Punk and Post-Punk in the Republic of Ireland: Networks, Migration and the Social History of the Irish Music Industry

Home , Chiswick Records, Stiff Records, The Radiators From Space

PUNK 3 (1) pp. 49–66 Intellect Limited 2014

Michael Mary Murphy Dun Laoghaire Institute of Art, Design and Technology

Punk and Post-Punk in the Republic of Ireland: Networks, migration and the social history of the Irish music industry

Abstract Keywords Was the early punk movement a more geographically and ethnically diverse milieu Punk that some accounts indicate? A number of key figures in the early punk move- Radiators From Space ment were originally from Ireland including the founders of both Chiswick and Boomtown Rats Stiff Records. This invites the question: how did the Republic of Ireland’s music Chiswick Records scene, which included ‘non-punk’ acts like Thin Lizzy, Horslips and Chris de independent labels Burgh interface with the punk and post-punk movement? This article aims to iden- U2 tify the under-acknowledged contributions of people working behind the scenes in emigration the industry. Specifically it examines the links between individuals, bands and music industry history cities. How did these links help artists? I particularly wish to identify how some of the early bands of the punk and post-punk movement received assistance from established acts. The early business of punk indicates a two-way cultural process: Irish entrepreneurs in London helped to advance the punk movement, while Irish acts, including the Radiators from Space and the Boomtown Rats, benefitted from that punk movement.

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Introduction Like many music scenes around the world, the Republic of Ireland responded to the initial punk movement of 1976–1977. Like many music scenes it also had considerable interaction with other music scenes in other countries. For example, two of the bands cited in John Robb’s 2006 book Punk Rock: An Oral History, The Radiators From Space and The Boomtown Rats, formed in Dublin before relocating to London where they signed record deals. This raises some questions. If London is seen as a centre of cultural production, should it also be seen as a city that has been shaped in part by immigrants? Some songs from the punk and post-punk era connote specific places; both the Radiators and the Boomtown Rats referred explicitly to Ireland on many occasions in their work. Thus the punk and post-punk scene could be identified as a space where Irish artists expressed themselves and helped shape opinions of their homeland. As migrants, these musicians participated in a demographic pattern of outflow from Ireland that saw millions of people depart, with Britain and the United States the most frequent destinations. My aim is to show the ways in which music industry migrants from Ireland, both musicians and behind-the-scenes workers helped form the punk and post- punk scene in Britain. There is an important consequence of identifying how Irish members of the music scene played a role in the development of punk and post-punk. It helps decentralize the punk narrative, frequently represented as emanating from New York and London. The participation of Irish entrepreneurs in the punk movement demonstrates that music genres depicted as British, English or London-based are more ethnically and nationally diverse than they appear at first glance. Accounts of the genre in Ireland frequently focus on Northern Ireland for obvious reasons. As the origin of the Undertones, Stiff Little Fingers, the Outcasts as well as the Good Vibrations record label, Northern Ireland deserves a prominent place in punk history. It Makes You Want To Spit (2003) by authors Sean O’Neill and Guy Trelford and Hooleygan: Music, Mayhem, Good Vibrations (2010) by Terri Hooley and Richard Sullivan provide insight into the vibrant Northern Irish music community. By contrast, very little has been written about the punk scene in the Republic of Ireland, although both of the above-mentioned books refer to it briefly. I want to address this gap in the literature, specifically by examining the behind- the-scenes industry workers and entrepreneurs. Therefore my emphasis is not on the artists and their music, even though both deserve fuller analysis. This is particularly important given that acts like the Radiators and the Boomtown Rats wrote explicitly about Ireland. Further work on how the music of the Republic’s punk and post-punk acts reflected Ireland would be very illuminating. My aim is to identify factors that impacted on the development of punk and post-punk in the Republic. Musicians and music genres require support to gain an audience, in particular when the genre represents any form of breach from established industry patterns. This requires identifying the ways punk was shaped by those advocating and opposing it, both from within the industry and in wider society. In particular, I want to place the contribution of Irish-born London-based individuals in the context of both the Irish music industry and the early punk era in Britain. The links between Ireland’s pre-punk rock bands and the new bands of 1976–1977 provided significant benefits for the latter. The new acts also

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enjoyed the benefits of contact with experienced industry professionals, many of whom received their training with the earlier rock acts. Of particular significance was the input from Irish emigrant entrepreneurs in London who advanced the careers of the new bands. The support and resources made available to punk and post-punk bands from the Republic of Ireland enabled them to achieve faster and more sustained British chart success than their predecessors. These networks are of value in understanding how the cultural industries provide meaningful support for emerging acts.

Punk and Post-Punk There appears to be a consensus that the period 1976 to 1984 constitutes an historical boundary in which to study popular music genres. Russ Bestley (2012: 41) identified the punk movement between the years 1976 and 1984 as ‘a distinct period in the development of youth culture in Britain’. Another major chronicler of the era’s music, Simon Reynolds (2006), defined the years following the initial 1976 and 1977 punk movement, the period 1978–1984, as an era constituting ‘post-punk’. I am using Reynolds’ classification of acts as ‘post-punk’. Accepting the combined era of punk and post-punk as a ‘distinct period’ for music consumers and producers in Britain invites compar- ative analysis with other national territories. This parameter certainly provides an opportunity to examine the Irish popular music industry. The theorist Pierre Bourdieu’s ‘field’ concept of cultural production (2003) identifies this combination of genre and era as constituting a distinctive field of popular music activity in which artists and genres compete for positions, prestige and resources. I wish to examine the constitu- tion of the punk and post-punk field in the Republic of Ireland. In particular I want to analyse how significant music entrepreneurs, industry personnel and record labels shaped the field. I hope this case-study of cultural flows between Dublin and London illustrates the multiple interactions between centre and periphery in the global entertainment industries.

