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New york spring 2016

ENCOUNTER BOOK S new york · spring 2016 Contents

New Releases · 4

Frontlist Titles · 24

Backlist Titles · 36

Indexes · 70

Distribution · 72 Dear Reader,

Welcome to the latest cornucopia from Encounter Books! While every season has its stand-out titles, we are particularly excited by our offer- ings this time around. The pages that follow have complete details on all our new books. Let me take just a moment to mention a few that you will not want to miss:

 The Closing of the Liberal Mind: How Groupthink and Intolerance Define the Left, by the Heritage Foundation's Kim Holmes. At a moment when college campuses across the country have succumbed to the virus of political correctness, Holmes provides a searing analysis of the illiberal smugness and infantilization that have crippled so many American institutions.

 Who Needs the Fed? What Taylor Swift, Uber, and Robots Tell Us about Money, Credit and Why We Should Abolish America’s Central Bank by John Tamny. For years, observers across the country have anxiously watched the Federal Reserve wondering what the central bank would do about interest rates. But why should we the people surrender the wisdom of the free market to the manipulations of an unaccountable government bureaucracy? This spritely and pro-market book makes an impassioned case for entrepreneurial spirit and individual liberty.

 In The War on Cops: How the New Attack on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe, Heather Mac Donald brings no-nonsense analysis to the racially charged debate over crime and the breakdown of civility that has disfigured life in America over the past several years. Recalling the success that Rudy Guiliani had in bringing New York back from the brink of anarchy, she calls for a return to the policies of proactive policing and community awareness that brought homicide rates, drug use, and welfare abuse to their lowest levels in decades.

 In Democracy in America, Alexis de Tocquiville lamented the unfortunate plight of the American Indian. That was in the 1830s. Today, American Indians, are captive of a reservation system that perpetuates their second-class citizen- ship. In The New Trail of Tears: How Washington Is Destroying American Indians, Naomi Schafer Riley shows how government policy toward the American Indian has not only condemned an entire population to being wards of the state, but also to what extent government treatment of the Indians forms a microcosm of everything that has gone wrong with modern liberalism.

Encounter is fast approaching its 20th anniversary of publishing serious books for serious readers. We are extremely grateful to our readers for helping to make Encounter an indispensable voice for democratic capitalism, free markets, and ordered liberty. Excelsior!

Roger Kimball Publisher Ryszard Legutko The Demon in Democracy Totalitarian Temptations in Free Societies

yszard Legutko lived and suffered under commu- R nism for decades – and he fought alongside the Polish anti-communist movement to abolish it. But, having lived for two decades under a liberal democracy, he has discovered that these two political systems have a lot more in common than one might think. They both stem from the same historical roots in early modernity, and accept similar presuppositions about history, society, religion, politics, culture and human nature. In The Demon in Democracy, Legutko explores the shared objectives between these two political systems, and explains how liberal democracy has over time lurched towards the same goals, albeit without the Soviet style’s brutal measures. Both systems, says Legutko, reduce human nature to that of the common man who is led to believe himself liber- ated from the obligations of the past. Both the communist man and the liberal democratic man refuse to admit that there exists anything of value outside the political systems to which they pledged their loyalty. And both systems refuse to undertake any critical examination of their ideological prejudices.

Ryszard Legutko is a professor of philosophy at Jagello- nian University in Krakow, Poland. He is currently a Member of the European Parliament

4 New Hardcover March 2016 Political Science encounter books 1-59403-863-5 2016 978-1-59403-863-1 6 × 9˝ / 296 pages cloth / $25.99 Excerpt t the beginning of the nineties I discovered something that was not particu- A larly difficult to discover at the time; namely, that the nascent liberal democracy significantly narrows the area of what is permissible. Incredible as it may seem, the final year of the decline of communism had more of the spirit of freedom than the period after the establishment of the new order which immediately put a stop to what many had felt strongly at that time and what despite its elusiveness is known to everybody who had an experience of freedom – a sense of having many doors open and many pos- sibilities to pursue. Soon this sense evaporated, subdued by the new rhetoric of necessity that the liberal democratic system brought with itself. It did not take me long to make another discovery, and more depressing one, namely that this unifying tendency was not limited to the post-communist world, and did not result from its peculiarities. The adverse effects one could see throughout the western civilization. My subsequent experience of working in the European Parliament only endorsed my diagnosis. While there, I saw up close what – from the distance – escapes the attention of many observers. If the European Parliament is supposed to be the emanation of the spirit of today’s liberal democracy, then this spirit is certainly neither good nor beauti- ful: it has many features – both bad and ugly – some of which, unfortunately, it shares with the spirit of communism. Even a preliminary contact with the EU institutions allows one to feel a stifling atmosphere typical of a political monopoly, to see the destruction of language turning into a new form of newspeak, to observe the creation of a surreality, mostly ideological, that obfuscates the real world, to be a witness of an uncompromising hostility against all dissidents, and to perceive many other things only too familiar to anyone who remembers the world governed by the Communist Party. Interestingly this association with communism can be quite often heard in private conversations conducted in the EP corridors even among the loyal EU devotees. While annoyed with this system, they still do not challenge its fundamental rightness, prob- ably hanging to the belief that its disagreeable qualities are superficial and will hope- fully disappear with time. And they do not ask themselves, at least not openly, whether by any chance what annoys them is not the core of the system and consequently whether all these bad things half-jokingly referred to as Soviet-like will not intensify rather than disappear. Similar thoughts are being disqualified by a seemingly irrefutable argument. How can one possibly compare the two systems, one of which was criminal, while the other, in spite of all the objections, gives people a lot of freedom and institutional protection? Surely, the difference between the people’s republic and the democratic republic of today is so vast that only an insane person would deny it.

5 David Horowitz Progressive Racism

ow did the civil rights movement transform from a H cause opposing racism into a movement endorsing racial preferences and privileges for select groups based on their skin color? David Horowitz was a participant in the civil rights movement of the 1960s and 1970s and a witness to the events and betrayals that turned a noble movement on its head. In Progressive Racism, Horowitz tells the story of how racial extortionists on the Left hijacked the civil rights movement and gave it a mob mentality in which white Americans are regarded as guilty before the fact and Afri- can Americans are regarded as innocent even when facts prove them guilty, even when their crimes are committed against other African Americans. Progressive Racism examines how the term “racism” itself has been robbed of its meaning and turned into a political weapon to bludgeon opponents into silence. It exposes how the so-called civil rights movement became an oppressor of African Americans by bolstering disastrous social policies that have destroyed the black family, blighted the lives of millions of African American children, and created a permanent black “underclass” dependent on government aid. Above all, it is an indictment of the hypoc- risy that today governs the public discourse on race, so that an angry mob in Ferguson Missouri seeking to execute a police officer because he was white can be described as a legitimate civil rights protest and be supported by the president of the United States.

David Horowitz is president of the David Horowitz Free- dom Center and founder of the online news magazine Front- PageMag.com.

6 New Hardcover March 2016 Politics / Social Science encounter books 1-59403-859-7 2016 978-1-59403-859-4 6 × 9˝ / 320 pages cloth / $25.99 The Black Book David Horowitz of the American Left An Anatomy of Leftist Illusions, 1974–2012 avid Horowitz spent the firstpart of his life in the THE COLLECTED CONSERVATIVE WRITINGS OF D world of the Communist-progressive left, a politics he inherited from his mother and father, and later in the DAVID HOROWITZ New Left as one of its founders. When the wreckage he and his comrades had created became clear to him in the mid- 1970s, he left. Three decades of second thoughts then made him this movement’s principal intellectual antagonist. “For better or worse,” as Horowitz writes in the preface, “I have been condemned to spend the rest of my days attempting to understand how the left pursues the agendas from which I have separated myself, and why.” When Horowitz began his odyssey, the left had already escaped the political ghetto to which his parents’ generation and his own had been confined. Today, it has become THE BLACK BOOK the dominant force in America’s academic and media cul- OF THE tures, electing a president and achieving a position from which it can shape America’s future. How it achieved its AMERICAN LEFT present success and what that success portends are the AN ANATOMY OF LEFTIST ILLUSIONS, 1974-2012 overarching subjects of Horowitz’s conservative writings. Through the unflinching focus of one singularly engaged witness, the identity of a destructive movement that con- stantly morphs itself in order to conceal its identity and mission becomes disturbingly clear. Horowitz reflects on the years he spent at war with his own country, collaborating with and confronting radical figures like Huey Newton, Tom Hayden and Billy Ayers, as he made his transition from what the writer Paul Berman described as the American left’s “most important theorist” to its most determined enemy.

David Horowitz is president of the David Horowitz Free- dom Center and founder of the online news magazine Front- PageMag.com.

March 2016 New Trade Paperback 7 Memoir / Political Science 1-59403-869-4 encounter books 978-1-59403-869-3 2016 6 × 9˝ / 416 pages Trade Paperback / $17.99 Kim R. Holmes The Closing of the Liberal Mind How Groupthink and Intolerance Define the Left

here once free expression and diversity of opin- Wion were sacrosanct to the left, today’s liberals employ speech codes, trigger warnings, boycotts, and shaming rituals to stifle freedom of thought, expression, and action. How did this happen? How did American liberalism become an intolerant, rigidly dogmatic ideology opposed to free thinking? In The Closing of the Liberal Mind, Kim Holmes offers a sweeping and original survey of American liberalism, ranging from the Enlightenment to contemporary politics, that explains why mainstream liberals has forsaken its Ameri- can roots for the authoritarian prejudices of the radical and largely European Left. Indeed, it is no longer appropriate to call it liberalism at all, argues Holmes, but illiberalism – a set of ideas in government, and the culture that demand strict political and social obedience, and which, under the guise of “inclusive- ness,” is working to eliminate the “wrong” ideas and the “wrong” people from the political process entirely.

