The Social Origins of Human Rights

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

The Social Origins of Human Rights The Social Origins of Human Rights Popular Responses to Political Violence in a Colombian Oil Refinery Town 1919-1993 Luis van Isschot Department of History McGill University October 2010 A thesis submitted to McGill University in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy @Luis van Isschot, 2010 i Abstract This dissertation examines why, how and with what impact people living in conflict areas organize collectively to assert human rights. The focus is the emergence in the 1980s of a human rights movement in the oil enclave of Barrancabermeja. The Barrancabermeja-based Regional Committee for the Defence of Human Rights (CREDHOS) was created in 1987 in the context of dirty war fought on multiple fronts between state security forces and their paramilitary allies, on the one hand, and Marxist insurgent groups, on the other. In exploring the history of a human rights movement in one of Colombia’s most chronically war-affected regions, this dissertation expands our understanding of how frontline activists interpret human rights principles from the bottom-up. Human rights movements cannot be viewed as axiomatic or simple humanitarian responses to political violence. The term “human rights” refers to contingent norms and practices that are derived from lived experiences of authoritarianism, war, poverty and social exclusion. In this dissertation I argue that social activists in the war-torn Colombian oil town of Barrancabermeja undertook human rights activism both as a strategy of self-preservation and as a transformative praxis. In Barrancabermeja, the struggle for human rights did not displace or supplant longstanding local struggles for social justice and political change. Rather, human rights was considered to be a form of social protest consistent with previously existing traditions of popular radicalism for which Barrancabermeja has become celebrated. ii Résumé Cette thèse de doctorat examine l’action collective en faveur des droits humains organisée par des personnes vivant en zone de conflit, analysant les raisons qui ont motivé cette démarche, la façon par laquelle elle fut mise en œuvre et ses impacts concrets. L’analyse cible particulièrement l’apparition d’un mouvement des droits humains dans l’enclave pétrolière de Barrancabermeja. Le Comité régional pour la défense des droits humains (CREDHOS) fut établi en 1987 alors que sévissait sur plusieurs fronts une guerre sale opposant l’État colombien et ses alliés paramilitaires aux insurgés marxistes. En ciblant la création d’un mouvement des droits humains dans une des régions de la Colombie les plus affligées par la guerre, cette thèse révèle comment les principes des droits humains peuvent être interprétés de façon singulière par les activistes en zone de combat. L’émergence de mouvements des droits humains ne peut être réduite à un réflexe humanitaire pour contrer la violence politique. Le concept même de droits humains fait référence à des pratiques et normes contingentes qui ont été modelées par l’expérience des régimes autoritaires, de la guerre, de la pauvreté et de l’exclusion sociale. Les gens qui militaient en faveur des droits humains dans l’enclave pétrolière de Barrancabermeja ont mis en œuvre leur activisme en poursuivant deux buts : d’une part, celui-ci constituait une stratégie d’autodéfense contre la violence politique; d’autre part, il représentait une pratique sociale réformatrice. Les luttes en faveur d’une plus grande justice sociale qui animaient déjà Barrancabermeja depuis des décennies n’ont pas été supplantées par ce nouvel activisme pour les droits humains. Au contraire, le militantisme entourant la promotion des droits humains était compatible avec cette tradition de radicalisme populaire qui avait fait la renommée de Barrancabermeja. iii For Nicolasa and Jordi. iv Acknowledgements This dissertation would never have been completed without the love and support I receive from Stephanie Conway. I want to thank her for her encouragement and understanding in the face of seemingly endless cycles of research, writing, revisions, and multiple trips to Colombia. She has shared my passion for this work, and that is everything in the world to me. I want to thank everyone in Colombia who shared their stories with