ZIMBABWE ZIMBABWE DEMOCRAT Vol. 2 No. 1 January 1979 ED IT OR

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

ZIMBABWE ZIMBABWE DEMOCRAT Vol. 2 No. 1 January 1979 ED IT OR ZIMBABWE ZIMBABWE DEMOCRAT Vol. 2 No. 1 January 1979 ED IT OR I AL The escalating crisis faced by the Smith regime was illustrated as 1978 closed by a number of developments. On 11 December Patriotic Front guerillas blew up the biggest fuel depot in the country in Salisbury. Despite claims by the regime to the contrary, it is clear that this attack has been an extremely serieus setback. Informed sources in Salisbury suggest that nearly 500,000 barrels of fuel were destroyed in the fuel depot blaze. On 17 December Smith admitted in a television interview broadcast in Britain that his regime was losing the war. "We are not winning the war", he said, "but if we have to we will fight to the end. It will be bitter and a tragedy". A few days later the increasing crisis inside the regime was again revealed when Rollo Hayman, Joint Minister of Internal Affairs, resigned declaring that the so-called Transitional Government was bound to collapse in a few months. Smith responded by attacking Hayman for adopting a "defeatest attitude". This was a strange remark coming from the man who only a few days earlier had admitted that the regime was losing the war and whose only suggestion to the white electorate was that they should fight to the bitter end. Meanwhile the disputes inside the ranks of the regime have intensified, and the crisis which errupted in the September RF Congress has deeoened. At the centre of this crisis is the battle between the military commanders headed by Peter Walls, and the political leadership of the RF led by Smith. Even within the RF's political leadership rival groups have been manouvering behind the scenes in attempts to strengthen their own position, The regime is bankrupt politically. It is slowly falling to pieces. The RF can no longer offer anythingt, even to the white electorate, except a bloody battle to the finish. Smith even conceded this in his pathetic New Year broadcast. He had nothing positive or constructive to say and merely lapsed into a rambling tirade against the Western powers. In the course of admitting the military, political and economic disasters facing his regime Smith announced the imminent arrival of the proposed Constitution. Claiming that "ours is the only viable plan and it is a going concern" he declared that "it lacks only one important ingredient for complete success" - the backing of the West. Smith seems to have forgotten that only a constitution supported by the majority of the population has any chance of success. And quite clearly neither the Executive Council nor the new Constitution have any chance of winning majority support. When the Constitution appeared it was as expected, simply the same old rubbish dressed up a bit in a new outfit. It once more illustrated the determination of this regimeto cling to the reins of Dower even while the whole administration and apparatus of government crumbles: around them. In a statement issued in Lusaka the Patriotic Front said: "Viewed against the backgroundof the inevitability of victory by the liberation forces, the so-called constitution is a cruel waste of paper. The so-called Con- 2 r RwPtVJ ALPr.4 T en i.&OW FM W P UAp, MW amICrraTimMW 4lPMWO stitution further proves beyond doubt that the Rhodesian Front has completely dominated the black traitors during the course of the negotiations to produce this document". It has become increasingly clear that Muzorewa, iithole and Chirau cannot delivrr the goods. What little support they had has evaporated. They cannot end the war and neither can Smith. The Patriotic Front has made it clear that only the transfer of power to all the people of Zimbabwe will end the war, and that this objective can either be reached by negotiation or on the battlefield. Smith seems intent on forcing the outcome to be decided on the battlefield! But it is not the RP leadership which will be the cannon -fodder in this fu- "Purely for status purposes - how about a guerilla or two on our board of directors?" tile exercise. It is -those who are called-up by the regime whose lives will be lost to satisfy the regimes lunacy. On 19 December Joshua Nkomo issued an appeal to soldiers still fighting for Smith to look at the wri- M ting on the wall. We on 'Zimbabwe Democrat' echo this appeal, which we, have reproduced on page 7 of this issue, and we urge all those who are still fighting (and dying) for Smith to think seriously about the future. , Now is the time to abandon the crumbling regime and prepare for the future. 