The World of Punk: Music Culture as a Global Flow Recent scholarly work on punk places the punk movement in a global context. The comprehensive work, The Art of Punk by Russ Bestley and Alex Ogg (2013), includes acts from Northern Ireland and the Republic as well as Europe, Australasia, North America, Latin America and Asia. This approach enables punk to be theorized as an element of global cultural flows, and not just as a centre-to-periphery transmission. It is also consistent with Dave Laing’s (1985) call for a geographically inclusive narrative to explain musical diffusion; the input of cultural producers and consumers outside England needs to be addressed: ‘What did Scots, Welsh, Irish and North American people have to do with the process?’ (Laing 1985: vi). The Irish case provides an illustration of how local producers and consumers engage with popular music and its genres. The production and consump- tion of culture, punk and post-punk in this instance, is influenced by social and industrial factors including the media, the government, and gate-keepers such as established musicians and industry figures. Popular music movements need to be understood simultaneously at global and local level because, for example, punk and its successor ‘post-punk’ are subject to local decoding variations. To some musicians from the Irish Republic, punk and post-punk provided an opportunity to represent a sense of place and identity via their

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1. Leo Keohane’s (2013) music. This applied even to artists who left the country. For example, the study of the expression found its use in Britain Boomtown Rats’ first British chart topping single ‘Rat Trap’ was identifi- was generally to ably located in Dublin. ‘The Five Lamps Boys’ of the lyric refers to a land- identify Irish trouble- mark in an area of the inner city, while the punks mentioned in the song makers. It was a 1 popular term in Ireland are equated with ‘corner boys’ a distinctly Irish expression. One of their from the 1920s to the songs, D.U.N. L.A.O.G.H.A.I.R.E was an acerbic put-down of their home- 1970s. suburb. Even more emphasis was placed on Dublin in the work of the 2. All British music chart Radiators From Space. In particular, their second album, Ghostown, is filled data has been sourced with references to Irish writers, locations and social situations. Words from from everyhit.com, last accessed December 12 James Joyce’s Ulysses (1922), James Plunkett’s Strumpet City (1969), Séan 2013. O’Casey’s Shadow of the Gunman (1923), W.B. Yeats’ The Wild Swans at Coole (1919) and even Thin Lizzy’s version of the ballad ‘Whiskey in the Jar’ are embroidered into the collection. Irish colloquial phrases like ‘the glimmer man’, slang for gas company workers hired to detect unapproved use of gas during rationing, are also included.

Irish Music: British Charts For the Republic of Ireland’s music industry the nine-year period 1976 to 1984 was culturally significant for a number of reasons. In particular, it produced two acts that enjoyed unprecedented success in the British popular music charts. The Boomtown Rats achieved British Top Thirty chart positions with eleven singles during the era.2 In Britain, their 1978 and 1979 singles ‘Rat Trap’, and ‘I Don’t Like Mondays’, went to number one. Significantly, they were the first Irish group performing original material to top the British singles’ chart. U2 released four albums during this era: Boy, October, War and The Unforgettable Fire. War went to number one in the British album chart, a feat never previ- ously achieved by an Irish rock band. Its successor, The Unforgettable Fire, repeated this achievement. The singers from these two bands, Bob Geldof and Bono, subsequently maintained high profiles and participated in international political power networks. While highly critical of both Geldof and Bono, Harry Browne’s book The Frontman: Bono (In The Name of Power) (2013) provides ample evidence of the global reach and political access of the two Irish musicians. This gives an additional reason for analysing the conditions which provided them with their initial media access. The success of the Boomtown Rats and U2 should be placed in the context of unprecedented chart success for Irish acts in Britain during the era. While, despite their critical acclaim, The Radiators from Space failed to chart in Britain, other acts from the Republic featured in both the newly launched ‘Independent Chart’ and the mainstream chart. Fellow Dubliners the Virgin Prunes challenged expected Irish modes of live performance and enjoyed success on the British independent music charts. Other acts from the Republic reaching the ‘indie charts’ included Five Go Down To The Sea, The Freshmen, Zerra One, Foster and Allen and The Furey Brothers. Ireland’s two most successful rock acts of the early 1970s also continued to reach the British best-sellers chart during the era. Thin Lizzy, fronted by Phil Lynott, reached their commercial peak during this era with thirteen singles and ten albums appearing in the British Top Forty. Blues guitarist Rory Gallagher had two Top Forty albums in the nine-year period. Non-rock acts like Johnny Logan and Clannad also enjoyed chart success. The latter’s 1982 single, ‘Theme From Harry’s Game’ reached the number five position in the British charts; this was a very significant achievement for a song in the Gaelic language. Ballad duo

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Foster and Allen achieved success in both the British singles and albums Top Twenty charts; memorably they wore green outfits they felt were ‘mistakenly called leprechaun suits’ (Foster et al.: 2013) while appearing on Top of the Pops in 1982. Two conclusions can be made about the Republic of Ireland’s acts in the British charts. First, many of the era’s acts used identifiable markers of Irish ethnicity: Clannad singing in Gaelic; Foster and Allen’s green costumes; the Boomtown Rats and U2 making reference to Ireland in their songs. This demonstrates how indicators of national identity can be communicated by popular music. Second, not all of the acts belong to the punk or post-punk genre; Ireland was producing acts that belonged in genres pre-dating punk as well as punk and post-punk. Despite the success of the Boomtown Rats and U2, punk and post-punk did not eradicate pre-punk genres. A year zero rhetoric was advanced by some early punk-era bands, where ‘the old guard’ was depicted as ‘the opposition’. In the Republic of Ireland some of this rhetoric was eroded by practical experience. The June 1977 Hot Press interview with the Radiators included the quote: ‘Yeah, there have been heroes like Lynott and Gallagher … who are too far removed from kids to be real’. The band’s acceptance of Lynott’s invitation to tour with his band Thin Lizzy in Britain and to open for them in the Dalymount, Dublin festival indicates a shift in position These factors are important since the ever-changing music industry field confers advantages on artists according to their perceived status or association. Artists struggle for position in the field, often wanting to be seen as part of an ‘in-group’ or having higher status than other acts or genres. These struggles have consequences in terms of perception, media attention and sales. The disputed place of the Boomtown Rats in punk and post-punk is indicative of these struggles for position. One author involved in the selection of the punk canon, John Robb (2006: 310), advanced the claim that the Boomtown Rats were ‘punk enough for the kids’ but had ‘been left out of punk histories’. Russ Bestley identified another way in which bands are viewed as an ‘in-group’ or ‘out-group’. To some, he felt, both the Boomtown Rats and the Radiators from Space were viewed as ‘out-groups’ for being identified ‘deserting’ their Dublin home-town for London (2012: 50). For Irish musicians, the decision to relocate to England to improve career possibilities often had serious implications. They were closer to a major music industry centre, and reliant on a far more competitive music environment, yet removed from the economic and social advantages of a home-base. Phil Chevron from the Radiators and later the Pogues wrote:

The only thing that ever mattered about London/the UK to me was that the gig scene made it much easier for us to work and our record company was there. In our first month in London, we literally did more gigs than we had in Ireland in the previous year. But I think London did allow us an objectivity we didn’t even know we needed until the Ghostown songs began to fully emerge. (E-mail correspondence 5 June 2012)

In the case of the Radiators the decision to relocate was prompted by lack of opportunities in Ireland. This was partially the result of a fatal stabbing at a May 1977 concert featuring both the Radiators and the Undertones. The decision to emigrate, even temporarily, clearly had artistic as well as personal implications.