me, many whose names appear in the pages that follow, and many others as well. Very special thanks to all of the people at CREDHOS for generously allowing me into their archives. I also want to thank Miguel Fernández, Glenis Pérez, Mirjam Koppe, Elena Rey, Camilo Castellanos, Eleanor Douglas, Katia Urteaga and Peace Brigades International for their hospitality and support, in Bogotá and Barrancabermeja. Thank you as well to all of my Colombian friends, teachers and mentors, especially Rosa Pinzón, Amanda Romero, Francisco Campos, Régulo Madero, Yolanda Becerra, Luisa Serrano, Rafael Velásquez, Fernando Acuña, Matilde Vargas, Pedro Galindo, Alfonso Torres Duarte, Germán Plata, Mauricio Archila, and John Jairo Bedoya. Thanks are also due to William Mancera for his fantastic assistance conducting research in the libraries of Bogotá. Thank you to Winifred Tate for her feedback and encouragement. Thank you to Catherine LeGrand for all of your energy and wisdom along my academic journey. When I lived in Colombia in 1998, several years before I began my PhD, a friend of mine who taught history at the Universidad de la Paz in Barrancabermeja, Germán Plata, told me about Catherine LeGrand. He had never met her, but said she had written a clásico of Colombian history, and that I absolutely had to v look her up when I got back home to Montreal. I could never have imagined just how significant his advice would prove. Catherine LeGrand’s insights and always pertinent guidance have made this entire process a pleasure for me. Thank you to my parents Joyce Canfield and Carlos van Isschot, my sister Andina van Isschot and Bernard Pelletier. Also thanks to my sister Isabel van Isschot and Carlos Osorio. I think that my father must know, but it bears repeating here, that he has inspired me with his love of Latin American history and his rebellious spirit. In this dissertation I have tried to honour a vision of social and political justice in Latin America that I first learned at home. I have felt very closely accompanied by him these past years. My mother’s love, intellect and strength seem boundless to me. She has taught me the importance hard work and respect, which are probably the most important values I could bring to my research process. Special thanks Christopher Conway. Our many conversations about his experiences as a member of a Scottish tank crew in the Second World War and an advocate for prisoners’ rights in the Canadian penal system have had a big impact on my thinking about the politics of remembrance, the costs of war, and human dignity. Thanks Chris for being such a wonderful storyteller and an incorrigible nonconformist. In Washington, D.C., thanks to Michael Evans and Carlos Osorio at the National Security Archive at George Washington University, and Viviana Kristicevic and Michael Camilleri at the Center for Justice and International Law (CEJIL). At McGill University, special thanks to Daviken Studnicki-Gizbert and Stephen J. Toope for their generosity and support. Thank you as well to Philip Oxhorn, Iain Blair and of course Samuel J. vi Noumoff. Thank you to Colleen Parish, Jody Anderson, Silvia Crawford, and all of the staff at the Department of History. This project was made possible through the support of the Fonds québécois de recherche sur la société et la culture (FQRSC), the McGill Centre for Developing Area Studies (now the Institute for the Study of International Development), the McGill University Department of History, and the Social Science and Humanities Research Council (SSHRC) through Cristina Rojas at Carleton University. vii Map 1. Political Map of Colombia1 1 http://www.nationsonline.org/oneworld/map/colombia_map.htm viii Map 2. Magdalena Medio Region of Colombia2 2 Source: Observatorio de Paz Integral (OPI), a joint project of the Universidad de la Paz, the Corporación Regional para la Defensa de los Derechos Humanos (CREDHOS), the Diocese of Barrancabermeja, the Human Rights Ombudsman (Defensoría del Pueblo) and the Program for Development and Peace of the Magdalena Medio (PDPMM). ix Map 3. Barrancabermeja City Map3 The city of Barrancabermeja (official population 191,000 as of 2005 census) is located on the Magdalena River, approximately 500 kilometres from the Caribbean coast, in a humid lowland region known as the Magdalena Medio. Barrancabermeja is divided into four quadrants: central, southeast, northeast, north and south. The central district is separated from the other areas of the city by a railroad track. The state-owned oil refinery is located northwest of the city’s main commercial distict. 