Kim R. Holmes is a Distinguished Fellow and former Vice President of The Heritage Foundation and a former U.S. Assis- tant Secretary of State.

8 New Hardcover april 2016 Political Science / Liberalism encounter books 1-59403-851-1 2016 978-1-59403-851-8 6 × 9˝ / 312 pages cloth / $25.99 Excerpt he American university classroom, in the words of former Yale Law TSchool dean Anthony Kronman, has become “intellectually and spiritually fro- zen.” It is place where the slightest misspoken word can result in administrative pro- ceedings lodged against professors for alleged bias. When it is not students harassing professors, it is professors indoctrinating students. Responding to a 2004 survey for the American Council of Trustees and Alumni and the Connecticut Center for Survey Research & Analysis, almost half of the college students said their professors fre- quently injected political comments into their coursework “even if they have nothing to do with the subject”; and almost a third felt they “had to agree with the professor’s political views to get a good grade.” Little has changed for the better since that report was published. A 2015 report of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education (FIRE) finds policies severely restrict students’ right to free speech at over half of the 437 universities it surveyed. Among academics, the pressure to conform is insidious. Psychologists Yoel Inbar and Joris Lammers of Tilburg University in the Netherlands surveyed a representative sample of academics and scholars in social psychology (over 80 percent of whom were in the U.S.). Among their findings published in the peer-reviewed journal Perspectives on Psychological Science in 2012: “In decisions ranging from paper reviews to hiring, many social and personality psychologists said they would discriminate against openly conservative colleagues.” The cause of such close-mindedness is no great secret. It is a pervasive leftwing bias that has been amply documented. Crowdpac, a non-partisan firm that analyzes political data going back to 1980, produced a report in 2014 showing that academia is one of the most “liberal” of all America’s professions, Ivy League professors gave most of the more than $2 million they donated in the 2014 election cycle to liberal candi- dates, committees, and causes. There are of course many universities and colleges in America where this leftist bias is less pronounced, especially in the South and Midwest. But the overall trend is unmistakable, particularly in the more elite and influential schools. The American academy leans far to the left. The strategy of choice for shutting down freedom of thought on campus is the public shaming ritual. By this I mean using some socially acceptable practice to shun the ideas of people with whom one disagrees. In addition to shouting down a speaker and disinviting others after a few students protest, it can be using “diversity” policies to stifle free speech and punish students and professors who do not toe the line. It can be employing indoctrination methods, under the guise of sensitivity training, to force students and employees to comply with restrictions on the content of speech. It can be ostracizing colleagues who disagree. This is more than mere bias. It is the active use of one’s position of power and/or protected socio-cultural status to stifle ideas that 9 vary with the perceived dominant views of the prevailing culture. F. H. Buckley The Way Back Restoring the Promise of America in an Age of Diminishing Expectations

othing is more central to the idea of America N than that this is a country where everyone can rise to the top with ambition and hard work. That is the promise of America, but now the promise has been broken. We’ve become an aristocratic country, where rich parents raise rich kids and poor parents raise poor kids. We’ve been told that the changes are structural, that there’s nothing we can do about this. But that doesn’t explain why other First World countries are beating us hands down on the issue of mobility. What’s different about America is the structure of our political parties. The Democratic Party is an alliance of the poorest of Americans, those who have little chance to rise, and a New Class of the comfortably rich professionals, media leaders and academics who shape the contours of American politics and circumscribe our policies. It’s an alliance of both ends against the middle that recalls the Red Tories of parliamentary countries. Aristocracy, not mobility, is the natural default position of a society, but what is natural is seldom benign and never necessary. America can restore the middle and become less aristocratic by emulating countries that are more truly mobile. The Way Back shows us how.

F. H. Buckley is a Foundation Professor at George Mason School of Law. He lives in Alexandria, VA with his wife Esther.

10 New Hardcover April 2016 Political Science / Economics encounter books 1-59403-857-0 2016 978-1-59403-857-0 6 × 9˝ / 352 pages cloth / $27.99 Excerpt t was establishment Republicans who came up with the “right-wing I Marxist” label, after its members had deposed House Speaker John Boehner. Labels stick when they have the ring of truth, and so it is with the right-wing Marxist. He is right-wing because he is deeply troubled by our economic stagnation and seeks to return to Ragged Dick’s America of income mobility. He has seen how a broken education and immigration system, the decline of the rule of law, and the rise of a super- charged regulatory state, serve as barriers to the Ragged Dicks who wish to climb the economic ladder. And he is a Marxist to the extent that, like the authors of The Com- munist Manifesto, he sees current American politics as the politics of class struggles, with an insurgent middle class that seeks to surmount all the barriers to mobility erected by an aristocratic New Class. In his passion, he is also a revolutionary. He has little time for a Republican elite which smirks at his rambunctious heroes, the Donald Trumps and Ben Carsons who communicate through their brashness, their rudeness, their belief that we are in crisis. To his more polite critics, the right-wing Marxist says: We are not so nice as you! Once the country of promise, America lags behind many of its First World rivals on measures of economic mobility and has spawned an aristocracy. On measures of freedom provided by conservative and libertarian think tanks, the United States has fallen like a rock (down to twelfth for the Heritage Foundation, sixteenth for the Cato Insti- tute). Voters across the spectrum demand radical change, and yet the Republican elite, bien-rangé, self-satisfied, seems content with minimal goals at a time of maximal crisis. The right-wing Marxist might hope for less conservative heart, more conservative spleen. The right-wing Marxist has observed that establishment Republicans who decry crony capitalism are themselves funded by the Chamber of Commerce and surrounded by lobbyists. He has heard them explain why government subsidies are needed for their friends, and remains unconvinced He does not believe that the enor- mous federal bailouts of the 2008-12 TARP program and the Federal Reserve’s zero- interest and Quantitative Easing policies were justified. Rather, they simply doubled the size of public debt over an eight-year period, and by taking all the oxygen out of the economy produced a jobless Wall Street recovery. Mostly, he thinks that establishment Republicans are comfortable losers, better able to come up with excuses for their failures than with winning a point. They blame the separation of powers, the uninformed voter, even conservatives in Congress, never themselves. The right-wing Marxist has a vision of the good society that is not so different from that of the old-fashioned liberal of fifty years ago. For both, the goal is a society of opportunity, where all may rise, where we’re judged by the content of our character, where class distinctions were something we left behind in the countries we came from. Unlike the liberal, however, the right-wing Marxist believes that the best way to 11 get there is through free markets, open competition, the removal of wasteful government barriers. The right-wing Marxist pursues socialist ends through capitalist means. Peter J. Wallison Hidden in Plain Sight What Really Caused the World’s Worst Financial Crisis – and Why It Could Happen Again

he 2008 financial crisis – like the Great Depres- Tsion – was a world-historical event. What caused it will be debated for years, if not generations. The conventional narrative is that the financial crisis was caused by Wall WHAT REALLY CAUSED THE WORLD’S Street greed and insufficient regulation of the financial system. That narrative produced the Dodd-Frank Act, the most comprehensive financial-system regulation since the New Deal. There is evidence, however, that the Dodd-Frank WORST FINANCIAL CRISIS Act has slowed the recovery from the recession. If insufficient regulation caused the financial crisis, then the Dodd- Frank Act will never be modified or repealed; proponents will argue that doing so will cause another crisis. AND WHY IT COULD HAPPEN AGAIN A competing narrative about what caused the financial crisis has received little attention. This view, which is accepted by almost all Republicans in Congress and most conservatives, contends that the crisis was caused by gov- PETER J. WALLISON ernment housing policies. This book extensively docu- ments this view. For example, it shows that in June 2008, before the crisis, 58 percent of all US mortgages were sub- prime or other low-quality mortgages. Of these, 76 percent were on the books of government agencies such as Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac. When these mortgages defaulted in 2007 and 2008, they drove down housing prices and weak- ened banks and other mortgage holders, causing the crisis. With Hidden in Plain Sight, no one can claim that the financial crisis was caused by insufficient regulation, or defend Dodd-Frank, without coming to terms with the data this book contains.

Peter J. Wallison holds the Arthur F. Burns Chair in Financial Policy Studies and is co-director of AEI’s program on Financial Policy Studies.

12 New Trade Paperback may 2016 Business & Economics encounter books 1-59403-865-1 2016 978-1-59403-865-5 6 × 9˝ / 432 pages Trade Paperback / $17.99 Culture of Death Wesley J. Smith The Age of “Do Harm” Medicine

hen his teenaged son Christopher, brain- W damaged in an auto accident, developed a 106- degree fever following weeks of unconsciousness, John Campbell asked the attending physician for help. The doctor refused. Why bother? The boy’s life was effectively over. Campbell refused to accept this verdict. He demanded treatment and threatened legal action. The doctor finally relented. With treatment, Christopher’s temperature sub- sided almost immediately. Soon afterwards he regained consciousness and today he is learning to walk again. This story is one of many Wesley J. Smith recounts in his classic critiques of the modern bioethics movement, Cul- ture of Death. In this newly updated edition, Smith chronicles how the threats to the equality of human life have accelerated in recent years, from the proliferation of euthanasia and the Brittany Maynard assisted suicide firestorm, to health care rationing posed by Obamacare and the explosive Planned Parenthood controversy. Culture of Death reveals how more and more doctors have withdrawn from the Hippocratic Oath and how “bio- ethicists” influence policy by posing questions such as whether organs may be harvested from the terminally ill and disabled. This is a passionate, yet coolly reasoned book about the current crisis in medical ethics by an author who has made “the new thanatology” his consuming interest.