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For Irish musicians of the era exile was often inevitable. In the global context, they left a country with a comparatively underdeveloped music industry.

Social Opposition: The Punk Rock Moral Panic A considerable amount of the punk rock discourse in Ireland depicted the movement in a negative light. This fits the pattern identified by Stan Cohen’s classic 1973 work Folk Devils and Moral Panic (reprint 2005: 158), where a ‘condition, episode, person or group of persons emerges to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests’. In the Irish example it is possible to identify those depicting punk as a threat, and also those supporting it. The Irish establishment was swift in its response to punk. Even gate-keepers in other creative industries condemned it. Fashion writer Noelle Campbell Sharp in August 1977 contrasted one high-end Dublin retailer’s stock with her representation of international trends:

I was surprised and relieved at the absence of ‘punk’ jewellery like blades, bloodstained limbs and so on, which are the unfortunate current theme in London. This is a craze which has had an immediate effect there and in New York, but let’s hope that it will die a sudden death.

Political responses included condemnation from the former Minister for Justice, Patrick Cooney. In a December 1977 speech he called for a European alliance to protect the ‘traditional standards of the West’...’Christianity’ and ‘democracy’. This would protect the continent against what he termed ‘decadence’. The first reason he presented in his argument was the new music genre: ‘There is evidence of decadence all around us. Our culture has become decadent when one sees punk rock being presented as an ideal’. Two years later in May 1979, an apparently more sympathetic outlook to the music genre was offered. This perspective, from former Minister for Industry and Commerce Mr Keating, depicted punks as hapless victims of a music industry containing ‘corruption’ and ‘heavy money’. Mr. Keating argued: ‘There were the poor misfortunate punk rockers who were so ruth- lessly exploited, indeed to their deaths physically in some cases’. This idea of punks lacking the ability to make intelligent decisions was reinforced by Gemma Hussey, future Minister for Education. She appeared to compare the music subculture with altered-reality and intoxication. In her June 1982 speech on the Finance Bill, she remarked:

… young people crowd the pool rooms. They stun themselves with drugs and with the wilder aberrations of punk and mod and all the other modern trends. They try to forget what they suspect lies before them.

Naturally, as a leading force in the country’s moral debates, the Catholic Church had its perspective reported by the Irish media. In March 1978 the Irish Independent printed a front page article under the headline: Punk rock revolting, dangerous – Bishop. Written by the newspaper’s religious affairs correspondent, the story contained the following:

The PUNK rock movement because of its symptom of rejection of values – is not only a revolting one, but also a dangerous one, a Catholic bishop has warned. … We must see that the mentality punk rock

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displays is far more than the irresponsible action of a comparatively small number – it is a claim to unencumbered violence as a right, said Bishop Birch

On the same day the news story also featured in the Irish Press. There the bishop’s statements were reported, repeating the claim that the ‘recent punk rock movement was a symptom of rejection of values’. This was followed by a story the next day under the headline: ‘Punks are so nice, says a mother’. The article represented the opinion of the mother of Philip Chevron of the Radiators from Space. She was quoted: ‘Dr Birch has no call to come out with a statement like that’ with respect to the allegation that punk rock was ‘a claim to unencumbered violence as a right’. She defended her son and punks in general: ‘Most of them are very loveable people – the most loveable you could come across. There may be the odd lunatic fringe who use them as an excuse for vandalism …’ Another quote attributed to her: ‘they are all normal respectable middle-class kids’, is consistent with Cohen’s findings about moral panics. He identified a pattern where modern society, as currently constituted, creates problems for working-class adolescents and condemns their response to those problems. Thus the publication of an Irish mother’s statements defending punk rock can be viewed as evolutionary in terms of publicly chal- lenging a bishop. This would have been almost unthinkable at other stages of Irish history. At the same time, it can be viewed as part of a pattern where temporary scape-goats like punks were sensationalized and used to reinforce the societal position of working-class youth. The power of the Catholic Church in the Republic has been represented as a moral monopoly by authors including Tom Inglis (1998). To Inglis the Church influenced the ‘way people viewed and understood the world. … how people behaved socially. … the type of economy that was developed and the way business was conducted’ (1998: 65). Indications of the Church’s power included prohibitions on contraception; ‘artificial’ forms of birth control were illegal until 1979, and could only be obtained with a doctor’s prescription until 1985. Part of the Church’s dominance of Irish life was derived from its position as the religion of the majority of the Republic’s citizens. As Share et al. (2012) documented, the 2011 census number the Republic’s Catholics at 84 per cent of the population, while Ireland remains one of only three European countries were religious services are attended at least monthly by 70 per cent of the population. These political and media perceptions that punk rock was dangerous, an ‘aberration’, or a threat to societal values, had implications for both producers and consumers. For instance, the license for the December 1977 Boomtown Rats concert in Dublin’s Tivoli Theatre was revoked when police, describing the band as ‘punk rock’, claimed they would attract an ‘undesirable and unac- ceptable’ audience. The show had to be relocated (Anon.1977: 6).