3 Source: International Institute of Seismology and Earthquake Engineering. http://iisee.kenken.go.jp/net/seismic_design_code/colombia/microzonation/fig9_barranca bermeja.html x Table of Contents Abstract ii Dedication v Acknowledgements v Maps viii Introduction: Human Rights as Social Protest 1 PART I: Foreign Enclave (1919-1961) 32 Chapter 1: Oil Workers, Colonos, and the Roots of Radical Political Culture 33 PART II: City and Region (1961-1980) 84 Chapter 2: Nationalization, Local Development and the Cold War 84 Chapter 3: The Birth of the Civic-Popular Movement 121 PART III: Dirty War (1980-1993) 160 Chapter 4: Violence in the Countryside and the Transformation of a Company Town 161 Chapter
Recommended publications
  • Redalyc.Institucionalización Organizativa Y Procesos De
    Estudios Políticos ISSN: 0121-5167 [email protected] Instituto de Estudios Políticos Colombia Duque Daza, Javier Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006 Estudios Políticos, núm. 31, julio-diciembre, 2007 Instituto de Estudios Políticos Medellín, Colombia Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=16429059008 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto Institucionalización organizativa y procesos de selección de candidatos presidenciales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos 1974-2006∗ Organizational Institutionalization and Selection Process of Presidential Candidates in the Liberal and Conservative colombian Parties Javier Duque Daza∗ Resumen: En este artículo se analizan los procesos de selección de los candidatos profesionales en los partidos Liberal y Conservador colombianos durante el periodo 1974-2006. A partir del enfoque de la institucionalización organizativa, el texto aborda las características de estos procesos a través de tres dimensiones analíticas: la existencia de reglas de juego, su grado de aplicación y acatamiento por parte de los actores internos de los partidos. El argumento central es que ambos partidos presentan un precario proceso de institucionalización organizativa, el cual se expresa en la debilidad de sus procesos de rutinización de las reglas internas. Finaliza mostrando cómo los sucedido en las elecciones de 2002 y de 2006, en las que se puso en evidencia que el predominio histórico de los partidos Liberal y Conservador estaba siendo disputado por nuevos partidos, los ha obligado a encaminarse hacia su reestructuración y hacia la búsqueda de mayores niveles de institucionalización organizativa.
    [Show full text]
  • La Paz Que No Llegó: Enseñanzas De Una Negociación Fallida
    59 la paz que no llegó: enseñanzas de una negociación fallida juan manuel ospina restrepo* La década de los noventa pasará a la his- cado. Años en los cuales la corrupción se toria como una de las más difíciles y con- desbordó, invadió al conjunto de la acti- fusas que haya vivido Colombia. Años de vidad ciudadana y se convirtió en la reali- grandes ilusiones e inconmensurables frus- dad más deslegitimadora de nuestras traciones. De nueva Constitución y de golpeadas instituciones. En el mundo de masacres y desplazamientos sin fin. Una hoy los gobiernos y aún los regímenes década donde conocimos mejor nuestras políticos se derrumban ante todo por la falencias internas pero también nuestras fuerza de la corrupción, que alimenta la posibilidades. Una década que en lo exte- pobreza y el marginamiento en medio de rior nos enfrentó al desafiante, amenazante la abundancia. y engañoso escenario de la globalización. Los colombianos hemos cambiado. Que en lo interno nos enfrentó a una gue- De eso no hay duda. Ya no somos lo que rrilla que salió de las penumbras selváti- éramos pero todavía no tenemos nuestra cas y de las lejanías de nuestras fronteras nueva piel. Somos conscientes de que lo agrícolas para hacer sentir su influencia y que viene de atrás se agotó; que no hay sus apetencias de poder. De un narcotrá- espacio ni razones para la nostalgia. Que- fico que se enseñorea por el país y de un remos eso sí, tener certidumbres, clarida- fundamentalismo ideológico que, olvidan- des. Por eso la gente emigra. Por eso la do toda esa realidad, pretende que Colom- gente se interroga e interroga.
