Canadian Military History
Volume 18 Issue 1 Article 5
2009
Naval Medical Operations at Kingston during the War of 1812
Gareth A. Newfield Canadian War Museum, [email protected]
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Recommended Citation Newfield, Gareth A. "Naval Medical Operations at Kingston during the War of 1812." Canadian Military History 18, 1 (2009)
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Naval Medical Operations at Kingston during the War of 1812
Gareth Newfield
ritish naval medicine in Kingston, Furthermore, operations in Europe Frederick, immediately across the BOntario is a peripheral and against Napoleonic France dominated Cataraqui River commencing shortly seldom-explored aspect of the War the medical resources of the British afterwards. Little effort, however, of 1812 on the Great Lakes. Men Army and Royal Navy for much of was made to provide the Marine hospitalized ashore disappeared the war against the United States. Department with its own medical from history, and consequently our Medical officers at the Kingston infrastructure. As a division of the understanding of the circumstances and Point Frederick shore hospitals British Army rather than the Royal and conditions under which they faced shortages of facilities, staff Navy, its seamen were expected received medical care is quite poor. and supplies throughout the War of to rely upon the military hospital The practice of naval medicine 1812. Many of these issues were not (erected by the Loyalists in 1783) in in Upper Canada was beset with fully rectified until the conclusion Kingston. Throughout the 1790s, plans adversity. Makeshift arrangements of hostilities and mortality rates to erect a dedicated naval hospital instituted before the war created amongst patients were often high. Yet naval medical infrastructure in the grim realities of naval medical care Résumé : Durant la guerre de 1812, Kingston which was far from in Kingston were the consequence of la pratique de la médecine navale à robust, and was often unequal to adverse circumstances, not inadequate Kingston (alors quartier général des forces navales britanniques dans le secteur des the demands of an active conflict. treatment by naval surgeons. Grands Lacs) fut semée d’embûches. Abstract: Throughout the War of 1812 the This article explores naval Sous la dépendance de l’armée pendant practice of naval medicine in Kingston (the medicine in Kingston during the War de nombreuses années, les ressources headquarters of British naval forces on of 1812 in terms of the development médicales de la marine provinciale étaient the Great Lakes) was beset with adversity. of hospital infrastructure, personnel, infimes en plus d’être aux prises avec des problèmes de plus en plus nombreux Dependent for years upon the army, the logistics, quality of care, and Provincial Marine’s medical resources à mesure que s’accroissaient les forces were minimal, with problems increasing effectiveness. Drawing heavily upon de la Royal Navy dans le secteur. Les exponentially after the expansion of the primary sources, it seeks to shed chirurgiens de la marine eurent à faire face Royal Navy’s forces on the lakes in early new light on naval medical activities à une pénurie constante de personnel, de 1813. Naval surgeons in Kingston faced ashore in order to foster a greater fournitures, d’installations et de services. almost constant shortages of personnel, Ils travaillaient dans des situations understanding of the conditions under supplies and facilities, issues which were pénibles, qui ne s’améliorèrent qu’à la not fully resolved until the very end of the which medical officers laboured to toute fin de la guerre. Et, bien que la war. Yet although the standard of care provide effective treatment to British qualité des soins dispensés dans ces under these conditions has earned a poor and Canadian naval forces on the conditions ait eu mauvaise réputation, reputation in the past, naval medical Great Lakes.1 les officiers de santé de la marine avaient officers in fact strove to ensure the fait leur possible pour assurer le confort comfort and recovery of their patients. et le rétablissement de leurs patients. Cet This article follows the development of The Question of Space article est consacré au développement de naval medical infrastructure in Kingston l’infrastructure de la médecine navale à during the conflict, demonstrating that ingston was selected as the Kingston pendant le conflit et montre que, despite adverse circumstances the care headquarters of the nascent malgré les circonstances défavorables, K les soins qui y étaient prodigués étaient provided was often both sophisticated Provincial Marine in 1789, with and effective. souvent à la fois élaborés et efficaces. construction of a dockyard at Point
