaciones de archivo y de campo en Nicaragua e incluye entrevistas con 33 guerrilleros de nivel alto, medio y bajo que participaron en la Revolución Nicaragüense. Se usan varias teorías de la psicología política para explorar la formación de coaliciones y la cooperación entre las facciones sandinistas. El artículo también examina la falta de cooperación entre las facciones de los Contras durante el mismo periodo. Basado en entrevistas y observaciones en el campo, se ofrecen algunas hipótesis y variables analíticas que afectaron la división y la reunificación de las varias facciones sandinistas. Por último, el artículo ofrece nuestra perspectiva de los factores que dificultaron la cooperación entre los Contras y que finalmente permitieron a los sandini- stas salir victoriosos en la revolución. Key words: insurgency, Nicaraguan Revolution, FSLN, Contras, coalition formation, cooperation Introduction n July 1979, after more than two decades of armed struggle, the Frente Sand- I inista de Liberación Nacional (FSLN) overthrew Anastasio Somoza’s regime in Nicaragua. -
Calero Resigns from Uno Leadership; Notes on Reactions by Moderate Contra Leaders, Nicaraguan Government Deborah Tyroler
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 2-18-1987 Calero Resigns From Uno Leadership; Notes On Reactions By Moderate Contra Leaders, Nicaraguan Government Deborah Tyroler Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Tyroler, Deborah. "Calero Resigns From Uno Leadership; Notes On Reactions By Moderate Contra Leaders, Nicaraguan Government." (1987). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/442 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 077079 ISSN: 1089-1560 Calero Resigns From Uno Leadership; Notes On Reactions By Moderate Contra Leaders, Nicaraguan Government by Deborah Tyroler Category/Department: General Published: Wednesday, February 18, 1987 In recent months evidence of power struggles within the Nicaraguan contra movement has been accumulating. Arturo Cruz, considered a "moderate" leader of the United Nicaraguan Opposition (UNO), had publicly aired his intent to resign, creating consternation in the US State Department. State officials are painfully aware that renewed congressional aid to the contras would be a lost cause if the moderates abandon the movement. Then, on Feb. 16, FDN chief Adolfo Calero announced he was formally resigning from the UNO leadership. [The Nicaraguan Democratic Front is the largest contra army, based in Honduras.] Highlights of statements surrounding Calero's resignation follow. Feb. 13: Alfonso Robelo, one of the three UNO chieftains and considered a key moderate leader in the contra movement, told the NEW YORK TIMES in a phone interview from Costa Rica that he could no longer share power with Adolfo Calero.