1009 R 3 views of the Patriotic Front WE ARE PREPARING TO RUN A COUNTRY Interview with Joshua Nkomo, June 1978. Reprinted from 'Zimbabwe: the final advance'. Q: How and why was the Patriotic Front formed? Nkemot The Patriotic Front came into being in October 1976 as a result of along series of contacts between ZAPU and ZANU. A number of us from both organizations who had previously worked together in ZAPU began to discuss bringing these two political entities together, and most important, uniting the armies. This was not the first time it had been tried, however. We had the experience of the Zimbabwe People's Army (ZIPA). We had the same motives there, to oromote the armed struggle as well as to bring the country together after liberation by bringing the two main political parties of Zimbabwe together now. This has always been the driving force behind our unity. After our release from prison we met and agAin stressed the need for unity in the armed struggle and for cohesion within Zimbabwe after independence. In Maputo in October 1976 we formalized our unity and informed the frontline-states. We made it clear that this was an alliance of two parties which would approach all political matters as one. We also realized it was necessary to move toward the creation of one army. -ut sev, ral of us also believe that before you can form a single army it is first necessary to have one political leadership. You can't have one army under two parties, with two leaders. Consequently, you can't talk of uniting the two armies without first uniting the two parties. We try to coordinate logistics whenever possible, and this increases the understanding of our militants. You can have a number of political parties within a free Zimbabwe but you certainly can't have two armies. ZAPU and ZANU must consolidate the p6litical leadership and activities of the Front if unity within the armies is to take root. Q: Would you say that unity in the Patriotic Front has been successful? Nkomo: On the political side unity has been very satisfactory, especially in our negotiations with the British and Americans. We have presented them with a single set of proposals. It was made clear that if tUPU and ZANU entered into elections in Zimbabwe, they would do so as a single unit. If the results were for the formation of a government by us, then it would be a government of the Patriotic Front. We have no doubt that we will indeed be the first government of Zimbabwe. Q: But the Americans and the British still try to divide you? Nkomot Yes, we were surprised to hear the remarks of some highranking officials in this country suggesting there would be a split. It should be very clear to everyone what their inten.. tions really are When they talk of "Nkomo dumping Mugabe". What futile nonsense. Q: Why do you think they picked you personally? Nkomo: I suppose they have chosen to put out these lies about me in order to bring about a calculated reaction in ZANU and then a corresponding reaction in ZAPU. They are desperate to split us and have decided that this is the best way to go about.it. Q: Is there any element in traditional ZAPU ranks that calls for joining the Internal Settlement? Nkomo: None at all. We are a highly disciplined party with a clear political direction, not a conglomerate of indiViduals. Q: What do you expect next on the part of the British-American bloc and their peace oroposals? Nkomo: The Anglo-American proposals are completely out of date. The socalled "All-Party Conference" is much the same. After having stood our ground and forced the Smith regime to its knees, we can hardly be extected now to sit down and resurrect them from the dead. There was a time when some of us, esspecially the leaders from independent Africa, felt that it was dangerous to let Yuzorewa, Sithole and those people run around with Smith. It was feared they just might pull it off and the Patriotic Front would find itself in a difficult situation. I have never shared this fear. In fact, I would have been upset if they had not come to an agreement with the Salisbury regime. I know our people, and I know these particular ones are nothing but opportunists. It worried me that if they didn't come out and onenly side with Smith, they would merely create confusion. Well, now we all see clearly that they were only trying to get positions of rank for themselves, in anybody's government. 0: The liberation forces are advancing their positions very rapidly. How much further do you think the regime will retreat before admitting failure? Nkomo: Smith's soldiers thought that with the signing of the internal agreement and the declaration of a cease-fire they would be back home soon.