Industry Opposition: ‘There is life after the Sex Pistols’ Within the music industry the idea that punk rock was undesirable was sustained by members of the media who found it not to their taste. The music critic for the Irish Press newspaper, John Spain, viewed punk with distain. On the day of their first performance in Ireland in October 1977 he described The Clash as ‘one of the most objectionable and therefore most successful of the British punk bands’. Their concert he wrote was: ‘An event which aging

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hippies like myself view with supreme insignificance’. His article criticized the band’s lyrics: ‘a mixture of catch-phrases and clichés and don’t really say much at all’ and their music which ‘apart from being damaging to the hearing, is harmless’ (Spain 1977). To Bourdieu (2003), critics had the ability to promote artists and genres. He compared embarking on an artistic career with gaining membership of ‘a select club’ where new entrants are endorsed by figures of influence like critics (2003: 77). These patterns of endorsement and promotion have real consequences; acts are awarded prizes while reviews can translate into sales and prestige. This endorsement can also come from fellow artists who can play a pivotal role in advancing or hampering careers. One notable intervention by an Irish musician in the early development of punk was undertaken by singer Chris de Burgh. One of de Burgh’s authorized biographers, Dave Thompson (1987), represented the manner in which punk’s emergence redefined the overall field of popular music. His journalistic perspective runs parallel to Bourdieu’s theory, depicting a finite ‘marketplace’ containing competing artists and genres strug- gling for status and sales. Chris de Burgh’s response to the evolution of the field was to endorse the status quo. Signed to A&M records at the time, he later observed that the pre-punk established acts ‘survived a lot better than most of the groups who were supposed to be replacing them’ (1987: 50). When A&M dropped the Sex Pistols, after eight days on the label, de Burgh sent the head of company a telegram reportedly reading: Don’t worry, there is life after the Sex Pistols. A later authorized biographer, Tony Clayton Lea (1996) provides more detail on de Burgh’s response to punk rock. He represents the singer as actively involved in mobilizing artists on the label to agitate for the removal of the Sex Pistols. The singer is quoted on his response to the signing of the Sex Pistols:

I was in touch with several other artists on the label – I think one of them was through Richard Burkhart [de Burgh’s manager] and the Carpenters – and they were all horrified that the ethos of the label was being assaulted by the Sex Pistols. ... It felt like the whole label was being threatened. ‘I wrote to Derek, and I said that I disagreed with these people joining the label, but whatever he did I was right behind him, because he supported me when I needed him. It was basically a letter of support. Anyway, six days later they were off the label, probably as a result of internal pressure’. (1996: 124)

‘… eagerness to get back to basics’: Punk Supporters Not all of Ireland’s established musicians demonstrated the same antipathy towards punk. Some were far more sympathetic to new bands and provided them with performing opportunities and other assistance; this influenced punk’s transmission in Ireland. At times, even this benevolence was represented in terms of struggles for resources within the boundaries of the popular music field. Bob Geldof was quoted on the Boomtown Rats’ performance opening for Thin Lizzy in August 1977: ‘It was a triumph for the attitude of punk and New Wave, and a victory for the next generation.’ (Putterford 2002: 125). For blues musician Rory Gallagher the reconstitution of the music field by the punk movement apparently simultaneously presented performance

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strategies and reduced his sources of prestige and endorsement. A member of his technical team, Joe O’Herlihy, recalled the impact of the genre on Gallagher:

… Rory went to see The Sex Pistols perform at the Winterland Ballroom [San Francisco]. That gig made a huge and lasting impression on him. The energy of Punk was the driving force behind his eagerness to get back to basics, the rawness of guitars, bass and drums … (Connaughton 2012: 108)

This shift in the music industry is represented in the same source as reduc- ing market resources available to Gallagher; ‘Rock and blues-based artists took a back seat to punk’. Music magazines advocating punk displaced those supporting established acts. One writer is quoted: ‘When punk hit in this country [Britain] it wasn’t only Rory that suffered. … their audience just evap- orated’ (Connaughton 2012: 128). Thin Lizzy’s Scott Gorham and author Harry Doherty in Thin Lizzy: The Boys Are Back In Town, identified associations between the group’s singer, Lynott, and the most identifiable London punk musicians. They represent Lynott’s tactics as ‘part of an ongoing campaign to align himself with punk’ (2012: 120). This apparently included inviting the Clash to open for the band in London. The response of the Clash’s manager when turning down the invitation is described: ‘I like the idea, but the Clash are a political band – every- thing we do has to have an element of danger to it’. On hearing of this, Lynott is alleged to have altered the title of their forthcoming album from ‘Thin Lizzy Live’ to ‘Thin Lizzy Live and Dangerous’ (2012: 104). Lynott invited alliances with members of the Sex Pistols, and formed an occasional group, the Greedies or Greedy Bastards, with Steve Jones and Paul Cook from the band. Gorham and Doherty’s insider-account identifies the Sex Pistols’ Sid Vicious and his girlfriend Nancy Spungen as ‘frequent visi- tors to his home in Cricklewood’ and allege how ‘Typically, visits to the house involved heavy drug use’ (2012: 120). The book claims that while many established bands were ‘seen by the punks as dinosaurs set for the graveyard, Lizzy were treated with warmth and affection’ (Gorham and Doherty 2012: 97). It is difficult to assess whether this affection stemmed from Thin Lizzy’s music and image or from their public association with punk. Another factor may be that Lynott’s London house, shared with NME staff-photographer Chalkie Davies, was available for social gatherings of musicians. In either case, it provides another example of how evolutions in the field of popular music could impact artists. The reconstituted field with its new sources of prestige and endorsement could harm or enhance an act. It goes without saying that alliances between the ‘new’ bands and the established artists were not confirmed to Irish acts. In Britain some of the important ‘cross-genre’ collaborators numbered Peter Gabriel who included contributions from The Jam’s Paul Weller and XTC’s Dave Gregory on his third solo album. Famously, Johnny Thunders’ 1978 album ‘So Alone’ featured guests from both new and established bands, including the Sex Pistols, The Only Ones, The Pretenders, Eddie and the Hot Rods as well as Phil Lynott and Steve Marriott. Yet the small interrelated nature of the Irish rock scene made some of these alliances especially important. In a limited market lacking the resources of Britain, the new bands were dependent on sources of support.