    [Show full text]
  • Banana Massacre, Or Matanza De Las Bananeras
    BANAN A MASSACRE This Day In HISTORY December 06, 1928 "Towards the end of 1928, in protest against poor pay and working conditions, banana pickers in Colombia took the decision to come out on strike. The industrial action threatened the interests of the American-owned United Fruit Company, who lobbied the American government to send troops into Colombia to suppress the strike. In order to obviate the need for US troops entering Colombian territory, the Colombian government acted to suppress the strike itself, and on 6 December sent armed forces into the town of Cienaga, the strikers’ stronghold. The suppression was ruthless and violent, and was responsible for the deaths of scores of strikers and members of their families. It became known as The Banana Massacre, or Matanza de las Bananeras. The workers of the United Fruit Company had several key grievances, most of which concerned their harsh working conditions, and the perception of being under-valued. They demanded formal written contracts, eight-hour working days, six-day working weeks and an end to the practice of paying wages with food coupons. Backed by left-leaning politicians, the strike quickly gathered momentum and became the largest display of organised dissent ever seen in Colombia. Alarmed by the extent of the civil unrest, but unwilling to allow America to participate in a domestic matter, the Colombian government sent a regiment from Bogotá to put down the strike. Under the leadership of General Cortés Vargas, the government forces set up heavily armed posts around Cienaga’s main square, surrounding the strikers who were gathered within.
    [Show full text]
  • It Doesn't Hit the Scorecard
    “It Doesn’t Hit the Scorecard”: The Corporate (Un)Accountability and Legal Crisis Accounting of Chiquita Brands’ Crimes in Colombia By: Jeanine Legato Advisor: Marta Cabrera Maestría en Estudios Culturales Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Bogotá 2021 Yo, Jeanine Legato, declaro que este trabajo de grado, elaborado como requisito parcial para obtener el título de Maestría en Estudios Culturales en la Facultad de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad Javeriana es de mi entera autoría excepto en donde se indique lo contrario. Este documento no ha sido sometido para su calificación en ninguna otra institución académica. Jeanine M. Legato 03 febrero 2021 1 CONTENTS A Note on Translation 5 Introduction 7 On my Lacking (?) Law Degree, Connection to the Topic, and Thesis Title 10 Thesis Structure 16 1. Structures of Irresponsibility: Political Conditions of the Corporate Form Under the Law 18 1A. A Reified Corporation Emptied of People 18 1B. A Crisis of Representation 26 1C. “Collateral Issues” 28 1D. Equal Rights to Inequality 31 Interlude 1: The Urabá of the Early 1900s 40 2. “How many times can we try and get Chiquita and fail?”: A Corporate (Un)accountability Map of Chiquita’s Crimes in Colombia 45 2A. A Corporate (Un)accountability Map of Chiquita’s Crimes in Colombia 45 2B. Civil State-centered Solutions in the US, the “ATS is dead,” and Pirates, Inc. 52 ATS 2.0 54 Neo-colonial Court Room Narratives of the 1980s 55 Tectonic Shifts 57 Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum: A Conjuncture? 58 “Pirates, Inc.” 60 Chiquita: The Touch and Concern Test 62 Neoliberal Market Organization and Kiobel 63 2C: Criminal State-centered Solutions in Colombia and ICC Aspirations 69 2D: Conclusions 72 Interlude 2: The Urabá of the 2010s 75 3.
    [Show full text]
  • OEA/Ser.L/V/II.53 Doc. 22 30 June 1981 Original: Spanish REPORT
    OEA/Ser.L/V/II.53 doc. 22 30 June 1981 Original: Spanish REPORT ON THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I POLITICAL AND LEGAL SYSTEM CHAPTER II THE RIGHT TO LIFE CHAPTER III RIGHT TO PERSONAL LIBERTY CHAPTER IV RIGHT TO PERSONAL SECURITY AND HUMANE TREATMENT CHAPTER V RIGHT TO A FAIR TRIAL AND DUE PROCESS CHAPTER VI OTHER RIGHTS CHAPTER VII MILITARY OPERATIONS IN RURAL AREAS CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS 1 PURL: https://www.legal-tools.org/doc/37b093/ OEA/Ser.L/V/II.53 doc. 22 30 June 1981 Original: Spanish REPORT ON THE SITUATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS IN THE REPUBLIC OF COLOMBIA INTRODUCTION A. Background 1. In Communication No. 168 of April 1, 1980, The Government of Colombia invited the Commission to undertake an on-site investigation in Colombia. As part of this work the Commission was to attend the public stage of the cases being tried in Oral courts-martial and acquaint itself with the investigations into alleged abuses of authority in the area of human rights. The aforementioned note reads as follows: Mr. Chairman: I have the honor to transmit to you the note addressed thought me to you and the others members of that Commission by Dr. Diego Uribe Vargas, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Colombia. Bogotá, April 1, 1980 Mr. Chairman and members of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. Washington, D.C. It has been a longstanding hope of the Colombian government to invite the Commission, whose honesty and rectitude are internationally recognized, to visit our country for the purpose of examining the general situations of human rights and, at the same time, to be present at the public part of the oral proceeding of Oral courts-martial now being conducted, in accordance with the Constitution and the laws of the Republic, and to apprise itself of how the trials are conducted.
