DOCSLIB.ORG

Nigeria's Neo-Colonial Status, a Step In

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text

Load more

NIGERIA'S NEO-COLONIAL STATUS, A STEP IN THE DIRECTION OF TRUE INDEPENDENCE A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF ATLANTA UNIVERSITY IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS BY OKON PETER UDO DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE ATLANTA, GEORGIA MAY 1980 TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER I 11 Nigeria, A Neo-Colonial State CHAPTER II 65 Neo-Colonialism, A Prelude to True Independence CONCLUSION 86 APPENDIX 91 BIBLIOGRAPHY 99 INTRODUCTION The aim of this study is twofold: (1) to determine whether Nigeria is infact a neo-colonial state; and (2) to show why and how current circumstances in Nigeria can lead to true independence for that country. By true independence is meant actual or real freedom as opposed to nominal free dom. That is neo-colonialism means "the existence of consi derable foreign direction over a nominally independent na tion" governed by reactionary elements. Although much has been written about neo-colonialism in Africa the search that preceeded the commencement of this study revealed no previous investigation aimed at: (1) deter mining the status of Nigeria in terms of neo-colonialism, and (2) establishing any relationship between neo-colonialism in Nigeria and the possibility of true independence for the coun try. The significance of the study therefore derives from the fact that it represents an attempt to fill a research gap. Neo-colonialism, the subject of this research, relates to the theoretical framework of dependency. Dependency here refers to the inability or unwillingness of most countries of the Third World to free themselves completely from imperialists domination and exploitation. Interest in this phenomenon has generated an enormous body of literature. Although much of ^Harry Magdoff, Imperialism: From the Colonial Age to the Present (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1978), p. 73. 2 the literature has been consulted with profit in connection with this study, the works of Harry Magdoff, Kwame Nkrumah, and Rene Dumont have been particularly helpful. The speci fic help gained from these authors will be indicated in the course of discussing their books. Harry Magdoff explains in his Imperialism: From the Colonial Age to the Present that contemporary dependency has its origin in Western capitalism's change of approach to appropriating wealth. In the early days of capitalism, according to the author, wealth appropriated from a domi nated territory and transferred to the capitalist centers consisted of that territory's surplus. The methods by which this was accomplished included "the exaction of tri bute," "plunder" and "direct robbery."1 The important point about these methods, the author points out, is that they "left the economic basis of conquered . territor ies intact."2 It can be concluded on the basis of this observation that in those days a dominated territory could overcome subjugation. Military superiority was the primary instru ment of domination; and military power stemmed from econo mic strength. Therefore, so long as a subject nation's economic basis was not disrupted there was a chance that that nation could become strong enough to free itself from oppression, or even to rise to a position of dominance. The seeds of contemporary dependency, as the author llbid., p. 3. 2Ibid. 3 shows were sown when the capitalist mode of creating wealth shifted from "direct robbery" to manufacture. As "factory production spread" and technology advanced, more goods than home markets could buy were produced. "At this point the securing of markets" for the surplus goods "became a major concern."^ As a result, the international economic, political, and military activity of ... captalist nations became in creasingly involved in transforming foreign economies to create a new supply of customers.3 Imperialism; From the Colonial Age to the Present is a collection of essays "written at different times . for special occasions." They are all written by Magdoff "under three headings: "History," "Theory and the Third World," and "Reply to Critics." Each section contributes to a clarifica tion of the connection between dependency and capitalism as a world wide economic system. The specific and most important benefits derived from Magdoff's book in connection with this research are: (1) the definition of the term neo-colonialism, and (2) an enlight ening explanation of the link between colonial structural arrangements and dependency in the Third World. Neo-colonialism, one of the most important terms in this investigation, is used in the sense that Magdoff uses it. He defines neo-colonialism as "the existence of consi derable foreign direction over a nominally independent na- llbid., p. 4. 