© Canadian Military History, Volume 18, Number 1, Winter 2009, pp.37-47. 37 Published by Scholars Commons @ Laurier, 2009 1 Canadian Military History, Vol. 18 [2009], Iss. 1, Art. 5
were rejected several times owing to a During the fall of 1805 the naval the Marine Department sought lack of resources, as well as objections hospital was temporarily abandoned additional medical facilities closer to from local inhabitants over the and its patients moved into barracks the dockyard but its limited resources potential communication of disease in the town owing to problems with restricted options. As a temporary to the town, and the indiscipline of the building’s upkeep.7 By 1809 measure, the hulk of the HMS Duke the Marine Department’s personnel.2 these makeshift arrangements had of Kent (the Marine Department’s Nonetheless, by 1799 separate military so aggravated the local inhabitants, oldest and most decrepit vessel) was and naval hospitals existed within who generally opposed the presence employed as a hospital.9 Resting in Kingston.3 The latter was presumably of military hospitals within the the mud at the dockyard and moored the structure on the west bank of town, that they lobbied Governor- to shore, this impromptu facility was the Cataraqui River identified on an General Sir James Craig for the far from a ideal, although it remained 1816 map of Kingston (by Lieutenant removal of the garrison hospital in use well into 1813.10 Over the (RN) A.T.E. Vidal) as the “Old Naval because the Provincial Marine had course of the severe winter of 1812- Hospital.”4 Details of its construction used it almost exclusively for years. 1813, these ad hoc arrangements are unknown, although an inventory Indeed, they argued there was “a became increasingly unsatisfactory indicates it possessed wards for much more convenient and healthy as sick rates among naval personnel officers and enlisted seamen, a place for an Hospital for Seamen” increased. The Provincial Marine’s receiving room for new patients, as at Point Frederick, “contiguous to main hospital was geographically well as accommodations for the staff, their Vessels and Barracks.”8 Craig, isolated from the dockyard, and supply rooms and a morgue.5 however, rejected the petition, and both it and the decaying Duke of Throughout the first decade of both hospitals remained in use by Kent required constant repair. The the 19th century this modest facility naval personnel. hospital had become so dilapidated was frequently unable to provide At the commencement of by 1814 that the entire roof had to be adequate accommodations for the hostilities with the United States in “speedily” replaced in order to ensure Provincial Marine’s patients. In May June 1812, Kingston became a key the comfort of its patients.11 Clearly 1805 another storey was added to strategic garrison, supply and transit the naval medical establishment the town’s military hospital in order point for the British Army in Upper required better quarters. to provide additional space for Canada. It was also the primary In May 1813, Commodore Sir seamen, as the Marine Department headquarters and depot for British James Yeo of the Royal Navy arrived outnumbered Kingston’s small naval forces on the Great Lakes, at Kingston to assume operational peacetime garrison at the time.6 although smaller establishments control on the Great Lakes from existed at York and Niagara. the Provincial Marine following its As a result of the war the lacklustre performance against the strength of the Kingston’s Americans in 1812. He immediately garrison, and thus its ordered a complete reorganization medical needs increased of naval infrastructure, including and the Provincial Marine medical arrangements. Captain was forced to relinquish Richard O’Conor, given command use of the military hospital of the dockyard, accordingly sought to the army. As a result, to concentrate naval medical facilities at Point Frederick. Plans for “a Naval Hospital on Point Frederick, to contain Detail of “Plan of Kingston One Hundred Men” were solicited and It’s [sic] Vicinity (etc.)” by
United Kingdom Hydrographic Office, B 718 B Office, Hydrographic Kingdom United in the Kingston Gazette on 8 June Lieutenant (Royal Navy) A.T.E. 12 Vidal, 1816, showing the location 1813. Until 2007, historians assumed of the pre-war naval hospital on this stone building survived as the the bank of the Cataraqui River residence of the commandant of the at the upper left. Following the Royal Military College of Canada.13 relocation of infrastructure to In fact, the new hospital proposed by Point Frederick in 1815 this building was utilised as a spare O’Conor was a substantial two-storey storehouse, as indicated on the wooden-framed structure, and was map. located immediately northwest of the modern residence.14 This building