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‘Chiswick gave birth to the British independent music industry’ Recent authoritative histories of punk and post-punk give a prominent place to London-based Chiswick Records. Russ Bestley and Alex Ogg state ‘Chiswick was the most prominent front-runner’ amongst the early labels releasing multiple acts from the scene (2013: 122). Jon Savage and Stuart Baker claim ‘Chiswick gave birth to the British independent music industry’ (2013: 28). In light of these claims, the development of the label deserves to be exam- ined. Additionally, the fact that the label’s principals, Ted Carroll and Roger Armstrong were Irish emigrant entrepreneurs makes Chiswick relevant to the analysis of the Irish music industry. The presence of the Irish in Britain should be understood in the context of a long-term pattern of emigration from Ireland. As P.J. Drudy (1986) documented in Ireland and Britain Since 1922, in the period prior to the Irish Republic’s independence, 1801–1921, an estimated eight million people left the country. In the four decades following independence, this outflow continued, with Britain the primary destination. Following a brief period of ‘return migration’ in the early 1970s, the decade ended with a return to the traditional pattern of people leaving the Republic in search of better economic and conditions. The implication of this mass movement of people from Ireland to Britain was socially significant. For example, the approximate 340,000 Irish arrivals in the decade 1951–1961 caused tensions in English cities. The process of assimi- lation was often fraught. For this reason John Lydon from the Sex Pistols and Public Image Limited titled his autobiography No Irish, No Blacks, No Dogs (2003); these words were found in advertisements for lodging at the time. The children of these immigrants often made significant cultural contributions to the host country. Sean Campbell superbly documented the ‘in-betweeness’ of second-generation Irish musicians in England in his book Irish Blood, English Heart (2011). He documented the Irish ancestry of Paul McCartney, John Lennon, Lonnie Donegan and relevant for punk and post-punk era, Elvis Costello, Shane Mac Gowan from the Pogues, Kevin Rowland from Dexy’s Midnight Runners, Boy George and members of the Smiths. The impact of musicians of Irish ancestry on British cultural life was paralleled by the impact of both Irish-born entrepreneurs and cultural workers and those with Irish ancestry. Another significant label of the punk era was Stiff Records, whose co-founder Dave Robinson was another Irish emigrant entrepreneur. Chiswick and Stiff are often identified as two of the leading innovators of the era as well as a source of encouragement to other labels. For instance, Rough Trade’s Geoff Travis cited Stiff, Virgin and Chiswick as an ‘inspiration’; all three were located close to his record shop. In some of the new do-it-yourself (DIY) labels he identified the emergence of a set of business practices ‘empowered by punk’. These labels encouraged artists to challenge the accepted music industry logic that major firms were essential to success. Travis is quoted: ‘And that empowered a lot of people to do things. I would say this idea was led by the Stiffs and the Chiswicks, really’ (Savage and Baker 2013: 79). The idea of crediting Irish entrepreneurs with ‘giving birth to the British independent music industry’ reinforces Laing’s advocacy of studying that industry in the context of global flows. Being involved at the birth of that independent music industry places them simultaneously at the roots of both

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the punk genre and its attendant DIY label movement. Chiswick and Stiff have been the subject of some quality historical analysis, in particular Alex Ogg’s meticulous overview of the label and its protagonists in the seminal Independence Days: The Story of UK Independent Record Labels (2009: 55–88). The sources above depict Chiswick developing from the London special- ity record shops run by Carroll and Armstrong. Initially inspired in part by French label, Skydog, Chiswick released records by the Count Bishops, the Damned, Motorhead and Joe Strummer’s band the 101’ers. Along with Stiff Records, Chiswick was one of the labels that most quickly responded to and advanced the punk genre. To Alex Ogg, for the punk movement this entrepreneurial activity was pivotal for punk. To him ‘the crucial enabling event was the piecemeal arrival of a series of labels able to operate outside conven- tional music industry structures’ (2009: 91). In the Republic of Ireland the music industry was dominated from the late 1950s into 1960s by ‘showbands’ performing covers of British and American songs as well as comedy skits. This appears to make it an unlikely source of entrepreneurs prepared for the type of cultural innovation capable of impact- ing the global music industry. Yet it is possible to see the impact of the global cultural flow of the music industry in the case of Ted Carroll. Despite concerns about ‘foreign’ media influence, particularly in the 1930s, popular music and its artefacts were available in Ireland. The accessibility of radio broadcasts, books, records and later films about music led to the development of Carroll’s interest. This passion for music led to Carroll joining the local band The Caravelles and developing his music entrepreneurial skills as a concert promoter and talent booker. In 1962 he began promoting Rhythm and Blues events in a tea- room in the Dublin suburb, Killiney; this was one of the only significant venues providing original music for young people at the time. The underdevelopment of the Irish original rock scene Carroll attributes to the ‘combined forces of the Gardai (Irish police) and the Catholic Church’. He wrote of two strands in Irish popular music in the era: ‘the more popular and populist phenomena’ of the Showband and Ballad Group scenes; and the Beat groups ‘who wrought the more profound changes and developments in Irish musical culture in the longer term’ (Ted Carroll, sleeve notes, The Radiators from Space 2012). The music industry’s focus on the artist, the ‘charismatic’ ideology (Bourdieu 2003: 76), ignores or marginalizes the sustenance provided by entrepreneurs like Carroll. As an early manager of Thin Lizzy he played an instrumental role in assisting the Irish rock band to develop a career. It was the outside business activities of Carroll and his fellow manager, Brian Tuite who ran a music equipment shop, which sustained both them and the band during the early 1970s. Carroll recalled the financial realities of running Thin Lizzy:

We managed, just hand-to-mouth, the main expense was motoring, when the van broke down you know pay for engine repairs. Petrol was still very cheap. So I needed to make some money somehow so I was doing a little mail-order with collectible records I was picking up in second-hand stores. I had some records I’d picked up in America when I was over there with Skid Row the previous year. (Carroll 2012)

In 1971 Carroll opened a stall selling records in the newly opened Portobello Market. Through the small Dublin music network he discovered

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Ireland’s Decca distributor had a large stock of back catalogue records in storage. He recalled:

Anyway I cut a deal with them. So every morning I’d get in there at nine or half nine before we’d go off to a gig somewhere and spend several hours happily digging through all these boxes of 45s and piling them up. I’d cut a deal 3 ½ p a throw. I ended up with about 1,700 45s, brought them back to London in the back of the Thin Lizzy van. … (Carroll 2012)

Carroll’s entrepreneurial skills were a product of his working in both the Irish rock scene and the larger London scene. His market knowledge and ability to identify trends were developed in the small Irish rock scene with its limited resources and opportunities. These skills later played a significant role in the formative years of the Chiswick record label.