    [Show full text]
  • The Current Peace Process in Colombia As Nation-Building Todos Por Un Nuevo País?
    The Current Peace Process in Colombia As Nation-building Todos Por Un Nuevo País? (Master Thesis) Executive Master in International Politics Centre Européen de Recherches Internationales et Stratégiques – Université Libre de Bruxelles Author: Krisztián Manzinger Brussels, 2018 1 2 Content Introduction.................................................................................................................................5 I. 1. Nation-building....................................................................................................................8 I. 2. Colombia ...........................................................................................................................12 I. 3. Spanish colonial social heritage ........................................................................................18 II. 1. The history of the conflict in Colombia ...........................................................................22 II. 2. La Violencia and its aftermath .........................................................................................23 II. 3. The birth of the FARC .....................................................................................................26 II. 4. The decades of the civil war.............................................................................................27 II. 5. Colombia’s importance to the US ....................................................................................32 II. 6. Paramilitaries....................................................................................................................37
    [Show full text]
  • His 350 United Fruit Company Abroad: a Study of the Change in Landholdings, Relationship to Labor Force, and the Transportation System in an Oli Perspective
    CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by NORA - Norwegian Open Research Archives HIS 350 UNITED FRUIT COMPANY ABROAD: A STUDY OF THE CHANGE IN LANDHOLDINGS, RELATIONSHIP TO LABOR FORCE, AND THE TRANSPORTATION SYSTEM IN AN OLI PERSPECTIVE REIDAR NÅDEN STUDENTNR.: 189016 AHKR – VÅREN 2009 PREFACE I would foremost like to thank my teaching supervisor Harm G. Schröter. I have learned a lot from him, and without his help this thesis would never come alive. I would also like to thank the staff at ZBW in Germany, especially Gomille Reinhard, for vital help in acquiring material necessary for my thesis. Ronald Fark, librarian at Brown University, also deserves thanks, for providing me with vital material. I would also like to thank my fellow students and the seminar for good and honest feedback. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface 2 Oppsummering 6 Chapter 1: Introduction 7 Definitions 7 Reputation and popular opinion of United Fruit 7 Sources 8 Literature and research on United Fruit 10 My project 13 My project in terms of other research 15 Chapter 2: The eclectic paradigm, banana plant and importance of the banana to United Fruit 17 Banana plant 17 The importance of the banana division for United Fruit 18 The eclectic paradigm 19 Definitions 19 The advantages of the eclectic paradigm 20 Critique of the eclectic paradigm 23 Why relevant for United Fruit? 24 Chapter 3: The history of United Fruit Company and the banana industry 25 Origins of the banana trade 25 Boston Fruit Company and Minor C. Keith – the origins of the United Fruit Company 26 United Fruit Company – the early years 27 “Sam the Banana Man” and the Cuyamel Fruit Company 30 The Second World War 30 After the Second World War 31 United Fruit and banana diseases 33 From Gros Michel to Cavendish 33 Thomas E.