Wesley J. Smith is a senior fellow at the Discovery Insti- tute’s Center on Human Exceptionalism. He lives in California.

may 2016 New Trade Paperback 13 Medical Ethics 1-59403-855-4 encounter books 978-1-59403-855-6 2016 6 × 9˝ / 480 pages Trade Paperback / $18.99 John Tamny Who Needs the Fed? What Taylor Swift, Uber, and Robots Tell Us about Money, Credit and Why We Should Abolish America’s Central Bank

oday, the Federal Reserve is among the most Tdisliked entities in the United States, having joined the IRS as the object of heaving electoral hatred. Americans despise the Fed, but if they are honest they are also a bit confused about why they so loathe our central bank or about what the Fed actually does – and, if they are really honest, how banking and credit work in the first place. The truth is, credit is not a difficult concept to understand if explained clearly and simply. And understanding credit is key to understanding the economy and why the Fed and its most famous function – setting the interest rate – is so totally backwards. With the help of Taylor Swift, Uber, Donald Trump, Michigan coach Jim Harbaugh, and robots, Who Needs the Fed? explains credit, how it works, and how our misunder- standing of credit and money has given the Fed power that it can’t possibly use wisely. Who Needs the Fed? is an everyman’s case against the Fed that will leave readers enlightened, entertained and, above all, prepared to explain why the Fed is happily incon- sequential on its best days, while perilous on its worst.

John Tamny is Political Economy editor at Forbes, a senior economic adviser to Toreador Research & Trading, and editor of RealClearMarkets.com. He lives in Washington, DC.

14 New Hardcover May 2016 Economics encounter books 1-59403-831-7 2016 978-1-59403-831-0 6 × 9˝ / 256 pages cloth / $25.99 Excerpt n July 15, 2015, pop singer Taylor Swift performed for two straight nights at ONationals Park in Washington, D.C. Globally popular thanks to catchy songs that sometimes describe past romantic relationships with the famous, Swift is one of the most important acts in music. To properly understand the power that Swift wields, it’s useful to first travel back a little less than a month before her arrival in D.C. It was then that Apple, the creator of the iPod, iPhone, and iPad, and the most valuable company by market capitalization in the world, announced its new Apple Music Streaming service. Amid its rollout, and with the idea of luring customers away from popular com- petitors such as Pandora and Spotify, Apple offered a free, three-month trial. Enter Taylor Swift. Understandably offended that Apple would presume to build a new business on the backs of the musicians who had created the music it was streaming, Swift struck back on Tumblr. “Apple Music will not be paying writers, producers, or artists for those three months,” she wrote. “I find it to be shocking, disappointing, and com- pletely unlike this historically progressive and generous company.” She added: “We don’t ask you for free iPhones. Please don’t ask us to provide you with our music for no compensation.” Swift backed up her words with a threat to withhold streaming rights to 1989, her mega-selling album released ahead of her 2015 tour. Ever fearful of the bad PR that would blemish their new business line, Apple caved. Within hours the technology giant announced a reversal of its initial offer of free music to its early adapters. Apple promised to pay the artists for music streamed dur- ing the trial period. So newsworthy was Swift’s response to the technology colossus that even the Wall Street Journal’s editorial page, the holy grail of public policy opinion, saw fit to com- ment with unrestrained awe. The page’s editors marveled at how Swift taught them “a good lesson about intellectual property rights – and the danger of taking on a woman who knows what she’s worth.” Swift also provided the world with a great lesson about credit. Economists fre- quently act as though cheap credit can be decreed through an announcement from the Fed of a “low” interest rate. Swift’s pointedly open letter to Apple was a reminder that when it comes to credit there’s always and everywhere a buyer and a seller. Apple learned in embarrassing fashion that which doesn’t seem to concern central bankers who are apparently less sensitive to ridicule. It’s one thing to declare the sup- ply of a market good inexpensive from the commanding heights of government, but it’s the height of folly to assume those in possession of the market good will give it to buyers for nothing. Going back to Swift’s threat to withhold songs from 1989, eager buyers of Apple Music were going to experience 1989 “scarcity” absent Apple’s reversal. 15 Roger L. Simon I Know Best How Moral Narcissism Is Undermining Our Republic

e all know what narcissism is: the egotistical W Narcissus unable to tear himself away from his reflection. But what is moral narcissism? The short form is this: What you believe, or claim to believe or say you believe – not what you do or how you act or what the results of your actions may be – defines you as a person and makes you “good.” In twenty-first century America, you are whatever you say you are, whatever you proclaim your values to be, their consequences be damned. Like the 1960s song by The Animals, it’s all okay “if your intentions are good.” No one will even notice if the inner cities go up in flames or global warming turns into an Ice Age. Better than that, your status will rise as you continue to parrot the received wisdom. In I Know Best, Roger L. Simon chronicles the major issues of our day – climate, gun control, terrorism, education, income inequality, immigration, race (especially), women’s rights, gay rights, political correctness, microag- ressions and trigger warnings, media and entertainment bias – to reveal the profound influence of moral narcissism on our republic, almost always for the worse. I Know Best shows how narcissism has become the prime hidden motor for our republic’s demise because it makes people blind to reality and renders democracy moot. Unchecked, moral narcissism is the royal road to a modern and distinctly American brand of fascism.

Roger L. Simon is an Academy Award nominated screen- writer and CEO of the pioneering blog aggregation and news and opinion website PJ Media. He lives in Los Angeles, California.

16 New Hardcover June 2016 Politics / Cultural Criticism encounter books 1-59403-805-8 2016 978-1-59403-805-1 6 × 9˝ / 296 pages cloth / $25.99 A Republic No More Jay Cost Big Government and the Rise of American Political Corruption

fter the Constitutional Convention, Benjamin A Franklin was asked, “Well, Doctor, what have we got – a Republic or a Monarchy?” Franklin’s response: “A Repub- lic – if you can keep it.” This book argues: we couldn’t keep it. A true republic privileges the common interest above the special interests. To do this, our Constitution established an elaborate system of checks and balances that sep- arates power among the branches of government, and places them in conflict with one another. The Framers believed that this would keep grasping, covetous factions from acquiring enough power to dominate government. Instead, only the people would rule. Proper institutional design is essential to this system. Each branch must manage responsibly the powers it is granted, as well as rebuke the other branches when they go astray. This is where subsequent generations have run into trouble: we have overloaded our government with more power than it can handle. The Constitution’s checks and balances have broken down because the institutions created in 1787 cannot exercise responsibly the powers of our sprawling, immense twenty-first century government. The result is the triumph of special interests over the common interest. James Madison called this factionalism. We know it as political corruption. Corruption today is so widespread that our government is not so much a republic, but rather a special interest democracy. Everybody may participate, yes, but the contours of public policy depend not so much on the common good, but rather the push-and-pull of the various interest groups encamped in Washington, DC.

Jay Cost is a senior writer for The Weekly Standard. He resides in Pennsylvania with his wife and two children.

july 2016 New Trade Paperback 17 History / Political Science 1-59403-967-8 encounter books 978-1-59403-967-6 2016 6 × 9˝ / 408 pages Trade Paperback / $17.99 Heather Mac Donald The War on Cops How the New Attack on Law and Order Makes Everyone Less Safe

ince the summer of 2014, America has been con- S vulsed with a protest movement known as Black Lives Matter. That movement holds that police officers are among the greatest threats – if not the greatest threat – facing young black males today. Policing and the rest of the criminal justice system – from prosecutors to drug laws – single out minority communities for gratuitous and heavy-handed enforcement, the charge goes, resulting in an epidemic of “mass incarceration” that falls most heavily on blacks. The War on Cops challenges that narrative. Through vivid, street-level reporting, Heather Mac Donald gives voice to the many residents of high-crime neighborhoods, rarely heard in the media, who support proactive policing and want more of it. Mac Donald tackles contested tactics, from stop and frisk to “broken windows,” along with the argument that racist drug statutes and enforcement lie behind the black incarceration rate, to explain why proactive policing is the greatest public policy success story of the last quarter century, resulting in a record-breaking national crime drop that no criminologist or even police chief foresaw. That crime drop is now at risk, however, thanks to the nonstop agitation against the police led by the Black Lives Matter movement. The War on Cops is a call for a more honest and informed debate about policing, crime, and race, before the public safety gains of the last twenty years are lost.

Heather Mac Donald is the Thomas W. Smith Fellow at the Manhattan Institute and a contributing editor of City Journal.