2Ibid. 3Ibid., p. 5. tion." Some of the questions discussed in this paper will be raised with this definition in mind. This will apply espe cially to chapter one which will seek to determine whether Nigeria is a neo-colonial state or not. Explaining dependency in terms of colonization, Mag- doff states that: . direct application of military and political force, was essential to reshape the social and economic insti tutions of many of the dependent countries to the needs of the metropolitan centers. Once this reshaping had been accomplished economic forces--the international price, marketing, and financial systems were by them selves sufficient to perpetuate and indeed intensify the relationship of dominance and exploitation between mo ther country and colony. In these circumstances, the colony could be granted formal political independence without changing anything essential, and without inter fering too seriously with the interests which had ori ginally led to the conquest of the colony.1 The above quotation is another valuable instruction regarding the kind of questions for which answers should be sought in attempting to establish the basis for accepting or rejecting the supposition that Nigeria is a neo-colonial na tion. The aim of Kwame Nkrumah's Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Imperialism is "to examine neo-colonialism ... in its African context and its relation to African unity," as well as "in world perspective."^ As in the case of Magdoff, some of the ideas and in formation gathered from Nkrumah will apply mainly to the first chapter of this paper. His revealing definitions of llbid., p. 139. ^Kwame Nkrumah, Neo-Colonialism: The Last Stage of Im perialism (New York: International Publishers, 1965)7 P- xvii, 5 neo-colonialism and his manifestations of neo-colonialism in the Third World will be used as pegs for some of the arguments to be advanced in chapter one. One of Nkrumah's definitions of neo-colonialism is that: The essence of neo-colonialism is that the state which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings of international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside.1 Is this definition applicable to Nigeria? If it is, can it be shown how it is? These are the fundamental ques tions to be answered in using Nkrumah's definitions of neo colonialism. His manifestations of neo-colonialism will be used to support arguments in favor of the assumption that Nigeria is a neo-colonial country. One of these manifesta tions is rulers' indifference to the needs of workers. He takes the position that such indifference exists because "the rulers of neo-colonial states derive their authority to govern, not from the will of the people, but from the sup port which they obtain from their colonial masters."2 Nkrumah argues that neo-colonialism was conceived as a measure for remedying a potentially dangerous situation that confronted the rich in capitalist western Europe after World War II. Before the war, the "great gulf between the few rich and the many poor" in the capitalist countries of Europe had forced some alliance between colonial subjects and workers in the capitalist centers.-* llbid. 2Ibid., p. xv. , p. xii. 6 At the end of the war the majority of the people in the capi talist states were unwilling to accept "a return to the mass unemployment and . the low level of living of the pre-war years."^ At the same time, the workers were strengthening ties with the colonial subjects whose demand for independence was assuming a discordant note.^ To resolve the threat a decision was made by the im perialists to improve the living standard of their workers by making more of the wealth transferred from the colonies avail able to them. The colonies were at the same time promised what turned out to be nominal independence in every case. Al though unemployment remains a serious problem in the capital ist countries, neo-colonialism has blunted the friction that existed between the capitalists and workers; but this peace, the author explains, can only be a temporary one as the old conflict is bound to be renewed when the rest of the world unites against exploitation. It is Nkrumah's opinion that neo-colonialism represents an act of aggression because it has divided the world into "the rich and poor" creating a situation that can develop into "an international class war."3 The author goes on to explain that neo-colonialism owes its success chiefly to the practice of breaking up large territories into small non-viable states. Referring to this practice in West Africa, he remarks that ^Ibid., pp. xii, xiii. 2lbid. 3Ibid., p. 258. 7 "the constitution imposed on Nigeria at independence divided the country into three regions . loosely joined on a Fed eral basis but with sufficient powers left to the regions to cripple overall economic planning."1 "Ghana escaped a simi lar fate by the resistance put up by the Convention Peoples Party."2 Nkrumah sees unity as the most effective weapon against imperialism. He uses long lists of bankers, miners, manufacturers and elaborate charts to show how Western Europe and North America have descended upon Africa, plundering its wealth and interfering with growth and development in that region of the world.
Recommended publications
  • The Mis-Education of the African Child: the Evolution of British Colonial Education Policy in Southern Nigeria, 1900–1925