Rock On: Record Shops, Record Deals and DIY Many record shops provided a social and commercial function that extended beyond over-the-counter sales. They were simultaneously commercial and social spaces. Carroll and Armstrong’s London shop Rock On is an example of how record shops served as gate-keepers in the music industry both to business and DIY interests. Frequent customers, or those in search of rare or collectible items, inevitably conversed with the shop’s staff. This networking led to business deals. For example, one customer, Nigel Grainge from Phonogram Records’ Sales Department recalled how his roles as an industry member and a record collector combined.

I was down there on Saturday buying a few 45’s and Ted told me that he was managing Thin Lizzy. So jokingly I made the inane statement, ‘Why don’t you come to a real record company’, and he surprised me by saying, ‘OK, make me an offer’. (Fay 1991)

According to this account, Carroll followed up the casual conversation by sending Grainge the band’s new demo tape. Thin Lizzy had recently parted company with Decca Records and were looking for a new record deal. Impressed by the material, Polygram signed the band. Many of the key early artists and entrepreneurs of the London punk scene frequented the shop and came into contact with Carroll and Armstrong. Ogg details some of these interactions; customers included Mick Jones and Joe Strummer from the Clash (2009: 69) and Paul Weller from the Jam (2009: 71). Carroll and Armstrong’s interaction with their customers was not limited to selling them music product; their label provided possibilities for the bands. They issued records by Joe Strummer’s pre-Clash band the 101’ers and offered the Jam a record deal. The Sex Pistols’ manager Malcolm McLaren was a customer and invited the proprietors to acts as disc jockeys playing records at the band’s early gigs (2009: 66). When the Clash formed, their manager, Bernie Rhodes included Carroll and Armstrong amongst the small group of sympathetic industry personnel invited to see the debut performance by the band. Apparently unimpressed by the hospitality offered

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by Rhodes, the record shop purchased beer and wine for the small gather- 3. The band reformed and released the albums ing. (2009: 69) Trouble Pilgrim in 2006, The shop also acted as a gate-keeper to customers who were non-pro- and Sound City Beat in fessional. Some of the key fanzine writers of the era, a key element of punk 2012. culture, acknowledge the role of the shop in their incubation. Both Ogg (2009: 69) and Savage in Paul Gorman’s history of music journalism (2001: 218) credit Rock On’s distribution of American magazines as an inspiration for early British punk fanzines. Mark Perry of Sniffin’ Glue fanzine is quoted:

After the Ramones’ gig I asked the guy at Rock On whether there were any British magazines covering this new music, because, apart from the New York magazine Punk, I had seen nothing. He suggested I start one up myself, and I think it was said more as a joke than anything else. I obviously took his idea seriously, because I went straight home and typed the first words of my fanzine Sniffin’ Glue and other Rock ‘n’ Roll Habits … (Gorman 2001: 216–17)

In addition to encouraging their customer to start his fanzine, they were its first stockists, and also subsidized its production by purchasing copies in advance. Sniffin’ Glue featured ads for the Chiswick label as well as reviews, not always complimentary, of its product. According to Pogues’ biographer Carol Clerk (2009), another early punk fanzine, Bondage, published by Shane McGowan, benefitted from a similar arrangement with Rock On. The shop funded the fanzine in advance and accepted finished copies in settlement of the debt. Chiswick later released a single from McGowan’s pre-Pogue act, the Nips.

The Murphia If artists like Phil Lynott and labels like Chiswick and Stiff were important supporters of the early emerging punk acts, they were just as significant to Irish artists. In 1991, journalist Bill Graham represented Lynott’s role during the era as the ‘keystone of that London-Irish network of informal co-conspirators, the Murphia’. Graham listed Horslips, Rory Gallagher, Robinson and Carroll as the key members of the network. While the use of a term ‘the Murphia’ was probably tongue in cheek, as a power-broking network of Irish music industry personnel the group was both very significant and short-lived. This small network of music industry personnel indicates how a significant cultural impact can be made by a handful of individuals. It is worth examining this network in light of Carroll’s contrast of the ‘populist’ showband and ballad genres with the original rock bands responsible for the ‘profound changes and developments in Irish musical culture in the longer term’. Ireland’s three significant rock acts during the early 1970s equipped a number of key personnel with career experience. It should be noted how the skills acquired via these bands were later offered to assist Ireland’s punk and post-punk era bands. The Radiators From Space provide a distinctive Irish case-study from the punk and post-punk period (1976–1984). Despite their relatively short career, two albums between 1977 and 1979, they contributed significantly to Dublin’s punk and post-punk scene and provide insight into how the domestic industry functioned.3 In June 1977 their debut single ‘Television Screen’ entered the Irish chart at number seventeen (IrishCharts.ie). The career of Philip Chevron, a member of both The Radiators from Space and The Pogues, illustrates how this network functioned. The Irish emigrant

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music entrepreneurs combined with the local industry members who had gained experience and skills with the trio of 1970s Irish rock acts. The Radiators were signed in 1976 by Chiswick Records in London, founded by Carroll who had worked for Thin Lizzy, and Armstrong who had worked with Horslips. Chevron’s next band The Pogues, were managed by Dubliner Frank Murray who had graduated from tour-managing his school-friend Phil Lynott’s band, Thin Lizzy (Byrne 2006: 54). Finally, The Pogues were signed to Stiff Records, co-founded by another exile from Dublin’s ‘beat scene’, Dave Robinson. The Radiators first recording session was organized by Horslips drummer Eamon Carr who then took it to his network of London-based former colleagues. There were other significant linkages between Ireland’s three established rock acts and the new bands; U2’s first demo tape was produced by Horslips’ Barry Devlin; the band’s first recording for CBS records was remixed by Robbie McGrath when the initial results were deemed lacking, he had worked for Horslips before switching to the Boomtown Rats; having worked with Rory Gallagher Joe O’Herlihy became U2’s long-standing sound-engineer; Steve Iredale moved from sound-engineer for Horslips to production management with U2. The availability of experienced industry personnel enabled the Irish punk and post-punk acts to compete internationally. As the nominal leader of the ‘Murphia’ network of individuals linking Dublin and London, Phil Lynott and Thin Lizzy’s management also encouraged and advised the bands behind the scenes. At Dublin’s first major outdoor rock concert in August 1977, Thin Lizzy as headliners invited both the Boomtown Rats and the Radiators from Space to perform. In Mark Putterford’s (2002) biography of Lynott, Bob Geldof is represented giving credit to Lynott, his managers and Chiswick Record’s Ted Carroll with assisting his band; they