    [Show full text]
  • Una Mirada Atrás: Procesos De Paz Y Dispositivos De Negociación Del Gobierno Colombiano
    La Fundación Ideas para la Paz (FIP) es un centro de pensamiento independiente, apoyado por el sector empresarial, cuya misión es contribuir con ideas y propuestas a la superación del conflicto en Co- lombia. Desde su origen en 1999, FIP ha estado comprometida con el apoyo a las negociaciones de paz y en su agenda de trabajo e inves- tigación ha contribuido con propuestas e ideas en la construcción de paz. Estas seguirán siendo sus prioridades: el conflicto colombiano necesariamente concluirá con una negociación o una serie de nego- ciaciones, que requerirán la debida preparación y asistencia técnica si han de ser exitosas para construir un escenario de paz duradero. Working papers Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O. Octubre de 2008 Fundación Ideas para la paz Una mirada atrás: procesos de paz y dispositivos de negociación del gobierno colombiano Gerson Iván Arias O1. Octubre de 2008 Serie Working papers FIP No. 4 2 • www.ideaspaz.org/publicaciones • Contenido 5 Presentación 6 1. Introducción 7 2. Importancia de las estructuras o dispositivos de negociación en los procesos de paz: el caso de Colombia 7 El conflicto armado colombiano 7 Las razones para la solución política y una definición de paz 8 Los niveles de negociación dentro de un conflicto armado 8 Dispositivos de negociación y procesos de paz 10 3. Aparición y transformación de los dispositivos formales de negociación del poder ejecutivo colombiano en los procesos de paz: 1981-2006 11 Julio César Turbay Ayala: orden público y negociación 12 Belisario Betancur Cuartas: voluntarismo y prisa por la paz 16 Virgilio Barco Vargas: institucionalización y pragmatismo 18 César Gaviria Trujillo: negociar en medio del conflicto 20 Ernesto Samper Pizano: ilegitimidad e inmovilidad 21 Andrés Pastrana Arango: de vuelta al voluntarismo 23 Álvaro Uribe Vélez: acometer y rectificar 26 4.
    [Show full text]
  • Z9oorweake.Pdf
    For the exclusive use of N. Demir, 2017. TB0245 Andreas Schotter Mary Teagarden Blood Bananas: Chiquita in Colombia No one laughs at the banana in its areas of origin. It is too serious a business, on which jobs and lives depend. Peter Chapman, Author of Jungle Capitalists. For Chiquita Brands International, a pioneer in the globalization of the banana industry, bananas are not only serious business, they represent an array of economic, social, environmental, political, and legal hassles. Since its founding more than a hundred years ago as United Fruit Company, Chiquita has been involved in paying bribes to Latin American government officials in exchange for preferential treatment, encouraging or supporting U.S. coups against smaller nations, putting in place dictatorships in Central America’s “banana republics,” exploiting local workers, creating an abusive monopoly, and now doing business with terrorists.1 For American multinationals, the rewards of doing business abroad are enormous, but so are the risks. Over the past decades, no place has been more hazardous than Colombia, a country that is just emerging from a deadly civil war and the effects of wide-ranging narco-terrorism. Chiquita found out the hard way. It made tens of millions in profit growing bananas in Colombia, only to emerge with its reputation splattered in blood.2 In 2004, Chiquita voluntarily admitted criminal responsibility to the U.S. Justice Department that one of its Colombian banana subsidiaries had made protection payments from 1997 through 2004 to terrorist groups. Consequently, a high-profile investigation and legal trial followed. In 2007, Chiquita entered into a plea agree- ment to resolve the criminal prosecution.
    [Show full text]
  • GRÁFICA CRÍTICA EN LA REVISTA ALTERNATIVA Bogotá 1974
    GRÁFICA CRÍTICA EN LA REVISTA ALTERNATIVA Bogotá 1974 – 1980 Gustavo Alonso Garzón Riaño Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Departamento de Humanidades Maestría en Estética e Historia del Arte Bogotá D.C. 2019 1 GRÁFICA CRÍTICA EN LA REVISTA ALTERNATIVA Bogotá 1974 – 1980 Gustavo Alonso Garzón Riaño Tesis presentada para optar por el título de Magister en Estética e Historia del Arte Director: PhD en Filosofía Mario Alejandro Molano Universidad de Bogotá Jorge Tadeo Lozano Facultad de Ciencias Sociales Departamento de Humanidades Maestría en Estética e Historia del Arte Bogotá D.C. 2019 2 GRÁFICA CRÍTICA EN LA REVISTA ALTERNATIVA Bogotá 1974 – 1980 Contenido Contenido ....................................................................................................................................................................... 3 RESUMEN .................................................................................................................................................................... 4 ABSTRACT ................................................................................................................................................................... 5 INTRODUCCIÓN ......................................................................................................................................................... 6 CAPÍTULO 1 ..............................................................................................................................................................