    The Mis-Education of the African Child: the Evolution of British Colonial Education Policy in Southern Nigeria, 1900–1925

    Athens Journal of History - Volume 7, Issue 2, April 2021 – Pages 141-162 The Mis-education of the African Child: The Evolution of British Colonial Education Policy in Southern Nigeria, 1900–1925 By Bekeh Utietiang Ukelina Education did not occupy a primal place in the European colonial project in Africa. The ideology of "civilizing mission", which provided the moral and legal basis for colonial expansion, did little to provide African children with the kind of education that their counterparts in Europe received. Throughout Africa, south of the Sahara, colonial governments made little or no investments in the education of African children. In an attempt to run empire on a shoestring budget, the colonial state in Nigeria provided paltry sums of grants to the missionary groups that operated in the colony and protectorate. This paper explores the evolution of the colonial education system in the Southern provinces of Nigeria, beginning from the year of Britain’s official colonization of Nigeria to 1925 when Britain released an official policy on education in tropical Africa. This paper argues that the colonial state used the school system as a means to exert power over the people. Power was exercised through an education system that limited the political, technological, and economic advancement of the colonial people. The state adopted a curricular that emphasized character formation and vocational training and neglected teaching the students, critical thinking and advanced sciences. The purpose of education was to make loyal and submissive subjects of the state who would serve as a cog in the wheels of the exploitative colonial machine.
  • Streeten's Major Writings Paul Marlor SWEEZY

    Streeten's Major Writings Paul Marlor SWEEZY

    .... 642 Paul Marlor SWEEZY Paul Marlor SWEEZY 643 I out agreeing with the late David McCord Wright, who once said, 'When It was under these circumstances that acquired a mission in life, not all at once and self-consciously, but gradually and through a practice that had a logic of its people tell me I am fuzzy, I reply, "life is fuzzy'", the heterodox dis�enters own. That mission was to do what I could to make Marxism an integral and prefer, I think, to be accused of fuzziness. They prefer to be vaguely nght to respected part of the intellectual life of the country, or, put in other terms, to take being precisely wrong. It is a matter of taste. The orthodox may say, part in establishing a serious and authentic North American brand of Marxism. 'Reductionism is not the occupational disease of economists, it is their occu­ pation.' But if in the process they throw out the baby instead of the bathwater, In pursuing these interests at Harvard, Sweezy received encouragement the reduction surely loses its point. from the great conservative economist Joseph Schumpeter, whose analysis of the origins, development and impending decline of capitalism revealed a Streeten's Major Writings complex and critical appreciation of Marxist analysis. 17 (1949), 'The Theory of Profit', The Manchester School, (3), September. Obtaining his Ph.D. in 1937, Sweezy took a job as an instructor at Harvard (1950a), 'Mangel des Preismechanismus', Vo//beschdftigung, Cologne: Bundverlag. (l 950b), 'The Inappropriateness of Simple "Elasticity" Concepts m the Analysis of Interna­ until 1939 when he rose to the rank of assistant professor.
  • Taxes, Institutions, and Governance: Evidence from Colonial Nigeria

    Taxes, Institutions, and Governance: Evidence from Colonial Nigeria

    Taxes, Institutions and Local Governance: Evidence from a Natural Experiment in Colonial Nigeria Daniel Berger September 7, 2009 Abstract Can local colonial institutions continue to affect people's lives nearly 50 years after decolo- nization? Can meaningful differences in local institutions persist within a single set of national incentives? The literature on colonial legacies has largely focused on cross country comparisons between former French and British colonies, large-n cross sectional analysis using instrumental variables, or on case studies. I focus on the within-country governance effects of local insti- tutions to avoid the problems of endogeneity, missing variables, and unobserved heterogeneity common in the institutions literature. I show that different colonial tax institutions within Nigeria implemented by the British for reasons exogenous to local conditions led to different present day quality of governance. People living in areas where the colonial tax system required more bureaucratic capacity are much happier with their government, and receive more compe- tent government services, than people living in nearby areas where colonialism did not build bureaucratic capacity. Author's Note: I would like to thank David Laitin, Adam Przeworski, Shanker Satyanath and David Stasavage for their invaluable advice, as well as all the participants in the NYU predissertation seminar. All errors, of course, remain my own. Do local institutions matter? Can diverse local institutions persist within a single country or will they be driven to convergence? Do decisions about local government structure made by colonial governments a century ago matter today? This paper addresses these issues by looking at local institutions and local public goods provision in Nigeria.
  • Monthly Review Press Catalog, 2011

