Chapter Four Pay-Ing for Pansophy , 'The Pansophical Vndertaking Is Of

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Chapter Four Pay-Ing for Pansophy , 'The Pansophical Vndertaking Is Of 230 PART YWO: WISDCW - Chapter Four Pay-Ing for Pansophy ,'The Pansophical Vndertaking is of mighty importance. For what can bee almost greater then to have All knowledge. If it were with the addition to have All love also it were perfection' - Joachim HQbner, cited in Ephemerides 1639, HP 30/4/12A. 4: 1 origins of the Pansophic Project From Moriaen's first surviving letter to Hartlib, it is evident that when he arrived in Amsterdam he was already deeply, indeed missionarily, committed to his friend's project to fund and publicise Pansophy, the vision of universal wisdom whose most famous formulation was being worked out by the Moravian theologian and 1 pedagogue Jan Amos Komensky, or Comenius. This scheme 1 The secondary literature on Comenius is enormous. The fullest biographical account is Milada Blekastad's Comenius: Versuch eines Umrisses von Leben Werk und Schicksal des Jan Amos Komensky (Oslo and Prague, 1969), which despite its modest title is a detailed and exhaustive account of his life and work, based heavily and usefully (though at times somewhat uncritically) on Comenius's correspondence and autobiographical writings. Still valuable are the many studies written nearly a century ago by Jan Kva6ala, particularly Die Padagogische Reform des Comenius in Deutschland bis zum Ausgange des xvIX Jahrhunderts (Monumenta Germaniae P&udagogica XVII (Berlin,, 1903) and XXII (Berlin, 1904)). The standard English sources are Turnbull, HDC part 3 (342-464), Webster, Great Xnstauration and 'Introduction' to Samuel Hartlib and the Advancement of Learning (Cambridge, 1970), and Hugh Trevor-Roper's rather dismissive and anglocentric 'Three Foreigners: The Philosophers of the Puritan Revolution', in Religion, the Reformation and social change (London, 1967), 237-293 (on Hartlib, Dury and Comenius and their impact in England). Wilhelmus Rood's Comenius and the Low Countries: Some Aspects of the Life and Work of a Czech Exile in the Seventeenth 231 in the first few was the main preoccupation of both men years of their correspondence. Moriaen repeatedly in expressed his commitment to it fervent and explicitly religious terms: it was das werck, dz ich nach Gottes schickung auf mich genommen vnd nun mehr mein ganzes werck besten [ ] ich hab davon mache zum gemeinen ... mich gleichsam darzu abgesondert vnd devotiret (no. 16) Their expectations were spectacularly high. Moriaen approvingly quoted back to Hartlib the latter's conviction that, der welt nie nichts nuzlichers seye angetragen worden als eben diß werckh als dardurch die Schulen. vnd vermittelst derselben Ecclesia respublica mundus reformirt werden sollen vnd können (no. 67). Before a detailed account is given of the project and Moriaen's involvement in it, some analysis is called for Century (Amsterdam, 1970) contains useful material on his stay in the Netherlands and his relations with the de Geer family (discussed later in this chapter). There are vast numbers of articles on more specific aspects of his life, thought and publishing history in the journals Monatshefte der Comeniusgesellschaft, Acta Comeniana and Studia Comeniana et Historica. See also Dagmar Capkovd, ,'Comenius and his Ideals: Escape from the Labyrinth', SHUR, 75-92, and, on the background to his thought, Howard Hotson, Johann Heinrich Alsted: Encyclopedism, Millenarianism and the Second Reformation in Germany (PhD thesis, oxford, 1991), summarised in 'Philosophical pedagogy in Reformed Central Europe between Ramus and comenius: a survey of the continental background of the "Three Foreigners'", SHUR,, 29-50. A critical and very stimulating account of Comenius's concept of education in the context of his millenarian Utopianism forms a major strand of James Holstun's A Rational Millennium: Puritan Utopias of Seventeenth-Century England and America (New York and Oxford, 1987). 232 of what it was that was being promoted, and how it came to be seen as of such epochal significance. Born in 1592, Comenius studied at the Reformed academy of Herborn, before spending a year at the more traditional University of Heidelberg. 2 Herborn was among the many higher educational establishments founded in the late sixteenth century by Reformed German princes in 3 which a new educational ethos was being forged. In most cases of the 'conversion' of small German states to the Reformed religion there was a signal lack of enthusiasm for the new faith among the general populace, and the leaders bent, on persuading them saw education - through school, academy and pulpit - as a powerful tool for doing so. As the confessional divisions within Protestantism widened and took on clearer definition, such rulers benefited from an influx of Reformed preachers and educationalists evicted for their beliefs from their posts in Lutheran territories within the Empire, as well as the exodus from Switzerland, the Netherlands and 4 England. A further stimulus to Protestant educational reformers of all stripes was provided by the undisputed 2 Blekastad, Comenius, 23-48. He was at Herborn from 1611-13, at Heidelberg from 1613-14. Moriaen had almost certainly left Heidelberg by this time. 3 Cf. the illuminating study of German higher education at this period that forms the introduction to Howard Hotson$s thesis on Johann Heinrich Alsted: 'From its inception, the Second Reformation included a prominent educational dimension and one which was developed with a remarkable degree of optimism and imagination' (p. 23). 