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Programming Strategies and Possible Places for Constructing a Public Image of Immigration: the 2002/2003 Season in Catalonia

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Programming Strategies and Possible Places for Constructing a Public Image of Immigration: the 2002/2003 Season in Catalonia Programming Strategies and Possible Places for Constructing a Public Image of Immigration: the 2002/2003 Season in Catalonia Lorena Gómez Puertas, Arantxa Capdevila Gómez and Ivan Pintor Iranzo . A comparative study of the programming policies of 1. Introduction the major television networks makes it possible to appreciate opportunities of access and how social The particular problem arising from migration from the conflicts are posited as public problems. In the case Maghreb, sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, Eastern of problems deriving from immigration to Spain, the Europe and Asia and their new settlements is common in programming strategies of the major stations deter- EU countries. Conflict generated with regards immigration is mine the supply of possible places for constructing a seen in the debates that have taken place in Europe over public image on immigration-related issues. This the past decade, which deal with both the processes of article summarises a study of the free-to-air television regularisation or control of access to immigrants and issues offer in Catalonia during the 2002/2003 season, such as integration, identity, multiculturalism, political rights, made up basically of the coverage of the three racism and xenophobia. Spanish networks TVE-1, Tele-5 and Antena 3 TV, The complexity of these social problems translates into an and the Catalan regional station TV3. A comparative increasingly vast diversification of media discourses in the analysis of the four programming schedules suggests media’s work of constructing a public image about significant differences between the two public stations immigration in our most immediate context. It involves a and between them and the private ones: a strategy of diversification that goes beyond thematic spheres to cover silence used at TVE-1, a notable pre-sence at TV3 the variety of discursive strategies used in the media: and fictional options at Tele-5 and Antena 3 TV. immigration is shown on TV news shows and other programmes not only in the form of information but also as fiction and viewer entertainment. An analysis of the programming strategies of the highest- rating stations among the free-to-air channels in Catalonia during the 2002/2003 season enables us to note these Key words trends as well as the way the stations positioned themselves Programming policies, immigration, news treatment, as social actors, the discursive strategies they used and the conflict, television, public opinion spaces they reserved for constructing a public image of immigration in Spain. This article presents part of the results of a broader research project entitled “Television and the Construction of a Public Image of Immigration in Spain”, funded by the Ministry for Science and Technology as part of the 2001- 2003 National Knowledge Plan1. Lorena Gómez Puertas, Arantxa Capdevila Gómez and Ivan Pintor Iranzo Members of the UNICA/UPF Group 119 Monographic: Television and immigration. Programming Strategies and Possible Places for Constructing a Public Image of Immigration: the 2002/2003 Season in Catalonia 2. Television Programming Policies: elements from different genres, or programmes where a Station Strategies as Narrator and Social Actor genre hybrid is the essential feature. Some key trends in programming in recent seasons Television programming policies, like the strategy of the reaffirm the dissolution of genres. One example is the appli- station that transmits them, respond to a multiplicity of cation of ‘cross-genre’ strategies in particular stations’ conditioning factors that can be grouped into two major programming schedules, whereby content from a top-rating dimensions: economic (which responds to advertising fun- programme (generally a reality show) is included in all ding on the basis of ratings) and cultural (which refers to the the station’s talk shows. This practice has even generated a relationship between the station and public on the basis of style that goes beyond supplying content from a particular particular content)2. programme to instead become a feature of and reference Factors in the first dimension include station goal accor- point between station programmes. This confirms the prin- ding to the hierarchical order of functions it has to meet, ciple of flow television and in some cases can lead to the which is largely defined by management type (public or extreme of progressive content homogenisation5. private); its classification as a generalist or special-interest Taking into account the matters shown here, we adopted a station, and whether it is a free-to-air or pay channel. The certain generic denomination of programme groups: news selection of TV stations that were the study object of this (general, sports, specialised, weekly, etc.), entertainment analysis (TVE-1, Tele-5, Antena 3 TV and TV3) were among (infotainment shows, game shows, talk shows, chat shows, the latter group, i.e., they