    [Show full text]
  • Cuaderno Número 31
    CUADERNOS DE HISTORIA ECONÓMICA Y EMPRESARIAL ISSN 1692 - 3707 La serie Cuadernos de Historia Económica y Empresariales una publicación del Banco de la República – Sucursal Cartagena. Los trabajos son de carácter provisional. Las opiniones y posibles errores son de responsabilidad exclusiva de los autores y no comprometen al Banco de la República ni a su Junta Directiva. ¿QUIÉN MANDA AQUÍ? PODER REGIONAL Y PARTICIPACIÓN DE LA COSTA CARIBE EN LOS GABINETES MINISTERIALES, 1900-2000 Adolfo Meisel Roca♦ Cartagena de Indias, abril de 2012 ♦El autor agradece la colaboración de Yuri Reina para la construcción de la base de datos utilizada en este trabajo y las observaciones de Laura Cepeda, Karina Acosta, Andrea Otero, María Aguilera, Andrés Sánchez, Luis Armando Galvis y Javier Pérez. Para comentarios favor dirigirse al correo electrónico [email protected] . Este documento puede ser consultado en la página web del Banco de la República http://www.banrep.gov.co/publicaciones/pub_ec_reg5.htm. RESUMEN En este trabajo hemos analizado la composición regional de los diferentes gabinetes ministeriales que tuvo Colombia durante el siglo XX con el fin de conocer la influencia regional tanto en la cantidad de ministros como en el tipo de ministerios. Es bien conocido que en Colombia las identidades regionales son muy marcadas y que ellas influyen en la vida política del país. En la composición de los gabinetes una de las dimensiones que los presidentes tienen en cuenta es el origen regional. Para analizar la participación regional en los ministerios se construyó una base de datos con los nombres de las 702 personas que en algún momento fueron ministros durante el siglo XX.
    [Show full text]
  • Estado Y Medios Masivos Para La Educación En Colombia (1929-2004)
    Estado y medios masivos para la educación en Colombia (1929-2004) The State and Mass Media for the Education in Colombia (1929-2004) Resumen Este libro de investigación tiene como objetivo responder a la pregunta: ¿cuál ha sido el papel del Estado en el diseño, desarrollo y los resultados de cuatro proyectos: la HJN, la televisión edu- cativa para niños, la televisión educativa para adultos y el bachillerato por radio? Su importancia deriva de considerar el papel del Estado cuando es ejecutor de proyectos educativos con el uso de medios masivos. Los capítulos abordan cada uno de los cuatro proyectos, su administración, financiación e infraestructura tecnológica y, finalmente, se produce un balance y se sacan unas conclusiones. Se analiza el papel del Estado como ejecutor en un periodo de desarrollismo con el cual estuvo comprometido cuando contó con los poderes necesarios para asegurar la búsqueda de los objetivos educacionales. La contribución más importante ha sido develar la continuidad tanto de recursos como de política pública para asegurar el éxito de los programas e indagar las causas de su liquidación. Palabras clave: Colombia, educación, Estado, proyectos educativos, radio, televisión. Abstract This research book aims to answer the following questions: What has been the role of the State in the design, implementation and results of four projects, i.e., HJN, children’s educational television, adult educational television, and high school by radio? Their importance is the result of considering the role of the State as implementer of educational projects using mass media. The topics covered herein include the four mentioned projects, their management, financing and technology infrastructure; and an assessment with some conclusions.
    [Show full text]