Recommended publications
  • JOSHUA NKOMO Issued 27Th June, 2000
    FIRST ANNIVERSARY OF THE DEATH OF DR. JOSHUA NKOMO Issued 27th June, 2000 (Extracted from first day cover stiffener)2 Joshua's father, Thomas Nyongolo Letswansto Nkomo and his mother Mlingo, nee Hadebe, had a total of eight children. Joshua's parents worked for the London Missionary Society and brought up their family in a Christian manner, which included bible reading, hymn singing and prayers in the evenings. From Standard One until Standard Six Joshua Nkomo was a prize winning student who nearly always came out top of his class. After completing Standard Six he took a carpentry course at the Tsholotsho Government Industrial School. He studied there for a year before becoming a driver. He later tried animal husbandry before becoming a schoolteacher specialising in carpentry at Manyame School in Kezi. In 1942, aged 25 and during his occupation as a teacher, he decided that he should go to South Africa to further his education and do carpentry and qualify to a higher level. When he returned to Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) in 1947 he rose to the leadership of the Railway Workers Union and then to the leadership of the African National Congress in 1952. In 1960 he became President of the National Democratic Party. He married his wife Johanna Mafuyana on 1 October 1949. After the NDP was banned by the Rhodesian government, he formed ZAPU (Zimbabwe African Peoples Union). After ZAPU was also banned he went into exile in Tanzania. On his return to Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) he was arrested by the government and then restricted to Kezi his birthplace near Bulawayo for three months.
    [Show full text]
  • Fake Heroines and the Falsification of History in Zimbabwe 1980 - 2009
    African Journal of History and Culture (AJHC) Vol. 1 (5), pp. 076-083, December, 2009 Available online at http://www.academicjournals.org/ajhc © 2009 Academic Journals Full Length Research Paper Fake heroines and the falsification of history in Zimbabwe 1980 - 2009 Dorothy Goredema1 and Percyslage Chigora2* 1Department of History and Development Studies, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe. 2Department of History and Development Studies, Midlands State University, Private Bag 9055,Gweru, Republic of Zimbabwe. Accepted 10 December, 2009 The ideology of femocracy is so entrenched in Zimbabwean politics that it has become a tradition. It started as a tendency during the liberation struggle of making room and integrating a few women into politics. After independence, it developed into a habit of promoting the same women who had been exposed during the liberation struggle into political offices. Finally, at independence it became a tradition whereby the state confers heroine status to the very women who had held position during the war. However, one feature that stands glaring at the national heroes’ acre is that the heroines who were lay, are all related to men in political positions in both current ruling party and the state. This paper will demonstrate that most Zimbabwean heroines are forgotten. It also proves that even at death the patriarchal nature of Zimbabwean politics manifests itself when one considers that the number of male heroes vis-à-vis the heroines who lay at the acre. Finally the paper will show how femocracy as an ideology has led to the falsification and misrepresentation of historical facts all in an attempt to promote nationalist history.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Unity Movement (ZUM) Emerged, but Then Disintegrated Rapidly