4 see Hotson, op. cit., 17-20. 233 success of the Jesuit colleges, with their relatively traditional curricula, founded in the latter half of the 5 sixteenth century. As J. A. Poehmer observed to Hartlib, Ich wundere mich offtmahl vber der Iesuiten industriam [ ) diese hetten fatalem ... wan sie sich die inquisition der natur so sehr angelegen sein laßen alß den dominium in conscientias, vill guts thun können. 6 Deploring the lack of support for Hartlib's educational projects, Dury observed bitt erly that 'If he was among the Iesuites, they would find him both worke & meanes to follow it out, but wee are dead in things of such a 7 nature'* Howard Hotson argues powerfully that the Reformed educational tradition - or, one should perhaps say, new departure - played a crucial role in shaping the thought of Comenius, as of Hartlib and Dury (both educated in Elblag (Elbing), the Eastern outpost of the Second Reformation). In particular he stresses the influence of one of Comenius's teachers at Herborn, the encyclopedist Johann Heinrich Alsted. It should be emphasised that an encyclopedia, in Alsted's terms, was not merely a 5 See Peter Dear, 'The Church and the New Philosophy', Science, Culture and Popular Belief in the Renaissance, ed. Stephen Pumfrey, Paolo L. Rossi and Maurice Slawinski (Manchester and New York, 1991). 119-139,133-4. The curriculum covered (in order) Greek and Latin grammar and rhetoric, logic, ethics, mathematics (including optics and astronomy)i physics and metaphysics. The prominent place of mathematics was a novelty, but in other respects this is very close to the standard university curriculum. 6 P6hmer to Hartlib, 25 March 1638, HP 59/10/7A. 7 Dury to ?, 26 Nov. 1635, HP 3/4/37B. 234 comprehensive list of facts and references (or at least was not supposed to be): it was, as the word implies, a unified whole, and a major part of Alsted's project was to work out the arrangement of his compendium of knowledge in a logical, coherent and harmonious fashion such that the student could proceed through the work in sequence, progressing always from the known to the unknown and from the general to the particular. It was not merely a reference source, it was a text book of universal learning. Comenius worked as Alsted's amanuensis while in Herborn, and the master composed a Greek poem lauding his student's love of universal wisdom. 8 Such knowledge was not only to be compendious, it was above all to be 'useful'. 'Useful knowledge' became something of a catchphrase for the Hartlib circle and other 'Second Reformation' thinkers. It should not be misinterpreted as mere utilitarianism. For knowledge to be 'useful' or 'practical' did not simply mean that it would enable people to move around faster or increase crops or build better bridges - though all such things could be useful, provided they were directed to the right ends. It meant above all that it would have an application in the ethical and religious ordering of daily life. What increasingly came to be seen as the 8 Reproduced in KK 11,234; see Blekastad, Comenius, 33- 35. 235 empty, abstract, semantic disputations of the scholastic tradition were to be replaced by knowledge that was of practical relevance to the behaviour and beliefs of the individual. 'Practical divinity, in particular, an especial enthusiasm of both Alsted and Hartlib, might not grow more turnips, but was emphatically regarded as 'useful'. 'Usefulness' lay not in the private gain of one individual at the expense of another, but in the mutual profit derived from enhanced social interaction, a profit which in turn redounded to the glory of the Creator whose last and perhaps most important commandment to his creatures was that they should love one another as themselves. But it should be stressed that if the growing vogue for a curriculum grounded in the practical rather than the theoretical can be described as an important and characteristic feature of the 'Second Reformation' ethos, it was certainly not denominationally exclusive. Like Alsted before him, Comenius drew on a very disparate range of sources, some of them apparently mutually exclusive: on Aristotelians as well as Ramists, hermetic mystics as well as rationalists, and thinkers of every shade of Christian, or indeed non-Christian, confessional allegiance-9 After the loss of his library in the sack 9 cf. Comenius, Pansophiev Prodromus (London, 1639), translated either by or by command of Hartlib, together with the Conatuum Pansophicorum Dilucidatio, (London, 1639), as A Reformation of Schooles (London, 1642): 'Let 236 of Leszno in 1656, he himself singled out, as the authors whose works he most needed to recover in order to proceed with his work, Francis Bacon, Juan Luis Vives and Tomasso Campanella10 - an Anglican and two Catholics.
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