18 New Hardcover july 2016 Politics / Criminal Justice encounter books 1-59403-875-9 2016 978-1-59403-875-4 6 × 9˝ / 184 pages cloth / $23.99 Excerpt ueling the rise in crime in places like Baltimore and Milwaukee is a multi- Fpronged attack on law enforcement. Since late summer 2014, a protest movement known as Black Lives Matter has convulsed the nation. Triggered by a series of highly publicized deaths of black males at the hands of the police, the Black Lives Matter movement holds that police officers are the greatest threat facing young black men today. That belief has triggered riots, “die-ins,” and the assassination of police officers. The movement’s targets include Broken Windows policing and the practice of stop- ping and questioning suspicious individuals, both of which are said to harass blacks. At the same time, a longstanding academic discourse about “mass incarceration” went mainstream. The nation’s prison rate was allegedly the product of discrimination; drug laws were reputedly a means of reenslaving blacks. President Obama repeatedly charged that the criminal justice system treated blacks and whites differently. In New York City, a trilogy of lawsuits challenged as racist the NYPD’s stop, question, and frisk tactics; a federal judge ruled in favor of the plaintiffs by ignoring the incidence of crime in minority neighborhoods. A previously obscure politician, Bill de Blasio, ascended to City Hall two decades after Mayor Giuliani by campaigning against the NYPD and pledging to drop the city’s appeal of the stop, question, and frisk decision. As 2015 progressed, few law enforcement practices escaped attack for allegedly imposing unjust burdens on blacks. But it was the virulent anti-cop rhetoric that was most consequential. Officers working in inner-city areas routinely found themselves surrounded by hostile, jeering crowds when they tried to make an arrest or conduct an investigation. Cops feared becoming the latest YouTube pariah when a viral cell phone video showed them using force against a suspect who had been resisting arrest. In response, the police began to disengage from proactive policing. Rather than getting out of their squad cars to question an individual who appeared to be hiding a gun, officers increasingly just drove on by, waiting for the next robbery or shooting to come over the police radio. Criminal summons and misdemeanor arrests for public- order offenses plummeted. If the Black Lives Matter movement were correct, this fall-off in discretionary policing should have been a boon to black lives. Instead, a bloodbath ensued, whose victims were virtually all black. When the cops back off, blacks pay the greatest price. That truth would have come as no surprise to the legions of inner-city residents who fervently support the police and whose voices are almost never heard in the media.

19 Naomi Schaefer Riley The New Trail of Tears How Washington Is Destroying American Indians

f you want to know why American Indians have the I highest rates of poverty of any racial group, why suicide is the leading cause of death among Indian men, why native women are two and a half times more likely to be raped than the national average, and why gang violence affects American Indian youth more than any other group, do not look to history. There is no doubt that white settlers devas- tated Indian communities in the 19th and early 20th centuries. But it is our policies today – denying Indians ownership of their land, refusing them access to the free market and failing to provide the police and legal protections due to them as American citizens – that have turned reservations into small third-world countries in the middle of the rich- est and freest nation on earth. The tragedy of our Indian policies demands reexamina- tion immediately – not only because they make the lives of millions of American citizens harder and more dangerous – but also because they represent a microcosm of everything that has gone wrong with modern liberalism. They are the result of decades of politicians and bureaucrats showering a victimized people with money and cultural sensitivity instead of what they truly need – the education, the legal protections, and the autonomy to improve their own situation. If we are really ready to have a conversation about American Indians, it is time to stop bickering about the names of football teams and institute real reforms that will bring to an end this ongoing national shame.

Naomi Schaefer Riley is a weekly columnist for the New York Post and a former Wall Street Journal editor and writer whose work focuses on higher education, religion, philanthropy and culture. She lives in the suburbs of New York with her husband, Jason, and their three children.

20 New Hardcover July 2016 Political Science / Social Science encounter books 1-59403-853-8 2016 978-1-59403-853-2 6 × 9˝ / 184 pages cloth / $23.99 Excerpt ost Americans know nothing about what life is like for the 3 million Indians M today, particularly the 1 million living on reservations. If you ask people what ails American Indians, they will be quick to tell you about what white people did to them 100, 200, or 400 years ago. Americans who read a newspaper might come across articles every once in a while about the high suicide or poverty rates on reservations. They might see stories about rape or child abuse or alcoholism. And sometimes they might take note of a casino being built on Indian land. But these stories are typically so depressing that most of us would rather turn our heads and turn the page. According to statistics compiled from various federal agencies, American Indians have the highest rate of poverty of any racial group in the nation – almost twice the national average. Suicide was the leading cause of death for Native American males aged 10–14. One-fifth of 15–24-year-old Native Americans killed themselves in 2006. Alcohol-use disorders were more likely among American Indian youths than other racial groups The Native American youth population is more affected by gang involve- ment than any other racial population. Native American women report being raped two and half times more than the national average. Native American children experience abuse at twice the per capita rate for the rest of the country. A study from the National Indian Justice Center estimates that one out of every four girls and one out of every six boys is molested in Indian country before the age of 18. What’s more, each of these problems is statistically worse when the results are restricted to Native Ameri- cans who are living on reservations. It’s no wonder we’d rather not think about this population. We are the wealthiest nation on earth but we have what amounts to a third world country residing in the middle of the country. Critics like to say it is easy for the wealthy to ignore the problems of our inner cities because we can simply avoid these neighborhoods. But it’s much easier to ignore the problems of Indian reservations in South Dakota and Montana because our country’s elites do not even ride a train or drive a car past these areas. By the time American students get to college and take courses in ethnic studies departments, they will be persuaded that what ails American Indians is their history. Their decades – centuries – of victimization at the hands of white people are only being compounded by our perpetual insensitivity. And if only we could somehow return Indians to their state of nature, “pre-Contact,” professors tell students, Indians would be saved. Barring that, though, there is little we can do. There are two reactions that result from this kind of education. First is the belief that we should give American Indians as much money as possible from the federal coffers. It’s only fair that we make good on our promises to provide for them. And really, we should be doing more than that. We should be offering some kind of reparations for the harm we have inflicted. The second thing we should do is make sure that they do not have to continue to 21 suffer the indignities of having their culture mocked or degraded. So we should seek out any form of the old way of thinking about Indians and eradicate it. Abby W. Schachter No Child Left Alone Getting the Government Out of Parenting

hildren are taken from their parents because C they are obese. Parents are arrested for letting their kids play outside alone. Sledding and swaddling is banned. From games to school, breastfeeding to daycare, the over- bearing bureaucratic state keeps getting between kids and their parents. The state intervening in decisions that used to be up to parents is commonplace today. Whether to allow children to go un-chaperoned to the local pizza shop, what drinks or food can get sent to school, whether to breast or bottle feed babies were all choices that used to be left to you and me. Not anymore. Now the state’s safety, hygiene and health regulations rule, and its judgment might not coincide with yours. No Child Left Alone will explore the growing problem of an intrusive and interfering state breathing down the necks of average parents just trying to do the best they can for themselves and their families. As a mom to four kids, I have come to know the intru- sions of the nanny state first hand. I should be used to it, but I’m not. Instead, all the government-mandated parenting gets under my skin. And I’m not alone. No Child Left Alone will highlight the problem while shining a light on those parents fighting to take back control over their families.

Abby W. Schachter is a Pittsburgh-based writer. She is a columnist for the Pittsburgh Tribune Review and is a contributor to Acculturated.

22 New Hardcover august 2016 Family / Politics encounter books 1-59403-861-9 2016 978-1-59403-861-7 6 × 9˝ / 280 pages cloth / $25.99 Excerpt he winter of 2014 saw the expansion of the latest front in the war on fun Twhen it was reported that the list of public hills where sledding was prohibited had grown. Yes, sledding. Dubuque, Iowa; Hamilton, Ontario, Canada; Montville, New Jersey; Lincoln, Nebraska, and Columbia City, Indiana have all banned tobogganing. And Paxton, Illinois went one step beyond when it actually removed the sledding hill – which was a mound of dirt people had taken to sledding on in winter. Now it’s a dog park, which is nice for the pets, but less fun for the human children. In some of these cases, the actions were prophylactic and in other instances elected officials were reacting to lawsuits that had already cost thousands of dollars to settle. Litigation and safety aren’t the only reasons for burdensome rules against recreational activities. For summer-non-fun, day camps in New York State have been urged stop games like Red Rover, Whiffle Ball, kickball and freeze tag because these may pose a “significant risk of injury” argues the state’s Health Department. A closer look at the rules shows that what the state was interested in promoting wasn’t safety but rather more revenue and more control. As reported by the Daily news, “The law sought to close a loophole that legislators said allowed too many indoor camp programs to operate without oversight.” Instead, the new rules mandate that “ any program that offers two or more organized recreational activities – with at least one of them on the risky list – is deemed a summer camp and subject to state regulation” which includes a fee of $200 to register as a summer camp and requires that the organization provide medical staff. The fact that these costs might be so burdensome to small programs doesn’t seem to have concerned the regulators. Better no day camp than unsafe play, it seems. On the whole, sadly, public play spaces have become less fun over time. Structures have been designed for safety rather than fun and to ensure fewer accidents, many playgrounds are “surfaced” with rubber or wood chips instead of concrete. The hazard of scraping a knee on pavement has been removed but with the pavement has gone the notion that children can actually learn to avoid falling on a hard surface and another danger has arisen. Some municipalities and schools have had to erect tarps and string up awnings because the rubber tiles get so hot in the sun that burning the bottoms of barefoot kids has become the new playground danger. “Safety, as it turns out, is only half an idea. The right question is what we are giving up to achieve safety. A playground may be designed to be accident-free, but so boring that children don’t use it,” Philip K. Howard cogently explains. “Conversely, a playground may serve its purpose perfectly, but there will be a certainty that every once in a while, a child will be hurt. Safety and risk always involve trade-offs – of resources, of efficiency, and especially in the case of children, of learning to manage risk.” 23 Todd Huizinga The New Totalitarian Temptation Global Governance and the Crisis of Democracy in Europe hat explains the unprecedented results of W the May 2014 European elections? Why are long- established political parties in steep decline throughout Europe while protest parties ranging all the way from the far-right to the mainstream to the far-left are on the rise? Do the European elections portend real change in Europe, or will the political elites succeed in further pursuing their agenda of creating a unified Europe without accountability to voters? The New Totalitarian Temptation: Global Governance and the Crisis of Democracy in Europe is a must-read for those who wish to understand the EU at its core. This is the first book to fully expose the EU’s commitment to the utopian ideology of global governance, and its ambition to achieve an unprecedented “world peace” by establishing a new, ill- defined global order that would be essentially unaccountable to nation-states and their citizens. The New Totalitarian Temptation explains how the EU has become inherently anti-democratic and unimpeded by electorates who do not sign on to their utopian vision. It shows how the EU seeks to transform not just the world order, but also remake the very lives of its citizens by promoting policies that deny tradition, local communities, and the basic constancy of human nature. Most dangerous of all, by seeking a global order in which the sovereign powers of all nation-states, including the United States, are severely curtailed, the EU is putting the world’s most important alliance – that of America and Europe – at risk.