    Monthly Review Press Catalog, 2011

    PAID PAID Social Structure RIPON, WI and Forms of NON-PROFIT U.S. POSTAGE U.S. POSTAGE Consciousness ORGANIZATION ORGANIZATION PERMIT NO. 100 volume ii The Dialectic of Structure and History István Mészáros Class Dismissed WHY WE CANNOT TEACH OR LEARN OUR WAY OUT OF INEQUALITY John Marsh JOSÉ CARLOS MARIÁTEGUI an anthology MONTHLY REVIEW PRESS Harry E. Vanden and Marc Becker editors and translators the story of the center for constitutional rights How Venezuela and Cuba are Changing the World’s Conception of Health Care the people’s RevolutionaRy lawyer DOCTORS 2011 Albert Ruben Steve Brouwer WHAT EVERY ENVIRONMENTALIST NEEDS TO KNOW ABOUT CAPITALISM JOHN BELLAMY FOSTER FRED MAGDOFF monthly review press review monthly #6W 29th Street, 146 West NY 10001 New York, www.monthlyreview.org 2011 MRP catalog:TMOI.qxd 1/4/2011 3:49 PM Page 1 THE DEVIL’S MILK A Social History of Rubber JOHN TULLY From the early stages of primitivehistory accu- mulation“ to the heights of the industrial revolution and beyond, rubber is one of a handful of commodities that has played a crucial role in shaping the modern world, and yet, as John Tully shows in this remarkable book, laboring people around the globe have every reason to THE DEVIL’S MILK regard it as “the devil’s milk.” All the A S O C I A L H I S T O R Y O F R U B B E R advancements made possible by rubber have occurred against a backdrop of seemingly endless exploitation, con- quest, slavery, and war.
  • Revisiting the Budgetary Deficit Factor in the 1914 Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates: a Case Study of Zaria Province, 1903-1914

    Revisiting the Budgetary Deficit Factor in the 1914 Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates: a Case Study of Zaria Province, 1903-1914

    International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science Vol. 5 No. 9 December 2017 Revisiting the Budgetary Deficit Factor in the 1914 Amalgamation of Northern and Southern Protectorates: A Case Study of Zaria Province, 1903-1914 Dr Attahiru Ahmad SIFAWA Department of History, Faculty of Arts and social sciences, Sokoto State University Sokoto, Nigeria Email: [email protected] Dr SIRAJO Muhammad Sokoto Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Department of Arabic and Islamic Studies Sokoto State University, Sokoto, Nigeria Murtala MARAFA Department of History Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Sokoto State University, Sokoto, Nigeria Email: [email protected] Corresponding Author: Dr Attahiru Ahmad SIFAWA Sponsored by: Tertiary Education Trust Fund, Nigeria 1 International Journal of Liberal Arts and Social Science ISSN: 2307-924X www.ijlass.org Abstract One of the widely propagated notion on the British Administration of Northern Nigeria, and in particular, the 1914 Amalgamation of Northern and Southern protectorates was that the absence of seaboard and custom duties therefrom, and other sources of revenue, made the protectorate of Northern Nigeria depended mostly on direct taxation as its sources of revenue. The result was the inadequacy of the locally generated revenue to meet even the half of the region’s financial expenditure for over 10 years. Consequently, the huge budgetary deficit from the North had to be met with grant – in-aid which averaged about a quarter of a million sterling pounds from the British tax payers’ money annually. Northern Nigeria was thus amalgamated with Southern Nigeria in order to benefit from the latter’s huge budgetary surpluses and do away with imperial grant –in- aid from Britain.
  • Excerpted from James Gustav Speth, America, Rising to Its Dream (Forthcoming, Yale U.P., Fall 2012) * How Can We Gauge What