    African Studies Quarterly | Volume 7, Issues 2 & 3 | Fall 2003 Opposition Politics in Independent Zimbabwe LIISA LAAKSO Abstract: Zimbabwe has implemented a multi-party system on a universal franchise for more than two decades. This era has witnessed consolidation of power into the hands of the ruling ZANU party and its leader Robert Mugabe, and a gradual evolution of political crises. All general elections have shown support for the opposition among the voters. However, the opposition has changed a lot. Between 1980 and 1987 there was a strong regional party, ZAPU, which transformed from a partner of the ruling party to repressed dissident. The second period after the unity between ZANU and ZAPU witnessed mobilisation in defence of multipartyism and against corruption, and the birth of a populist party ZUM. ZUM’s disintegration was followed by massive electoral apathy in 1995. The third period started with civic organization for constitutional reform in 1997 and led to the emergence of the MDC, a wide coalition of interest groups united by their aim to seize ZANU from power. State responses to opposition politics help to clarify its unstable nature. Introduction Consolidation of the authoritarian power of Robert Mugabe’s Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU) in independent Zimbabwe has not proceeded through the withering away of dissent. All general elections have witnessed support for other parties. But the parties and their support base have changed radically. On the one hand this reflects the government’s different strategies to silence its critics. On the other hand it tells about changes in Zimbabwean society itself.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe Apr2001
    ZIMBABWE ASSESSMENT April 2001 Country Information and Policy Unit CONTENTS I SCOPE OF DOCUMENT 1.1 - 1.5 II GEOGRAPHY 2.1 - 2.4 III HISTORY 3.1 - 3.40 Foundations of Zimbabwe 3.1 - 3.5 Matabeleland Insurgency 1983-87 3.6 - 3.8 Elections 1995 & 1996 3.9 - 3.10 Movement for Democratic Change 3.11 - 3.12 Constitutional Referendum, February 2000 3.13 - 3.14 Parliamentary Elections, June 2000 3.15 - 3.23 - Background 3.15 - 3.16 - Election Violence & Farm Occupations 3.17 - 3.18 - Election Results 3.19 - 3.23 Post-Election Violence & Intimidation 3.24 - 3.34 Bikita West By-election 3.35 - 3.36 Legal Challenges to Election Results 3.37 - 3.40 IV INSTRUMENTS OF THE STATE 4.1 - 4.20 Political System: 4.1 - 4.14 - Administrative Structure 4.1 - 4.3 - ZANU-PF 4.4 - Movement for Democratic Change 4.5 - 4.7 - ZANU-Ndonga 4.8 - Liberty Party/Liberty Party of Zimbabwe 4.9 - 4.11 - Other Minor Parties 4.12 - 4.14 Legal Framework & Judiciary 4.15 - 4.20 V HUMAN RIGHTS SITUATION HUMAN RIGHTS: INTRODUCTION 5.1 - 5.4 Introduction 5.1 - 5.2 Human Rights Organisations in Zimbabwe 5.3 - 5.4 HUMAN RIGHTS: SPECIFIC GROUPS 5.5 - 5.32 Women 5.5 - 5.10 Children 5.11 - 5.13 Ethnic Groups: 5.14 - 5.26 - Shona 5.14 - Ndebele 5.15 - 5.16 - Whites 5.17 - 5.23 - Asians 5.24 - Other Ethnic Minorities 5.25 - 5.26 Homosexuals 5.27 - 5.32 - Canaan Banana's trial 5.32 HUMAN RIGHTS: OTHER ISSUES 5.33 - 5.83 Freedom of Assembly & Political Association 5.33 Freedom of Speech & of the Press 5.34 - 5.49 Freedom of Religion 5.50 - 5.54 Witchcraft 5.55 - 5.57 Freedom of Travel 5.58 - 5.59 Military Service 5.60 - 5.65 Prison Conditions 5.66 - 5.69 Health Issues: 5.70 - 5.77 - General 5.70 - 5.72 - HIV/AIDS 5.73 - 5.77 Land Reform 5.78 - 5.83 ANNEX A: CHRONOLOGY ANNEX B: MAIN POLITICAL ORGANISATIONS ANNEX C: PROMINENT PEOPLE PAST & PRESENT ANNEX D: FULL ELECTION RESULTS JUNE 2000 (hard copy only) BIBLIOGRAPHY I.