Todd Huizinga is Director of International Outreach for the Acton Institute for the Study of Religion and Liberty in Grand Rapids, MI. He is currently also a research fellow of Calvin College’s Paul B. Henry Institute for the Study of Chris- tianity and Politics.

24 New Hardcover February 2016 Current Affairs & Politics encounter books 1-59403-789-2 2016 978-1-59403-789-4 6 × 9˝ / 208 Pages Cloth / $23.99 Liberty’s Nemesis Dean Reuter The Unchecked Expansion of the State and John Yoo

f there has been a unifying theme of Barack Obama’s I presidency, it is the inexorable growth of the administrative state. Its expansion has followed a pattern: First, expand federal powers beyond their constitutional limits. Second, delegate those powers to agencies and away from elected politicians in Congress. Third, insulate civil servants from politics and accountability. Since its introduction in American life by Woodrow Wilson in the 20th Century, the administrative state’s has steadily undermined democratic self-government, reduced the sphere of individual liberty, and burdened the free market and economic growth. In Liberty’s Nemesis, Dean Reuter and John Yoo collect the brightest political minds in the country to expose this explosive, unchecked growth of power in government agencies ranging from health care to climate change, financial markets to immigration, and more. Many Americans have rightly shared the Founders’ fear of excessive lawmak- ing, but Liberty’s Nemesis is the first book to explain why the concentration of power in administrative agencies in particular is the greatest – and most overlooked – threat to our liberties today. If we fail to curb it, our constitutional republic might eas- ily devolve into something akin to the statist governments of Europe. President Obama’s ongoing efforts to encourage just such a devolution, and the problems his administration faces as a consequence, present a critical opportunity to defend the original vision of the Constitution.

Dean Reuter is a senior staff member of the Federalist Society, the premier conservative and libertarian legal group in the country.

John Yoo is a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, a scholar at the American Enterprise Institute, and a former Bush Justice Department official.

February 2016 New Hardcover 25 Current Affairs & Politics 1-59403-837-6 encounter books 978-1-59403-837-2 2016 6 × 9˝ / 296 Pages Cloth / $25.99 Douglas E. Schoen The Nixon Effect How Richard Nixon’s Presidency Fundamentally Changed American Politics

he Nixon Effect examines the 37th president’s Tpolitical legacy and makes clear, for the first time, the breadth and duration of Richard Nixon’s influence on American political life. In this surprising book, longtime Democratic campaign pollster Douglas E. Schoen argues that in many ways Nixon is the key political figure in postwar American politics. Nixon’s legacy includes a generational shift in the ideological orientations of both the Republicans and Democrats that pushed both parties to their ideological poles. This, taken with Nixon’s scorched-earth political warfare and eventually his Watergate scandal, explains Schoen, cata- lyzed the evolution of politics as war, where adversaries and ideological opponents are seen as unpatriotic or even evil. The Nixon Effectalso examines the pioneering tactics – from the identification of the Silent Majority to the Southern Strategy, from “triangulating” between both parties and claiming the political center to launching the culture war with attacks on “elites” in media, academia, and the courts – that continue to define political strategy to this day. While other books have argued for Nixon’s importance, The Nixon Effect is the first to take into account the full range of this complicated man’s influence. Without dis- counting Nixon’s misdeeds, Schoen treats his presidency and its importance with the seriousness – and evenhand- edness – that the subject deserves.

Douglas E. Schoen has been one of the most influential Democratic campaign consultants for over thirty years. Schoen is a regular contributor to the Wall Street Journal, the Washington Post and Fox News. He lives in New York City.

26 New Hardcover february 2016 History / Political Science encounter books 1-59403-799-X 2016 978-1-59403-799-3 6 × 9" / 296 pages Cloth / $25.99 The Rise and Fall of Violent Barry Latzer Crime in Postwar America

tarting in the late 1960s, the United States suffered S the biggest rise in violent crime in its history. Aside from the movement for black civil rights, it is difficult to think of a phenomenon that had a more profound effect on American life in the last third of the 20th century. Fear of murder, rape, robbery and assault influenced decisions on where to live and where to school one’s children, how to commute to work and where to spend one’s leisure time. In some locales, people dreaded leaving their homes at any time, day or night, and many Americans spent part of each day literally looking over their shoulders. The Rise and Fall of Violent Crime in Postwar America is a landmark synthesis of criminology and social history that fully explains how and why violent crime exploded across the United States in the late 60s – and what ultimately drove it down decades later. It is the first book of its kind to analyze criminal violence in the U.S. from World War II to the 21st century. It examines crime in the context of all of the major social trends since the World War, including the postwar economic boom and suburbanization, the baby boom and the turmoil of the 60s, the urbanization of minorities, the advent of crack cocaine, the hardening of the criminal justice system and current efforts to contract it. Latzer’s sweeping, definitive study at last brings coher- ence to the bewildering array of explanations for the night- marish reality that many Americans lived with for decades.

Barry Latzer is Professor of Criminal Justice and a member of the Doctoral Faculty in Criminal Justice at the CUNY Graduate School and University Center and the Masters in Criminal Justice Faculty at John Jay. He lives in New Jersey.

January 2016 New Hardcover 27 Social Science 1-59403-835-x encounter books 978-1-59403-835-8 2016 6 × 9˝ / 296 Pages Cloth / $25.99 Jason L. Riley Please Stop Helping Us How Liberals Make It Harder for Blacks to Succeed

hy is it that so many efforts by liberals to lift the Wblack underclass not only fail, but often harm the intended beneficiaries? In Please Stop Helping Us, Jason L. Riley examines how well-intentioned welfare programs are in fact holding black Americans back. Minimum-wage laws may lift earnings for people who are already employed, but they price a dispro- portionate number of blacks out of the labor force. Affir- mative action in higher education is intended to address past discrimination, but the result is fewer black college graduates than would otherwise exist. And so it goes with everything from soft-on-crime laws, which make black neighborhoods more dangerous, to policies that limit school choice out of a mistaken belief that charter schools and voucher programs harm the traditional public schools that most low-income students attend. In theory these efforts are intended to help the poor – and poor minorities in particular. In practice they become massive barriers to moving forward. Please Stop Helping Us lays bare these counterproduc- tive results. People of goodwill want to see more black socioeconomic advancement, but in too many instances the current methods and approaches aren’t working. Acknowledging this is an important first step.

Jason L. Riley is a senior fellow at the Manhattan Insti- tute, a columnist for the Wall Street Journal, and a commen- tator for Fox News. He lives in suburban New York City with his wife and three children.

28 New Trade Paperback january 2016 Current Affairs & Politics encounter books 1-59403-841-4 2016 978-1-59403-841-9 6 × 9˝ / 184 Pages Trade Paperback / $15.99 David’s Sling Victoria C. A History of Democracy in Ten Works of Art Gardener Coates

hroughout western history, the societies that Thave made the greatest contributions to the spread of freedom have created iconic works of art to celebrate their achievements. Yet despite the enduring appeal of works from the Parthenon to Michelangelo’s David to Picasso’s Guernica, histories of both art and democracy have ignored this phenomenon. Millions have admired the works of art covered in this book but relatively few know why they were commissioned, what was happening in the culture that produced them, and what they were meant to achieve. Even scholars who have worked on these objects for decades often miss the big picture as these works have been traditionally studied in isolation. In David’s Sling, Victoria Coates integrates the pursuits of creative excellence and human freedom to bring a fresh, new perspective into both lines of inquiry. David’s Sling places into context ten canonical works of art executed to commemorate the successes of free societies that exerted political and economic influence far beyond what might have been expected of them. The book fuses political and art history with a judiciously applied dose of creative reconstruction to craft a lively narrative around each key work of art and the free system that inspired it. David’s Sling tells their stories.

Victoria C. Gardner Coates is a cultural historian who received her Ph.D. from The University of Pennsylvania specializing in Italian renaissance studies. She is also a senior fellow at the Commonwealth Foundation, an adjunct fellow at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies and a consult- ing curator at the Cleveland Museum of Art. Dr. Coates lives in Philadelphia with her husband, two children and two dogs.

January 2016 New Hardcover 29 Art History / Political Science 1-59403-721-3 encounter books 978-1-59403-721-4 2016 7.5 × 10" / 368 pages Cloth / $27.99 Sally Pipes The Way out of Obamacare

resident Barack Obama has declared that his Psignature health reform law – the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act – is “here to stay.” But his days in the White House are numbered, and the law has failed: insurance premiums and deductibles have skyrocketed, patients are losing access to doctors, and economic growth has been crushed. In this Broadside, Sally C. Pipes provides an actionable blueprint for health care reform this campaign season, which the next president can implement on Day One. This book provides a replacement plan for Obamacare – one that will provide affordable, accessible, quality health care for all Americans.