    Excerpted from James Gustav Speth, America, Rising to Its Dream (Forthcoming, Yale U.P., Fall 2012) * How Can We Gauge What

    !"#$%&'$()*%+,)-.,$/)01/'.2)3&$'45))!"#$%&'()*%+%,-)./)01+)2$#'")34/$15&/"%,-()6'7#)89:9()4'77);<=;>)) 6) 7+8)#.9)8$):.1:$)84.')4./)4.&&$9$()'+)1/);9)'4$)&./')*$8)($#.($/).9() 84$%$)8$)/'.9()'+(.<=)>9$)8.<)'+).9/8$%)'4;/)?1$/';+9);/)'+)@++A).')4+8)8$) #+,&.%$)8;'4)+'4$%)#+19'%;$/);9)A$<).%$./B)3+)@$'C/)@++A).').):%+1&)+*).(2.9#$() ($,+#%.#;$/DD'4$)#+19'%;$/)+*)'4$)>%:.9;E.';+9)*+%)!#+9+,;#)F++&$%.';+9).9() G$2$@+&,$9'),;91/)'4$)*+%,$%)3+2;$')H@+#)#+19'%;$/5)I$";#+5)J1%A$<5)K+%$.5) L#[email protected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
  • Globalisation - to What End?*

    Globalisation - to What End?*

    GLOBALISATION - TO WHAT END?* Harry Magdoff By the end of 1990, foreign direct investment - that is, investment in manufacturing, real estate, raw materials extraction, financial institutions, etc., made by capitalists of all lands outside their national borders - reached over $1.5 trillion. Actually, this official estimate grossly under- states the case because it is based on book values. But even as a minimum estimate, what is significant about this number is not only its size but the unprecedented speed with which it has grown in the last two decades: the amount directly invested in foreign lands nearly tripled in the 1980s alone. Moreover, this investment went far beyond manufacturing and the extrac- tion of raw materials. To an ever larger extent foreign capital spread to such fields as finance, real estate, insurance, advertising, and the media. This upsurge and diversification of globalisation has been introducing new economic and political features in the countries of both the periphery and the core. In the periphery, foreign capital has penetrated more widely and deeply than ever before. In the core, the change of direction has helped produce in the world's key money markets an extraordinary spiralling of credit creation, international flows of money capital, and speculation. This new stage of globalisation has meanwhile given rise to questions about its longer-run significance. A widely accepted theory visualises the erosion of national sovereignty at the centres of capitalism, presumably to be replaced by an 'international' of capital that will make and enforce the rules of international relations. The more thoughtful members of the ruling capitalist class are well aware how chimerical the notion of a rising international of capital is.
  • Capitalism Has Failed — What Next?

    Capitalism Has Failed — What Next?

    The Jus Semper Global Alliance In Pursuit of the People and Planet Paradigm Sustainable Human Development November 2020 ESSAYS ON TRUE DEMOCRACY AND CAPITALISM Capitalism Has Failed — What Next? John Bellamy Foster ess than two decades into the twenty-first century, it is evident that capitalism has L failed as a social system. The world is mired in economic stagnation, financialisation, and the most extreme inequality in human history, accompanied by mass unemployment and underemployment, precariousness, poverty, hunger, wasted output and lives, and what at this point can only be called a planetary ecological “death spiral.”1 The digital revolution, the greatest technological advance of our time, has rapidly mutated from a promise of free communication and liberated production into new means of surveillance, control, and displacement of the working population. The institutions of liberal democracy are at the point of collapse, while fascism, the rear guard of the capitalist system, is again on the march, along with patriarchy, racism, imperialism, and war. To say that capitalism is a failed system is not, of course, to suggest that its breakdown and disintegration is imminent.2 It does, however, mean that it has passed from being a historically necessary and creative system at its inception to being a historically unnecessary and destructive one in the present century. Today, more than ever, the world is faced with the epochal choice between “the revolutionary reconstitution of society at large and the common ruin of the contending classes.”3 1 ↩ George Monbiot, “The Earth Is in a Death Spiral. It will Take Radical Action to Save Us,” Guardian, November 14, 2018; Leonid Bershidsky, “Underemployment is the New Unemployment,” Bloomberg, September 26, 2018.
  • A Historical Survey of Amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Police Departments of Nigeria in 1930