    [Show full text]
  • ASSEMBLY 30 July 1963
    UNITED NATIONS Distr. GENERAL GENERAL A/54461Add.3 ASSEMBLY 30 July 1963 .. ORIGINAL: ENGLISH Eighteenth session REPORT OF r':'rlE 3PECI.!-,\L COMMITTEE ON THE SITUATION WITH REGARD TO THE IMPLEri1E~TATION OF THE DECLARATION ON THE GRANTING OF INDEPENDENCE TO COLONIAL COUIllTRIES AND PEOPLES* Rapporteur: Mr. Najmuddine RIFAI (Syria) SOUTHERN RHODESIA CONTENTS Paragraphs Page A. ACTION TAKEN BY THE SPECIAL CGt-1MITTEE IN 1962 AND BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY AT ITS SIXrrEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH SESSIONS • 1 - 9 2 B. INFORNI.ATION ON THE TERRITORY General 10 - 11 6 Status of the Territory 12 - 13 6 Constitution •• 14 - 15 6 1962 Elections •••••••••••• 16 - 23 7 Visit by If.!!'. R.A. Butler. •••• ••• 24 8 .. The Eanning of the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union (ZAPU) • 25 - 28 8 Proposed amendffient to the law and Order (~aintenance) Act, 1961 .................. 29 - 30 9 • C. CONSIDERATION BY THE SFECIAL COMMITTEE Introduction ••••••••• 31 10 Written petitions and hearings 32 - 44 10 General statements by ~embers 45 - 209 13 D. ACTION TAKEN BY THE SFECIAL COMMITTEE 210 - 283 67 APPENDIX. REPORT OF THE SUB-COMMITTEE ON SOUTHERN RHO:CESIA * This document contains the chapter on Southern Rhodesia. The general introductory chapter "Till be issued subsequently under the symbol A/5446. Otht:"!r chapters will be issued later in addenda. 63-16401 I· .. A/5446/Add.3 English Page 2 A. ACTION TAKEN BY THE SPECIAL COMMITTEE IN 1962 AND BY THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY AT ITS SIXTEENTH AND SEVENTEENTH SESSIONS 1. The Special Committee considered the question of Southern Rhodesia in 1962 at its meetings in March) April and ~ay.
    [Show full text]
  • Fiddling While Zimbabwe Burns
    Institute for Security Studies Situation Report African Security Analysis Programme Date issued: 13 October 2003 Author: Chris Maroleng Distribution: General Contact: [email protected] Fiddling While Zimbabwe Burns Introduction The death on 20 September 2003 of eighty-one-year-old Vice President Simon Vengesayi Muzenda- staunch ally of Mugabe and veteran nationalist- has intensified the battle about who will succeed President Robert Mugabe. It has emerged that the Vice President’s death has prompted the various factions in the ruling party to begin vying with each other for the vacant second-vice-presidential post. It is widely believed that the appointment of the new Vice President will indicate who Mugabe prefers as his successor in the party and the government. It is possible that Muzenda’s death has meant that Mugabe in particular and ZANU PF in general have had to consider seriously the question of succession sooner than expected - a situation that “could prematurely end the heated succession debate by giving glimpses into the candidate President Mugabe would want to occupy the most powerful office when he retires.”1 More ominous for the ruling party is the fact that Muzenda’s death has left a power vacuum in the deeply divided and province of Masvingo, where the veteran politician acted as a stabilising force, ensuring that infighting did not get out of hand. A permanent split in this key province would inevitably result in serious costs to the governing party. Muzenda’s death has increased the likelihood of the party splitting in this important province, as the two competing factions contest the vacant leadership of Masvingo.
    [Show full text]
  • Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(S), 1957-1965
    Race, Identity, and Belonging in Early Zimbabwean Nationalism(s), 1957-1965 Joshua Pritchard This thesis interrogates traditional understandings of race within Zimbabwean nationalism. It explores the interactions between socio-cultural identities and belonging in black African nationalist thinking and politics, and focuses on the formative decade between the emergence of mass African nationalist political parties in 1957 and the widespread adoption of an anti- white violent struggle in 1966. It reassesses the place of non-black individuals within African anti-settler movements. Using the chronological narrative provided by the experiences of marginal non-black supporters (including white, Asian, coloured, and Indian individuals), it argues that anti-colonial nationalist organisations during the pre-Liberation War period were heavily influenced by the competing racial theories and politics espoused by their elite leadership. It further argues that the imagined future Zimbabwean nations had a fluid and reflexive positioning of citizens based on racial identities that changed continuously. Finally, this thesis examines the construction of racial identities through the discourse used by black Zimbabweans and non-black migrants and citizens, and the relationships between these groups, to contend that race was an inexorable factor in determining belonging. Drawing upon archival sources created by non-black 'radical' participants and Zimbabwean nationalists, and oral interviews conducted during fieldwork in South Africa and Zimbabwe in 2015, the research is a revisionist approach to existing academic literature on Zimbabwean nationalism: in the words of Terence Ranger, it is not a nationalist history but a history of nationalism. It situates itself within multiple bodies of study, including conceptual nationalist and racial theory, the histories of marginal groups within African nationalist movements, and studies of citizenship and belonging.