Sally C. Pipes is president and chief executive officer of the Pacific Research Institute, a San Francisco–based think tank, and the Thomas W. Smith Fellow in Health Care Policy at PRI. She lives in California.

30 New Broadside December 2015 Healthcare encounter books 1594038295 2016 9781594038297 4 ¾ x 7” / 56 pages Trade Paperback / $5.99 Making David into Goliath Joshua Muravchik How the World Turned Against Israel

uring the Six Day War of 1967, polls showed that DAmericans favored the Israelis over the Arabs by over- whelming margins. In Europe, support for Israel ran even higher. In the United Nations Security Council, a British resolution essentially gave Israel the terms of peace it sought and when the Arabs and their Soviet supporters tried to override the resolution in the General Assembly, they fell short of the necessary votes. Fast forward 40 years and Israel has become perhaps the most reviled country in the world. Although Americans have remained constant in their sympathy for the Jewish state, almost all of the rest of the world treats Israel as a pariah. What caused this remarkable turnabout? Making David into Goliath traces the process by which material pressures and intellectual fashions reshaped world opinion of Israel. Initially, terrorism, oil blackmail, and the sheer size of Arab and Muslim populations gave the world powerful induce- ments to back the Arab cause. Then, a prevalent new para- digm of leftist orthodoxy, in which class struggle was supplanted by the noble struggles of people of color, created a lexicon of rationales for taking sides against Israel. Thus, nations can behave cravenly while striking a high- minded pose in aligning themselves on the Middle East conflict.

Joshua Muravchik, a Fellow at the Johns Hopkins Univer- sity School of Advanced International Studies. He lives in Washington, D.C.

December 2015 New Trade Paperback 31 History 1-59403-845-7 encounter books 978-1-59403-845-7 2016 6 × 9˝ / 296 Pages Trade Paperback / $16.99 Douglas E. Schoen Return to Winter and Melik Kaylan Russia, China, and the New Cold War Against America

he United States is a nation in crisis. While Wash- Tington has been rendered nearly impotent by ongoing partisan warfare, we face an array of national-security threats. Among these, none is more formidable than the unprecedented partnership developing between Russia and China, two former foes drawn increasingly close together because of a confluence of geostrategic, political, and economic interests – all of which have a common theme of diminishing, subverting, or displacing American power. While America’s influence around the world recedes, Russia and China have seen their influence increase. From their support for rogue regimes such as those in Iran, North Korea, and Syria to their military and nuclear buildups to their aggressive use of cyber warfare and intelligence theft, Moscow and Beijing are playing the game for keeps. Mean- while America, pledged to “leading from behind,” no longer does much leading at all. In Return to Winter, Douglas E. Schoen and Melik Kaylan systematically chronicle the growing threat from the Russian-Chinese Axis, and they argue that only a rebirth of American global leadership can coun- ter the corrosive impact of this antidemocratic alliance.

Douglas E. Schoen has been one of the most influential Democratic campaign consultants for more than 30 years. He is a regular contributor to the Wall Street Journal, the Wash- ington Post, and Fox News. He is based in New York City.

Melik Kaylan has written about international politics and culture for the Wall Street Journal, Newsweek, and Forbes for more than two decades.

32 New Trade Paperback december 2015 POLITICAL SCIENCE / International Relations encounter books 1-59403-843-0 2016 978-1-59403-843-3 6 × 9˝ / 484 PAGES TRADE PAPERBACK / $17.99 Common Sense Nation Robert Curry foreword by Unlocking the Forgotten Power Victor Davis Hanson of the American Idea

“We hold these Truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with cer- tain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”

his sentence is perfectly familiar. We know it as a Tcore principle of our founding. But few, if any of us consider why Jefferson wrote it in exactly this way. Why “unalienable rights” and not simply rights? Why “self- evident” truths and not simply truths? Why does the Decla- ration make these distinctions? Do they really matter? If these questions are challenging or Jefferson’s words seem esoteric, it is because we no longer conduct our politics in the language of the Founders and we are no longer able to think as they once thought. In Congress and the media, political arguments are advanced by a torrent of policy studies and “expert” opinions – not on the basis of self-evident truths, unalienable rights, and definitely not in the language of the Founders. Common Sense Nation is a potent re-introduction to the political ideas of the Founders – in their own words and on their terms. It is dedicated to the proposition that the only way to fully unlock the profound and distinctive power of American self-government is to understand it as its inven- tors did. Common Sense Nation reclaims the language of liberty from entities that prefer to interpret our freedoms for us. For in knowing the Founders as they knew themselves, readers will learn the surprising depths of their own political powers as American citizens.

Robert Curry serves on the Board of Directors of the Cla- remont Institute. His reviews and articles have appeared in the Claremont Review of Books, The Federalist, The Ameri- can Thinker, and elsewhere.

november 2015 New Hardcover 33 History & political science 1-59403-825-2 encounter books 978-1-59403-825-9 2016 6 × 9˝ / 152 Pages Cloth / $23.99 Kevin D. Williamson The Case Against Trump

onald Trump, who rocketed to the top of the polls D in the early GOP primary race, is an unlikely Republi- can front-runner: a longtime supporter of Democratic politicians with a history of taking views opposed to those of mainstream conservatives. A household name for his reality-television show and his tawdry tabloid history, he has connected with an underappreciated strain of right- wing populists by focusing his fire on a single issue: immigration. In this Broadside, Kevin D. Williamson takes a hard look at the Trump phenomenon and the failures of the national Republican leadership – and defects in our national character – that gave it life. Trump may or may not be in the race for the long haul, but in either case, Trumpism will remain a force.

Kevin D. Williamson writes for National Review, and his work has appeared in publications including Politico and the New York Post. He was the 2015 Pulliam fellow at Hillsdale College in Michigan, and he is the author of The End Is Near and It’s Going To Be Awesome, The Politically Incorrect Guide to Socialism, and the Encounter Broadsides The Dependency Agenda and What Doomed Detroit.

34 New Broadside November 2015 Politics and Current Events encounter books 1-59403-877-5 2016 978-1-59403-877-8 4 ¾ × 7" / 48 pages Trade Paperback / $5.99 Lawless David E. Bernstein foreword by The Obama Administration’s Unprecedented Assault Senator Ted Cruz on the Constitution and the Rule of Law

resident Barack Obama has presided over one Pconstitutional debacle after another, with his administration brazenly ignoring the rule of law whenever Congress fails to rubberstamp his initiatives. When confronted with this legacy of law-breaking, Obama can only muster a taunt, “so sue me!” It wasn’t supposed to be this way. Obama ran for president in 2008 as a candidate whose administration would prioritize respect for the Constitution and the rule of law after years of perceived neglect. In Lawless, David E. Bernstein traces how and why Can- didate Obama’s promises fell to the wayside in a presiden- tial administration marked by serial betrayals of the Constitution. Bernstein examines the full litany of Obama’s illicit activities, including illegally bombing Libya, legaliz- ing millions of illegal immigrants after Congress rejected legislation designed to do so, ignoring, amending, and delay- ing provisions of Obamacare to suit his political conve- nience, and otherwise making a mockery of the president’s constitutional duty to faithfully execute the nation’s laws. From illegal bailouts for auto worker unions to national- izing elementary education without congressional vote, from harassment of political opponents to clampdowns on religious freedom, the Obama Administration has set dangerous precedents more appropriate for a banana republic than the United States of America. Even as the U.S. swings into the next election season, Bernstein warns that Con- gress, the courts, and the next president must decisively reject Obama’s lawlessness, or our constitutional system will suffer permanent damage.

David E. Bernstein is the George Mason University Foun- dation Professor at the George Mason University School of Law in Arlington, Virginia.

november 2015 New Hardcover 35 Current Affairs & Politics 1-59403-833-3 encounter books 978-1-59403-833-4 2016 6 × 9˝ / 184 Pages Cloth / $23.99 Social Justice Children of Isn’t What You An Inquiry into the Sons Monsters and Daughters of Dictators Think It Is An Inquiry into the Sons Rescuing a Forgotten and Daughters of Dictators Virtue Jay Nordlinger Barry Latzer CHILDREN September 2015 October 2015 History & biography Social Science of MONSTERS 1-59403-815-5 1-59403-835-x 978-1-59403-815-0 978-1-59403-835-8 6 × 9˝ / 336 Pages 6 × 9˝ / 296 Pages Cloth / $25.99 JAY NORDLINGER Cloth / $25.99

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Rape of the Masters ROTM_SC_0725 The Rape of August 20, 2014 9:24 AM the Masters

Vile France THE RAPE ART/CRiTiCism & TheoR y Us $17.95 / CAN $22.95 How Political Correctness Fear,Colleges Duplicity, and universities used to teach art historyCowardice to encourage connoisseurship and acquaint students with the riches of our artistic heritage. But now, as Roger Kimball reveals in this witty and provocative book, the student is less likely to learn Sabotages Art about the aesthetics of masterworks than to be told, for instance, that Peter Paul andRubens’ Cheese great painting Drunken Silenus is an allegory about anal rape. Or that Cour- bet’s famous hunting pictures are psychodramas about “castration anxiety.” Or that Gauguin’s Manao tupapau is an example of the way repression is “written on the Roger Kimball bodies of women.” Or that Winslow Homer’s The Gulf Stream is “a visual encoding of the Denisof racism.” Boyles In The Rape of the Masters: How Political Correctness Sabotages Art, Kimball, a

noted art critic and essayist, shows how academic art history is increasingly held MASTERS Art Criticism Politicshostage to radical cultural / politics – feminism, cultural studies, postcolonial studies and other weapons in the armory of academic anti-humanism. To make his point, Kimball describes the way seven famous works of art – all beautifully reproduced September 2004 in this volume – have been reinterpreted by contemporary art historians to fit a rad- Internationalical ideological fantasy. He then performs a series of intellectual rescue operations, explaining how these great works should be understood through a series of illumi- nating readings in which art, not politics, guides the discussion. 1-59403-121-5 The Rape of the Masters exposes the charlatanry that stands behind much aca-