    A Historical Survey of Amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Police Departments of Nigeria in 1930

    European Scientific Journal August edition vol. 8, No.18 ISSN: 1857 – 7881 (Print) e - ISSN 1857- 7431 A HISTORICAL SURVEY OF AMALGAMATION OF THE NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN POLICE DEPARTMENTS OF NIGERIA IN 1930 Famoye Abiodun Daniels Department of History and International Studies, Adekunle Ajasin University, Akungba- Akoko, Ondo State, Nigeria Abstract This paper examines the historical dynamics that metamorphosed into the amalgamation of the Northern and Southern Police Departments of Nigeria by the British colonial government in 1930. The paper posits that the reform was largely part of the British extant colonial policy directed at the exploitation of Nigeria. The paper argues further that the amalgamation was desired more as a means of alleviating British economic difficulties of the 1920s and the 1930s. The paper therefore concludes that, contrary to the colonial government’s claim that the amalgamation was strictly designed for the development of Nigeria; the amalgamation was actually projected towards the maximisation of British colonial interest at the expense of Nigeria. Keywords: Police, Amalgamation, Native, Ordinance, Protectorate Introduction The formation of what is today known as the Nigeria Police Force (NPF) started in the late 19th century, when the colonial government began to establish paramilitary organisations, primarily for the protection of British merchants and colonial officials, who felt unsecured among the natives, who wanted to defend themselves against colonial oppression (Alemika 2010). In line with this motive, the colonial government also encouraged the traditional chiefs to operate their own police forces, the Native Authority Police (NAP), provided they were used to accelerate the attainment of colonial intentions 205 European Scientific Journal August edition vol.
  • MONTHLY REVIEW VOL. 71 NO. 6 an Independent Socialist Magazine Founded in 1949 by Leo Huberman & Paul M

    MONTHLY REVIEW VOL. 71 NO. 6 an Independent Socialist Magazine Founded in 1949 by Leo Huberman & Paul M

    NOVEMBER 2019 MONTHLY REVIEW VOL. 71 NO. 6 An Independent Socialist Magazine Founded in 1949 by Leo Huberman & Paul M. Sweezy John Bellamy Foster, Editor ◊ Brett Clark, Associate Editor ◊ Camila Quarta, Assistant Editor ◊ Martin Paddio, Business Manager ◊ Gordon Beeferman, Circulation ◊ R. Jamil Jonna, Associate Editor for Communications & Production Former Editors: Harry Magdoff (1969–2006) ◊ Ellen Meiksins Wood (1997–2000) ◊ Robert W. McChesney (2000–2004) 134 W. 29th Street, Suite 706 Editorial: [email protected] New York, NY 10001 Circulation: [email protected] tel: 212-691-2555 MR Online: [email protected] REVIEW OF THE MONTH On Fire This Time John Bellamy Foster 1 The Angler and the Octopus: Kim Jong-un’s Ongoing Peace Offensive Tim Beal 18 The Trial of Thomas Hardy: A Forgotten Chapter in the Working-Class Fight for Democratic Rights Ian Angus 41 Endgame Marxism (and Urbanism) Andy Merrifield 47 REPRISE U.S. Weakness and the Struggle for Hegemony Immanuel Wallerstein 54 POETRY This is our legacy Marge Piercy 61 REVIEW Race and Mystery in Cape Cod Nicholas Powers 62 Notes from the Editors Immanuel Wallerstein, the celebrated world-systems theorist and longtime contributor to Monthly Review and Monthly Review Press, died on August 31, 2019. Wallerstein first achieved international fame with the publication in 1974 of his The Modern World-System: Capitalist Agriculture and the Origins of the World-Economy in the Sixteenth Century (the first in a four-volume masterwork on the Modern World- System, which was to continue with volume II, Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy, 1600–1750 [1980]; volume III, The Second Era of Great Expansion of the Capitalist World-Economy, 1730s–1840s [1988]; and volume IV, Centrist Liberalism Triumphant, 1789–1914 [2011]).
  • The Nigeria Win the War Fund: an Unsung Episode in Government-Press Collaboration in Nigeria During the Second World War