    [Show full text]
  • Pioneers, Settlers, Aliens, Exiles: the Decolonisation of White Identity In
    Pioneers, Settlers, Aliens, Exiles J. L. Fisher Pioneers, Settlers, Aliens, Exiles The decolonisation of white identity in Zimbabwe J. L. Fisher THE AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY E P R E S S E P R E S S Published by ANU E Press The Australian National University Canberra ACT 0200, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at: http://epress.anu.edu.au/pioneers_citation.html National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Author: Fisher, J. L. (Josephine Lucy) Title: Pioneers, settlers, aliens, exiles : the decolonisation of white identity in Zimbabwe / J. L. Fisher. ISBN: 9781921666148 (pbk.) 9781921666155 (pdf) Notes: Bibliography. Subjects: Decolonization--Zimbabwe. Whites--Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe--Politics and government--1980- Zimbabwe--Race relations. Dewey Number: 320.96891 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU E Press Printed by University Printing Services, ANU This edition © 2010 ANU E Press Contents Abbreviations. ix Preface . xi 1 ..Introduction. 1 2 ..Zimbabwe’s.discourse.of.national.reconciliation . 27 3 ..Re-inscribing.the.national.landscape. 55 4 ..Zimbabwe’s.narrative.of.national.rebirth. 79 5 ..Decolonising.settler.citizenship. 103 6 ..The.mobilisation.of.indigeneity. 131 7 ..The.loss.of.certainty. 173 8 ..Zimbabwe’s.governance.and.land.reform.crises—a.postscript.201
    [Show full text]
  • Ammunition in Southern Rhodesia;
    -50- ANNEX V .(continued) equipment and materials for the manufacture and maintenence of arms and ammunition in Southern Rhodesia; (e) Any activities by their nationals or in their territories which promote or are calculated to promote the supply to Southern Rhodesia of all other aircraft and motor vehicles and of equipment and materials for the manufacture,assembly, or maintenance of aircraft and motor vehicles in Southern Rboÿesla; the shlpment in vessels and aircraft of their registration of any such goods destined for Southern Rhodesia; and anyactivities by their nationals or in their territories which promote or are calculated to promote the manufacture of assembly of aircraft or motor vehicles in Southern Rhodesia; (f) Participation in their territories or territories under their administration or in land or air transport facilities or by their nationals or vessels of their registration in the supply of oll or oil products to Southern Rhodesia; notwithstanding any contracts entered into or licences granted before the date of the present resolution; 3. Reminds Member States that the failure or refusal by any of them to implement the present resolution shall constitute a violation of A rbicle 25 of the United Nations Charter; 4. Reaffirms the inalienable rights of the people of Southern Rhodesia to freedom and independence in accordance with the Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples contained in General Assembly resolution 151ÿ(XV) of iÿ December 1960, and recognizes the legitimacy of their struggle to secure the enjoyment of their rights as set forth in the Charter of the United Nations; 5.