Relationsdemic art history and oozes into the art world generally. It also provides an engaging antidote to the tendentious, politically motivated assaults on our treasured KIMBALL 978-1-59403-121-2 sources of culture and civilization that are occurring not only in our universities THE RAPE Marchbut in our museums 2005 and art galleries as well. Roger Kimball is the editor and publisher of The New Criterion and president and of the 6 × 9" 186 pages publisher of Encounter Books. He is the author, most recently, of The Fortunes of Perma- 1-59403-052-9nence: Culture and Anarchy in an Age of Amnesia (St. Augustine). r t MASTERS Paper $17.95 978-1-59403-052-9 How Political Correctness Sabotages Art 1-893554-86-4 6 × 9"ENCOUNTER 168 BOOKS pages 900 Broadway, Suite 601 � New York, New York 10003 ROGER KIMBALL 978-1-893554-86-3 Clothwww.encounterbooks.com $23.95 Cloth $25.95

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Coloring the News Clarence Thomas How Political Correctness A Biography Has Corrupted American Andrew Peyton Thomas Journalism Political Biography William McGowan November 2002 Current 1-893554-59-7 Affairs / Media Studies 978-1-893554-59-7 May 2003 6 × 9" 672 pages 1-893554-60-0 Paper $19.95 978-1-893554-60-3 6 × 9" 262 pages Paper $16.95

My Love Affair with Tilting the America Playing Field The Cautionary Tale of a Schools, Sports, Sex and Cheerful Conservative Title IX Norman Podhoretz Jessica Gavora Memoir Education / Women’s December 2001 Studies 1-893554-41-4 November 2001 978-1-893554-41-2 1-893554-80-5 6 × 9" 256 pages 978-1-893554-80-1 Paper $16.95 6 × 9" 171 pages Paper $16.95

On Two Wings America’s Bishop Humble Faith and The Life and Times of Common Sense at the Fulton J. Sheen American Founding Thomas C. Reeves Michael Novak Biography / Religion History / Political May 2004 Science 1-893554-61-9 67 August 2003 978-1-893554-61-0 1-893554-68-6 6 × 9" 463 pages 978-1-893554-68-9 Paper $17.95 6 × 9" 218 pages paper $16.95 Fighting the Mafia The Long March and Renewing How the Cultural Sicilian Culture Revolution of the 1960s Leoluca Orlando Changed America Political Roger Kimball Biography / Cultural Current Affairs / Studies Literary Criticism November 2003 June 2001 1-893554-81-3 1-893554-30-9 978-1-893554-81-8 978-1-893554-30-6 6 × 9" 212 pages 6 × 9" 284 pages Paper $16.95 Paper $16.95

Negrophobia Commies A Race Riot in Atlanta, 1906 A Journey Through the Old Mark Bauerlein Left, the New Left and the History / Sociology Leftover Left June 2002 Ronald Radosh 1-893554-54-6 History / Memoir 978-1-893554-54-2 June 2002 6 × 9" 304 pages 1-893554-52-x Paper $16.95 978-1-893554-52-8 6 × 9" 205 pages Paper $16.95

Against All Hope Culture of Death A Memoir of Life in The Assault on Medical Castro’s Gulag Ethics in America Armando Valladares Wesley J. Smith Memoir Medical Ethics / April 2001 Public Policy 1-893554-19-8 June 2002 978-1-893554-19-1 1-893554-49-x 6 × 9" 423 pages 978-1-893554-49-8 Paper $16.95 6 × 9" 256 pages Paper $16.95

Who Killed Homer? The Demise of Classical Greek Ways Education and the How the Greeks Created Recovery of Greek Wisdom Western Civilization Victor Davis Hanson and Bruce Thornton John Heath History / Cultural History / Cultural Studies 68 Studies November 2002 April 2001 1-893554-57-0 1-893554-26-0 978-1-893554-57-3 978-1-893554-26-9 6 × 9" 198 pages 6 × 9" 323 pages Paper $16.95 Paper $17.95 Present Dangers The Dream and the Crisis and Opportunity in Nightmare American Foreign and The Sixties’ Legacy to the Defense Policy Underclass Edited by Robert Kagan Myron Magnet and William Kristol February 2000 Foreign History / Political Policy / Political Science Science April 2000 November 2000 1-893554-02-3 1-893554-16-3 978-1-893554-02-3 978-1-893554-16-0 6 × 9" 238 pages 6 × 9" 392 pages Paper $15.95 Paper $15.95 Creating Equal The World My Fight Against Race According to Gore Preferences Debra Saunders Ward Connerly Politics & Memoir International March 2000 Relations 1-893554-38-4 August 2000 978-1-59403-218-9 1-893554-14-7 6 × 9" 279 pages 978-1-893554-14-6 cloth $16.95 6 × 9" 224 pages Out of Print Paper $15.95

The Future Once Ex-Friends Happened Here Falling Out with Allen New York, D.C., L.A., and Ginsberg, Lionel and the Fate of America’s Diana Trilling, Lillian Big Cities Hellman, Hannah Arendt, Fred Siegel and Norman Mailer Current Affairs / Norman Podhoretz Political Science Autobiography February 2000 July 2000 1-893554-10-4 1-893554-17-1 978-1-893554-10-8 978-1-893554-17-7 6 × 9" 308 pages 6 × 9" 233 pages Paper $15.95 Paper $16.95 The Killing Hegemon of History China’s Plan to Dominate How Literary Critics and Asia and the World Social Theorists Are Steven W. Mosher Murdering Our Past Foreign Keith Windschuttle Policy / History History 69 april 2002 February 2000 1-893554-40-6 1-89355-12-0 978-1-893554-40-5 978-1-893554-12-2 6 × 9" 189 pages 6 × 9" 338 pages Paper $16.95 Paper $15.95 Author Index Title Index