    The Nigeria Win the War Fund: an Unsung Episode in Government-Press Collaboration in Nigeria During the Second World War

    © Kamla-Raj 2010 J Soc Sci, 24(2): 87-100 (2010) The Nigeria Win the War Fund: An Unsung Episode in Government-Press Collaboration in Nigeria during the Second World War E.N. Mordi Department of History/International Studies, Delta State University, Abraka, Nigeria GSM: 08036761418; E-mail: [email protected] KEYWORDS Colonialism .Communication. Community. Cooperation .Self-help. ABSTRACT Contrary to prevailing notions, Nigerians, inspite of their distance from the theater of war, felt the great impact of World War II and made substantial sacrifices which contributed to Allied victory over Nazism. Using Archival sources and national dailies ignored by previous scholars, the paper concludes that there was positive collaboration between the colonial government and Nigerian press in Britain’s Win the War efforts in Nigeria as illustrated by the Nigeria Win the War Fund. INTRODUCTION since Nigerians were so far removed from the theater of war and from the great issues at stake The impact of the Second World War in (Coleman 1958). awakening African political consciousness Such negative views of the role of the Nigerian (Crowder 1974) and in heightening the tempo of press, and of Nigerian contributions to World War political activities (Olusanya 1980a) against the II efforts neither present the whole picture nor background of the pre-war political docility of reflect the evidence (Mordi 1994). Rather, they the elite ( Hodgkin 1951; Crowder 1984) and the relegate and indeed obscure the positive concomitant hope of the colonial overlords to collaboration, at least from the British perspective, exercise unchallenged authority for generations between the colonial government and the press (Ajayi and Crowder 1974) has been studied.
  • Interrogating British Residential Segregation in Nigeria, 1899-1919

    Interrogating British Residential Segregation in Nigeria, 1899-1919

    UCLA Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies Title Space and Colonial Alterity: Interrogating British Residential Segregation in Nigeria, 1899-1919 Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/98q1c1d1 Journal Ufahamu: A Journal of African Studies, 41(2) ISSN 0041-5715 Author Alozie, Bright Publication Date 2020 DOI 10.5070/F7412046832 Peer reviewed eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California PART I Essays Space and Colonial Alterity: Interrogating British Residential Segregation in Nigeria, 1899-1919 Bright Alozie Abstract The policy of segregation is undoubtedly a resented feature of colo- nial rule in Africa. However, discussions of the residential racial segregation policy of the British colonial administration in Africa invariably focus on “settler colonies” of South, Central, and East Africa. British colonial West Africa hardly features in such dis- cussions since it is widely believed that these areas, which had no large-scale European settler populations, had no experience relevant to any meaningful discussion of multi-racial colonial relationships. Some studies even deny the existence of racially segregated areas in places other than the settler colonies. Despite evidence that residen- tial racial segregation formed one of the principles that facilitated the implementation of British colonial policy in Nigeria, the Nige- rian experience has not been given a fully coherent treatment. This paper examines Nigeria’s experience of officially directed residen- tial segregation. It argues that while residential segregation policies were justified along policies related to health, sanitation, and dis- ease prevention, the motive also derived from the demonstration of racial supremacy and civilization, which was the ideological justi- fication for empires in Africa.