    [Show full text]
  • EXTENSIONS of REMARKS July 31, 1980 EXTENSIONS of REMARKS
    20892 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS July 31, 1980 EXTENSIONS OF REMARKS MILITARY EDUCATION It is with the above in mind that I critical skill shortage at intermediate BENEFITS have introduced two bills that are the enlisted personnel levels. companions to those introduced re­ Fourth, the fourth option provides HON. G. WILLIAM WHITEHURST cently by my distinguished Senate col­ that an individual may pass his/her OF VIRGINIA league from Virginia, Senator JOHN W. 36-month educational assistance pro­ IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES WARNER. The Veterans Educational In­ gram on to a spouse or to a child if 16 centive Act <H.R. 7795) and the GI years have been devoted to active Thursday, July 31, 1980 Educational Extension Act <H.R. 7839) duty. e Mr. WHITEHURST. Mr. Speaker, are specifically designed to improve The program is proposed to begin in without question, one of the major the rate of recruiting and retainment fiscal year 1981, with no costs incurred problem areas our Nation's Armed in the various branches of the Armed until 1985. Forces presently face is recruiting and Forces. The second bill I have introduced, retaining high quality individuals. And The Veterans Educational Incentive the GI Educational Extension Act, I share the opinion of many others Act is needed for various reasons. As would extend the time available for that a primary reason for the failure Senator WARNER recently stated: educational assistance to eligible veter­ of the All-Volunteer Force can be Career military personnel, whether per· ans. Under the current law, no educa­ traced directly to the steady decline in sonally in combat or not, have made a time tional assistance will be provided to military pay and benefits in recent commitment to their country's service.
    [Show full text]
  • Zimbabwe at the Dawn of a New Era?
    ZIMBABWE AT THE DAWN OF A NEW ERA? This paper explores the dynamics is Zimbamwe since the military in Zimbabwe forced President Mugabe to resign and replaced him with one of them: Emmerson Mnangagwa. It remains to be seen if the new president is able to enforce the necessary reforms against vested interests. Arnold Wehmhoerner FEPS Advisor on Southern Africa FEPS NOVEMBER 2017 Zimbabwe at the dawn of a new era? What happens these days in Zimbabwe often took place in history: the much younger wife of an old dictator confuses the power she received through him with real power and overplays her cards. Grace Mugabe, the much younger wife of 93 years old Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe convinced her husband to dismiss his Vice-President and long-time comrade from the days of the liberation struggle, Emmerson Mnangagwa, who is well connected with the military and security establishment. Mrs. Mugabe’s intention is to succeed her husband with the help of the so called Generation 40 (G 40) faction. Already in 2015 she engineered the dismissal of another Vice President and rival, Joice Mujuru. Mnangagwa’s dismissal was too much for the military. They put President Mugabe under house arrest. Mrs. Mugabe is thought to have fled to Namibia. The military avoided to term their actions a coup because this could have let to the intervention of both SADC (Southern African Development Community) and the AU (African Union). The SADC security troika met in Gaborone and reiterated SADC’s policy against “unconstitutional removal of democratically elected governments”. Significantly, they did not demand that the Zimbabwean military immediately return power to Mugabe.
    [Show full text]
  • Canadian Churches Against Apartheid
    In Good Faith: Canadian Churches Against Apartheid http://www.aluka.org/action/showMetadata?doi=10.5555/AL.SFF.DOCUMENT.canp1b10040 Use of the Aluka digital library is subject to Aluka’s Terms and Conditions, available at http://www.aluka.org/page/about/termsConditions.jsp. By using Aluka, you agree that you have read and will abide by the Terms and Conditions. Among other things, the Terms and Conditions provide that the content in the Aluka digital library is only for personal, non-commercial use by authorized users of Aluka in connection with research, scholarship, and education. The content in the Aluka digital library is subject to copyright, with the exception of certain governmental works and very old materials that may be in the public domain under applicable law. Permission must be sought from Aluka and/or the applicable copyright holder in connection with any duplication or distribution of these materials where required by applicable law. Aluka is a not-for-profit initiative dedicated to creating and preserving a digital archive of materials about and from the developing world. For more information about Aluka, please see http://www.aluka.org In Good Faith: Canadian Churches Against Apartheid Author/Creator Pratt, Renate Contributor Tutu, Archbishop Desmond M. (preface), Hutchinson, Roger (foreword) Publisher Wilfrid Laurier University Press, Canadian Corporation for Studies in Religion Date 1997 Resource type Books Language English Subject Coverage (spatial) Canada, South Africa Coverage (temporal) 1975-1990 Source ES Reddy Rights By kind permission of Renate Pratt and Wilfred Laurier University Press. Description Part one, 1975-80: Prelude to action - 1.
    [Show full text]