Adams, Paul 36 Huizinga, Todd 24 Pribylovsky, Vladimir 56 11 Days of Christmas, The66 Agresto, John 59 Husock, Howard 41 Pryce-Jones, David 49, 57 A Rat is a Dog is a Pig is a Boy Anderson, Brian C. 37, 56 Ingraham, Laura 66 Radosh, Allis 61 45 Anderson, Ryan T. 43 Izumi, Lance T. 46 Radosh, Ronald 61, 68 Abuse of Discretion 41 Babbin, Jed 51 Johnson, Charles C. 41, 42 Radu, Michael 53 Admirable Evasions 37 Bachiochi, Erika (Ed) 62 Jones, Ishmael 52 Rafael, Tony 55 After the Fall 49 Bauerlein, Mark 68 Joscelyn, Thomas 52 Reeves, Thomas C. 67 Against All Hope 68 Beirne, Logan 38 Judge, Mark Gauvreau 64 Reuter, Dean 25, 48 Against the Obamanet 37 Bell, J. Bowyer 64 Kagan, Frederick W. 58 Revel, John-Francois 53, 63 America 3.0 42 Bell, Jeffrey 46 Kagan, Kimberly 55 Reynolds, Glenn 37, 43 America-Lite 40 Bennett, James C. 42 Kagan, Robert (Ed) 69 Rhoads, Steven E. 63 America’s Bishop 67 Berman, Ilan 36 Kaplan, Laurence 64 Riley, Jason 28 America’s Secular Challenge Bernstein, David E. 35 Kass, Leon R. 65 Riley, Naomi S. 20 57 Black, Conrad 39, 44 Kekes, John 56 Robbins, James S. 42, 44, 60 Anti-Americanism 63 Blankenhorn, David 55 Keylan, Melik 32 Robertson, Brian C. 63 Anti-Chomsky Reader, The62 Bolton, John 51 Kimball, Roger 44, 45, 61, 62, Rochester, J. Martin 65 Architects of Power 51 Bork, Robert 42 68 Rosenthal, John 42 Art of Politics, The56 Bowman, James 57, 59 Kirkpatrick, Melanie 39 Roy, Avik 40 Athwart History 45 Boyles, Denis 62 Klehr, Harvey 63 Royal, Robert 60 Bad Science and Bad Policy of Bridges, Linda (Ed) 45 Kling, Arnold 48 Rubin, Charles T. 39 Obama’s Global Warming Brog, David 51 Kopel, David B. 42 Rubin, Michael 38 Agenda, The53 Buckley, F. H. 10, 37 Korman, Richard D. 66 Salins, Peter D. 40 Becoming Europe 43 Buckley, James L. 38, 50 Kozodoy, Neal (Ed) 66 Saunders, Debra 69 Bee in the Mouth, A 60 Buckley, William F. 36, 45 Kramer, Hilton (Ed) 61 Schmitt, Gary J. (Ed) 55 Betrayal 57 Burnham, James 38 Krikorian, Mark 38, 52 Schoen, Douglas E. 26, 32 Bioevolution 63 Carroll, Vincent 67 Kristol, William 64, 69 Schoenfeld, Gabriel 63 Black April 41 Ciotti, Paul 65 Landers, Robert K. 63 Schulz, Nick 48 Black Book of the American Coates, Victoria 29 Last, Jonathan V. 39 Scruton, Roger 51, 59 Left, The7 Clark, A. C. 54 Latzer, Barry 27 Shiflett, David 67 Black Rednecks and White Lib- Clark, Ross 55 Lawler, Philip F. 51 Siegel, Fred 37, 61, 69 erals 61 Clyne, Meghan (Ed) 46 Ledeen, Michael A. 54 Silverglate, Harvey A. 48 Blood of Tyrants 38 Cohen, Eric 57 Levin, Yuval 46, 56 Simon, Roger L. 16, 50 Blowing Up Russia 59 Coleman, Kate 62 Lindberg, Tod 36 Simon, William E. 48 Breaking Free 64 Collier, Peter 45, 60, 62, 66 Litvinenko, Alexander 59 Smith, Helen 38 Brother Tariq 58 Congdon, Timothy 47 London, Herbert 57 Smith, Wesley J. 13, 45, 60, 62, Bulldozed 58 Connerly, Ward 56, 69 Lotus, Michael J. 42 68 By Design 64 Cost, Jay 17, 36 Lukianoff, Greg 39, 40 Sorman, Guy 52, 54 Camelot and the Cultural Rev- Curry, Robert 33 Magnet, Myron 69 Sowell, Thomas 59, 61 olution 41 Dalrymple, Theodore37 , 47, Main, Carla T. 58 Spencer, Robert 65 Case Against Trump, The 34 57, 58 Malloch, Theodore Roosevelt Spencer, Roy W. 44 53 Case For Polarized Politics, DiSalvo, Daniel 49 54 Stearns, Rob 63 The46 Eberly, Don 57 Masetti, Jorge 65 Stein, Harry 41, 50 Century of Palestinian Rejec- Epstein, Richard A. 47 McAllister, Ted V. 40 Stern, Sol 39, 48, 64, 68 tionism and Jew Hatred, A 48 Felshtinsky, Yuri 56, 59 McCarthy, Andrew C. 37, 39, Still, Thomas 61 Children of Monsters 36 Ferrara, Peter 47, 50 43, 46, 50, 53 Stove, David 48, 59 Christianity on Trial 67 Fonte, John 48 McCaughey, Betsy 51 Stove, Robert J. 64 Clarence Thomas67 Fontova, Humberto 41 McGowan, William 67 Stricherz, Mark 58 Class Warfare 65 Forsythe, Clark D. 41 McClay, Wilfred M. 40 Taheri, Amir 50 Climate Confusion 53 Fourest, Caroline 58 McKenzie, Richard B. (Ed) 53 Terzian, Philip 51 Closing of the Liberal Mind, Franklin, James 53 McMahon, E.J. 51 Thierer, Adam D. 56 The8 Fumento, Michael 63 Meilaender, Gilbert 54 Thomas, Andrew Peyton 62, Codename Kindred Spirit 64 Fund, John 45, 54, 56 Meir-Levi, David 58 67 Coloring the News 67 Furchtgott-Roth, Diana 37, 44 Meotti, Giulio 50 Thornton, Bruce S. 49, 58, 65, Commies 68 Gairdner, William 38 Meyer, Jared 37 68 Common Core: Yea & Nay 39 Garry, Patrick 52 Michel, Marshall L. 56 Thorsness, Leo 49 Common Sense Nation 33 Gavora, Jessica 67 Miller, John J. 61 Totten, Michael J. 43 Confronting Terror 48 Gelernter, David 40 Milton, Joyce 66 Trulock, Notra 64 Conservatism Redefined52 Gelinas, Nicole 49 Minogue, Kenneth 43 Trzupek, Rich 47, 49 Consumer’s Guide to A Brave George, Robert P. 43 Moore, Stephen 44, 54 Valladares, Armando 68 New World 62 Gilbert, Lela 43 Mosher, Steven W. 69 Veith, George J. 41 Corporation, The56 Gilder, George 44 Mukasey, Michael B. 52 Voegeli, William 44 Cost of Choice, The62 Girgis, Sherif 43 Muravchik, Joshua 31, 40, 42, Wallison, Peter J. 12 Creating Equal 69 Gould, Carol 55 52, 66 Walsh, Michael 36, 45 Culture Counts 59 Gratzer, David 54, 57 Murchison, William 55 Warraq, Ibn 46 Culture of Death 13, 68 Greene, Jay P. 48 Murray, Douglas 60 White, Christopher 40 Cure, The57 Gregg, Samuel 43 Neily III, Clark M. 41 Williamson, Kevin D. 34, 40, Cure for Obamacare, The42 Gutmann, Ethan 66 Nieli, Russell K. 43 45 Damn Senators 64 Dancing Gutmann, Stephanie 61 Nordlinger, Jay 36, 46 Windschuttle, Keith 69 with the Devil 38 Haglund, Brent 61 Novak, Michael 36, 48, 67 Witham, Larry 64 David’s Sling 29 Hannan, Daniel 49 Nowrasteh, Alex 38 Wood, Peter W. 39, 60, 61 Darwinian Fairytales 59 70 Hanson, Victor David 54, 59, 68 Olson, Walter 49 Yoo, John 25, 48 Dawn Over Baghdad 62 Haynes, John Earl 63 Orlando, Leoluca 68 Zinsmeister, Carl 62 Daycare Deception 63 Hazlett, Thomas 47 Otteson, James R. 39 Zubrin, Robert 46 Decline and Fall 58 Heath, John 68 Pera, Marcello 47 Demon in Democracy, The 4 Hendershott, Anne 40, 60, 65 Phillips, Melanie 46, 59 Dependency Agenda, The45 Himmelfarb, Gertrude 45, 47 Piereson, James 36, 37, 39, 41, Destructive Generation 60 Himmelfarb, Milton 60 56 Devil’s Pleasure Palace, The36 Horowitz, David 6, 7, 56, 60, Pipes, Sally C. 30, 42 Disinherited 37 61, 62, 66, 67 Podhoretz, Norman 67, 69 Diversity 64 Don’t Tread On Me 55 Human Factor, The52 Obama’s Betrayal of Israel 54 Treason of the Heart 49 Dream and the Nightmare, The I Can’t Believe I’m Sitting Next Obama’s Education Takeover Truth About Gun Control, The 69 to a Republican 50 46 42 Eclipse of Man 39 I Know Best 16 Obama’s Radical Transforma- Truth About the IRS Scandals, Economics Does Not Lie 55 Imagining the Future 56 tion of America 52 The41 Education Apocalypse, The37 In Defense of Faith 51 On Two Wings 67 Turning Right at Hollywood Empire of Lies, The52 In Denial 63 Once and Future King, The37 and Vine 50 End of Time, The61 In Praise of Prejudice 58 Open Immigration: Yea or Nay Uncivil Wars 67 Escape from North Korea 39 In the Pirates’ Den 65 38 Unlearning Liberty 40 Europe’s Ghost 53 In the Shadow of Progress 57 Other War, The6 1 Unmaking of a Mayor, The36 Ex-Friends 69 Indoctrination U. 56 Over a Barrel 58 Unsleeping Eye, The64 Faithful Departed, The51 Inequality Hoax, The39 Peace, They Say46 Vile France 62 Faithless Execution 39 Invisible Wealth 48 People of the Book, The47 Wages of Appeasement, The49 Fallacy of Net Neutrality, The Iran’s Deadly Ambition 36 People V. The Democratic War Over Iraq, The64 47 Islam and Free Speech 37 Party, The45 War on Cops, The18 Fighting the Mafia and Renew- Islam Unveiled 65 People V. Harvard Law, The62 Way Back, The 10 ing Sicilian Culture 68 Israel Test, The44 Persian Night, The50 Way out of Obamacare, The 30 Finding the Target 58 Jewish Odyssey of George Eliot, Philanthropy Under Fire 41 What Adam Smith Knew 38 Flight of the Eagle 39 The45 Please Stop Helping Us 28 What Doomed Detroit 40 Forced Exit 60 Jews and Gentiles 60 Political Woman 45 What is Marriage 43 Fords, The66 Jihadist Plot 42 Politics of Abortion, The60 What President Obama Freedom at Risk 50 K-12 Implosion, The43 Politics of Deviance, The65 Doesn’t Know About Guanta- Freedom from Speech 39 Kennedys, The66 Present Dangers 69 namo 52 Future of Marriage, The55 Killing of History, The69 President Obama’s Tax Piracy What Science Knows 53 Future Once Happened Here, Last Exit to Utopia 53 50 What to Expect When No One’s The69 Last In Their Class60 Prince of the City 61 Expecting 39 Future Tense 44 Lawless 35 Progressive Racism 6 What’s So Bad about Cronyism Gift of Freedom, A 61 Lengthened Shadows 61 Pursuit of Liberty, The56 36 God That Did Not Fail, The60 Lessons From My Uncle James Rape of the Masters, The62 What’s Wrong With Benevo- Goodyear Story, The66 57 Red Star Over Hollywood 61 lence 48 Government Unions and the Liberal Oasis, The40 Regulating to Disaster 44 Who Killed Homer? 68 Bankrupting of America 49 Liberty and Civilization 51 Regulators Gone Wild 47 Who Needs the Fed? 14 Grand Jihad, The46 Liberty’s Nemesis 25 Renewal 40 Who’s Counting? 45 Gray Lady Down 50 Life, Liberty, and the Defense of Republic No More, A 17 Who’s the Fairest of Them All? 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