… helped us immensely when we were looking for a record deal. All we had to our name was this shite demo tape, and yet the two Chrises [Thin Lizzy managers] got it to the head of A+R at Phonogram, Nigel Grainge, and that was the key to it all for the Rats. (Putterford 2002: 125)

Nigel Grainge had recently been given his own label, Ensign, within the Polygram firm. He was quoted recollecting how Thin Lizzy’s manager intro- duced him to the Boomtown Rats:

I was boxing up my stuff in my Phonogram office, preparing to move out, when Chris O’Donnell (Thin Lizzy’s manager) walked in and said he had some friends outside from Dublin who wanted to make an appointment so they could play me a demo tape. I said, ‘Never mind about that - I don’t have a full diary yet, bring ‘em in now’. (Fay1991)

To gain exposure the band hired an Irish publicist, B.P. Fallon, whose former clients included T. Rex and Led Zeppelin. Fallon possessed extensive contacts in the British music industry and secured a number of important promotional opportunities for the band. According to Geldof’s autobiography these relationships proved the band with their debut television appearance. The singer recalled how glam-rock icon Marc Bolan invited the Boomtown Rats to be guests on his show ‘Marc’. In Geldof’s opinion, Bolan: ‘was doing B.P. a favour by having us on’ (1986: 117).

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Lynott and Thin Lizzy also provided numerous performance opportunities for other young bands emerging from Ireland at the time. Thin Lizzy invited the Radiators from Space to accompany them on their 28-date British tour in November/December 1977. They subsequently invited another Dublin band, the Vipers to tour with them in Britain in 1979. The following year they brought Good Vibrations’ band the Tearjerkers on their Irish tour. In July 1979 members of Horslips and the Radiators along with other Dublin bands collaborated as The Defenders. They performed at a benefit concert to raise funds for Heat fanzine, which had been sued for libel by U2’s manager Paul McGuinness (Cunningham 2013: 195). Bill Graham, the Irish music journalist, wrote about the demise of the fanzine in his book, U2, The Early Days (1989). In his account, Heat claimed U2’s manager had phoned the promoter of Joe Jackson’s Dublin gig and asked for U2 to be inserted as the opening act at the expense of the Dublin band already on the bill. Allegedly this was to enable a visiting A&R person to see U2. McGuiness objected to the article and sent a solicitor’s letter to Heat demanding the recall of all copies of the fanzine. When this was not undertaken to his satisfaction he renewed his legal pursuit of the publication and it went into liquidation. The alter-ego group of combined Horslips and Radiators also released a single to benefit the publishers in November 1979 (Cunningham 2013: 201). It is clear to see how the support provided by the sympathetic established Irish artists helped both the new acts and other creative workers like fanzine writers of the punk era in Ireland. Phil Chevron later recalled how these alliances fostered a sense of solidarity with pre-punk acts as well as emerging punk scenes elsewhere:

The scene we were actually part of and helped create in 76/77 was more like the early London and New York [punk] scenes had been, more art- driven than socially-self-conscious, though there was an element of that. The Radiators from Space, in many ways, echoed the cultural landscape the Horslips came out of 5 or 6 years earlier: art school, literary-minded, fashion-conscious, advertising-savvy, autodidactic. (E-mail correspondence 5 June 2012)

Conclusion In frequent representations punk rock is depicted as a year zero music genre in opposition to the pop and rock music that had preceded it. Yet, the case of the Republic of Ireland reinforces the work of both Dave Laing (1985) and Russ Bestley and Alex Ogg (2013) which promotes an inclusive comprehen- sion of punk. No popular music genre exists in a vacuum. The punk and post- punk era in the Republic of Ireland proves that genres should be understood as interconnected. Surprising, under-acknowledged and influential links often exist between music scenes in different cities and countries. Similarly, links between individuals and bands can encourage and foster artists who may have seen themselves in opposition to their predecessors. Cultural flows are more clearly discernable when analysis of punk includes the significant contribution of both pre-punk acts and Irish emigrant entrepreneurs in London. For example, it is clear that Ted Carroll’s skills gained in Ireland’s ‘beat scene’ and later in London, aided Irish and British musicians both directly and indirectly. Therefore, Carroll’s contribution to the development of both the punk genre and the independent D.I.Y. label movement

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should be seen in the context of both Dublin and London. His skills and experience fed back into Ireland and helped the domestic industry to develop. The successful Irish acts of the punk and post-punk era found industry assistance from three particular sources. First, the new bands enjoyed the support of established acts like Thin Lizzy and Horslips in particular. Second, they benefitted from an available supply of industry workers who had gained experience in Dublin’s ‘beat scene’ and the acts it produced. Third, they enjoyed access to the small group of Irish emigrant music industry entrepreneurs with Chiswick and Stiff Records, at the heart of the London’s punk and D.I.Y. movements. The era provides a good example of how the flow of industry personnel from a small country like Ireland can impact on both the domestic and international industries. Punk is often seen as ‘breaking down the barriers’ that prevented entry to the music industry. There were clearly many in the industry who were invested in shutting them out. Yet it should also be noted that once the walls were breached, punk found many allies within that industry. Some even paved the way. Perhaps one of punk’s unexpected legacies is that it indicates how alliances and assistance are available to people and bands who felt like they were outsiders.

Acknowledgements This article was enhanced significantly by the anonymous reviewers whose feedback was incorporated into the final work. Their insight helped significantly by presenting opportunities to both clarify and expand on points. Feedback from Dr Barbara Bradby from Trinity College Dublin was also significant and beneficial. I wish to express sincere thanks to all of the above. Any mistakes or errors are my own. Dedicated to the memory of Phil Chevron; Phil sadly passed away shortly after supplying detailed answers to my questions about his career.