all formed part of the free-to-air TV general entertainment programmes) and television fiction offer in Catalonia. (specifically inhouse productions). We excluded sports To these factors we should add other more specific ones broadcasts and foreign film fiction from our analysis as we that affect the programming policy of each broadcas- considered them to be productions not strictly related to ter: return on investment, performance of the advertising television and because we saw they had little impact on the market, socio-geographic coverage area, target public explicit treatment of the issue of immigration as defined and competition between stations and other audiovisual herein6. uses. This generic denomination makes no attempt at being ex- With regards the cultural dimension and the relationship haustive but is simply an operative orientation, as the goal the station establishes with the public, there are a number of was to discern the way each programme addressed social preliminary considerations that are the hallmarks of TV issues like immigration. The type of treatment was observed today: flow programming3, television viewing habits and on the basis of programme format or genre and each one’s potential public and definition of television genres. ability to transmit a discourse on difficulties or progress ma- Viewing habits and seasonal variables marked by a de in the integration of migrants; publish figures or reports country’s social lifestyle and cultural habits determine the about migrant groups; or offer spaces for a public debate definition of the stages of the season and the viewing times about questions of social interest related to immigration7. of television programming according to needs (news, entertainment, etc.) at each time of the day. This means an analysis of programming by timeslots speaks not only to the 3. Possible Places to Construct a Public Image of public at which the station is aimed but also the intended Immigration Via Television Stations scope of spaces where it is possible to address social problems such as immigration, according to the position on The comparative analysis that follows emphasises the the programming schedule4. existence of spaces that could easily include the presence With regards television genres, any systematic classifi- of social issues like immigration, contextualised within pro- cation of programming would remove us from the current gramming schedules to try to assess the importance and context of programmers and television producers who scope that each station gave to these issues, as well as the increasingly plump for “container” programmes that include coverage of them that they promoted. 120 Quaderns del CAC: Issue 23-24 The delimitation of these possible places in television pro- vida de Rita. Ana y los 7 is a comedy in the tradition of TVE- gramming made it possible to define fragments of television 1’s sitcoms (e.g., Hostal Royal Manzanares) that was not broadcasting that were key elements in analysing the con- only its highest-rating show but was also very popular struction of a public image of immigration via the selected amongst younger viewers. Cuéntame cómo pasó was television stations, i.e., defining the significant sample on comedy as a historical review and, thanks to its quality which it would be possible to analyse the presence and format (the show has repeatedly won prizes) added to its treatment of this issue in the television discourse. Also, by functions that of establishing itself as an image standard of contextualising the importance and scope of these possi- the station brand to an extent that the comedy about ble places, we could see the mediation role each station everyday life La vida de Rita was unable to do in its five awarded itself in its work as a political actor who pro- broadcasts, despite a significant production effort. moted particular social constructions of the issue of Despite that, none of the three series presented the issue migration. of immigration either in the main storyline or through any Broadly speaking, the three Spanish and one Catalan other plot or character. This is significant, because the station used in the analysis presented a practically stable absence of immigration in a fictional series implies an ab- programming structure on work days and weekends alike sence of stories in which questions are established relating throughout the 2002/2003 season. The main variations res- to the integration of migrants in structures of conflict and ponded to particular feast or holiday days and vacation resolution, i.e., the presentation of difficulties and progress periods. This, together with the need to keep this analysis towards coexistence. It renounces the representation of brief, led us to present the results obtained by each station behaviours and attitudes linked to this social problem and, in the fashion of an outline, focusing particularly on pro- in short, the recognition of the existence of immigration as a gramming from the months of September to December and social reality that occupies our stories8. March to June, the heaviest viewing periods of the year. Another noteworthy aspect of TVE-1’s programming policies was the uniformity of the morning and afternoon 3.1.
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