References Anon. (1977), ‘Concert by Rats to go ahead’, Irish Press, 20 December, p. 6. —— (1978), ‘Punks are so nice, says a mother’, Irish Press, 2 March, p. 5. Bestley, Russ (2012), “From ‘London’s Burning” to “Sten Guns in Sunderland’’’, Punk and Post-Punk, 1: 1 pp. 41–71. Bestley, Russ and Ogg, Alex (2013), The Art of Punk, London: Omnibus. Bourdieu, Pierre (2003), The Field of Cultural Production, Cambridge: Polity. Browne, Harry (2013), The Frontman: Bono (In The Name of Power), London: Verso. Byrne, Alan (2006), Thin Lizzy, London: SAF Publishing. Campbell, Sean (2011), Irish Blood, English Heart: Second Generation Irish Musicians in England, Cork: University Press. Campbell-Sharp, Noelle (1977), ‘Column’ Woman’s Way, Dublin, 26 August, p. 34. Carroll, Ted (2012), recorded interview, 27 July. Clayton-Lea, Tony (1996), Chris de Burgh: The Authorized Biography, London: Sidgwick and Jackson. Cohen, Stan (2005), Folk Devils and Moral Panic, Oxon: Routledge. Connaughton, Marcus (2012), Rory Gallagher: His Life and Times, Cork: Collins Press.

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Cooney, Patrick (1977) ‘European Assembly Elections (No. 2) Bill, Second Stage’ Seanad Eireann 87: 8, & December p. 12 http://debates.oireachtas.ie/ seanad/1977/12/07/00012.asp#N31. Accessed 29 May 2014. Cunningham, Mark (2013), Horslips: Tall Tales, The Official Biography, Dublin: O’Brien. Drudy, P.J. (ed) (1986), Irish Studies 5: Ireland and Britain Since 1922, Cambridge: Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge. Fay, Liam (1991), ‘The Hit Man’, Hot Press, 7 February pp. 20–21. Foster, Mick, Allen, Tony and Galvin, Anthony (2013), After All These Years: Our Story, London: Virgin. Geldof, Bob (1986), Is That It?, London: Sidgwick and Jackson. Gorham, Scott and Doherty, Harry (2012), Thin Lizzy: The Boys Are Back In Town, London: Omnibus. Gorman, Paul (2001), In Their Own Write: Adventures in the Music Press London: Sanctuary. Graham, Bill (1989), U2, The Early Days, London: Mandarin —— (2002), ‘You Can Always hear The King’s Call’, Hot Press, 1 July. http:// www.hotpress.com/archive/415994.html. Accessed December 29 2013. Hooley, Terri and Sullivan, Richard (2010), Hooleygan: Music, Mayhem, Good Vibrations, Belfast: Blackstaff. Hussey, Gemma(1982), ‘Finance Bill, 1982: Second Stage (Resumed)’. Dáil Eireann 335: 7, 10 June, p. 4. http://debates.oireachtas.ie/dail/1982/06/10/ 00004.asp#N161. Accessed 29 May 2014. Inglis, Tom (1998), Moral Monopoly: The Rise and Fall of the Catholic Church in Modern Ireland, Dublin: University College Dublin Press. Keating, Justin (1979), ‘Private Business. – Independent Local Radio: Motion’, Seanad Eireann, 92: 2, 16 May, p. 7. http://debates.oireachtas.ie/ seanad/1979/05/16/00007.asp#N60. Accessed 29 May 2014. Keohane, Leo (2013), ‘Corner Boys in Small Town Ireland, 1922–1970’, in Méabh Ní Fhuartháin and David M. Doyle (eds), Ordinary Irish Life: Music, Sport and Culture, Kildare: Irish Academic Press, pp. 64–80. Laing, Dave (1985), One Chord Wonders: Power and Meaning in Punk Rock, Milton Keynes: Open University. Ogg, Alex (2009), Independence Days: The Story of UK Independent Record Labels, London: Cherry Red. O’Neill, Sean and Trelford, Guy (2003), It Makes You Want To Spit, Dublin: Reekus. Power, Joseph (1978), ‘Punk rock revolting, dangerous – Bishop’, Irish Independent, 1 March, p. 1. Putterford, Mark (2002), Phil Lynott: The Rocker, London: Omnibus. Radiators from Space (2012), Sound City Beat, London: Chiswick 6704902. Reynolds, Simon (2006), Rip It Up And Start Again: Punk and Post-Punk 1978–1984, London: Faber. Robb, John (2006), Punk Rock: An Oral History, London: Ebury Press. Savage, Jon and Baker, Stuart (eds) (2013), PUNK 45: The singles cover art of punk 1976–1980, London: Soul Jazz. Share, Perry, Corcoran, Mary P. and Conway, Brian (2012), Sociology of Ireland, 4th ed, Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. Spain, John (1977), ‘Soundings’, Irish Press, 21 October, p. 7. Thompson, Dave (1987), ‘From a Spark to a Flame’: The Chris de Burgh Story, London: Omnibus. Everyhit. com, (2010) www.everyhit.co.uk. Accessed 29 May 2014.

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IRMA/The Irish Charts in association with Larry Gogan (2014) www.irishcharts.ie. Accessed 29 May 2014.

Suggested citation Murphy, M. M. (2014), ‘Punk and Post-Punk in the Republic of Ireland: Networks, migration and the social history of the Irish music industry’, Punk & Post-Punk 3: 1, pp. 49–66, doi: 10.1386/punk.3.1.49_1

Contributor details Michael Mary Murphy began working in the music industry as a teenager with a part-time job in his local record shop in Dun Laoghaire, Dublin. He combined his studies with a stint in local band, Cuba Dares, where a highlight was achieved opening for New Order in the S.F.X hall. He worked in Dublin’s indie music scene both as an occasional fanzine and magazine contributor and band manager. He combined his academic background in business studies with a career in the music industry as an A&R person and personal manager in Dublin, London, New York and Toronto. During that time he nurtured talent and negotiated deals for his acts with RCA, Sony, EMI, Universal and Hollywood Records. He lectures in Dun Laoghaire on the entrepreneurship and the music industry and is completing a Ph.D. on the social history of the Irish music industry. His love of punk and post-punk remains undimished. E-mail: [email protected]

Michael Mary Murphy has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the author of this work in the format that was submitted to Intellect Ltd.

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