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appears in a number of mid-19th Commodore Sir James Lucas Yeo, century artworks, including Henry commander of British naval forces on Francis Ainslie’s 1839 watercolour of the Great Lakes between 1813 and Fort Henry. Construction, however, 1815. Yeo monitored medical proceeded slowly as a result of operations and influenced the development of naval hospital numerous delays. First and foremost, infrastructure in Kingston Sir James Yeo’s frantic shipbuilding throughout the war. efforts throughout the summer and Toronto Reference fall of 1813 taxed resources to their Library, T‑15241. limits, and a construction estimate for the hospital was not prepared operations in Kingston until September 1813.15 During the during the war. fall of 1813 British forces in Upper Canada were temporarily cut off The Shortage of by the American offensives along Personnel the St. Lawrence and Montreal frontiers. Faced with a logistical wing to the integration crisis that could have led to the loss Oof the Provincial Marine of Upper Canada, it is unlikely that within the British Army before the the acquisition of resources for the war, military surgeons stationed at hospital’s construction, requiring Kingston and other posts throughout over £1,200 in funds alone, was the Upper Canada provided medical Richardson at Amherstburg, were highest priority for naval authorities.16 support for its personnel. These predominantly static posts, and had The onset of winter would have were generally members of the Army little impact upon the naval medical effectively curtailed any work begun Medical Department, the staff branch arrangements at Kingston.22 by that point. of the British Army’s medical services As fighting intensified throughout Substantial progress was responsible for military medical Upper Canada during early 1813 therefore not made on the Point administration and the operation of the army’s medical personnel were Frederick hospital complex until the general hospitals. The department’s required for other duties, and naval spring of 1814. The hospital began structure in Upper and Lower Canada medical organization at Kingston fell to receive patients in June but it mirrored that in Britain, consisting of into a lamentable state of disrepair. was far from complete.17 Due to the various surgeons, apothecaries and Writing to Commodore Yeo in July, delays in its construction, it lacked physicians as well as storekeepers, Captain O’Conor complained that many features deemed necessary by but its establishment had been limited “there has not been any Surgical naval authorities, such as a stockade to a level of bare functionality since or Medical assistance given to the to ensure discipline and prevent 1803, when many officers were Artificers, and others employed in the desertion, which was not built until recalled to Europe following the Yard…and as the number employed August 1814.18 Nor were operations resumption of hostilities against are now increased, consequently quickly transferred from the Kingston Napoleonic France.20 Between 1808 the casualties are more frequent.”23 naval hospital, as personnel and and 1812 these restrictions had Responsibility for treating naval infrastructure had become ensconced persisted in Upper Canada due to personnel and employees had in the town over the course of the war. the demands of Britain’s increasing been transferred to the Royal Navy Surviving sick tickets from the Royal involvement in the Peninsular War. following Yeo’s arrival. Since 1805 Navy establishment indicate that the The Provincial Marine entered the the Royal Navy’s medical affairs majority of patients landed ashore war with the United States in June were controlled by its Transport from the Lake Ontario squadron 1812 with only one staff officer, Board, having absorbed the arcane were admitted to the Kingston naval Hospital Mate James Geddes, that the Sick and Hurt Board. Due to several hospital until late December 1814.19 Medical Department could spare for reforms in 1806, the naval medical The completion of the Point Frederick the naval hospital in Kingston.21 The hierarchy was more integrated than hospital alleviated longstanding few appointments of surgeons made that of the army, with no differences accommodation issues but it was to the widely dispersed Provincial in responsibility or rank between finished too late in the conflict to play Marine in the fall of 1812, such as Dr. ship and shore personnel, except a significant role in naval medical Grant Powell at York and Dr. Robert according to individual assignment.
39 Published by Scholars Commons @ Laurier, 2009 3 Canadian Military History, Vol. 18 [2009], Iss. 1, Art. 5 Library and Archives Canada [LAC] Acc.No. 1983-47-86 - C-011872 - 1983-47-86 Acc.No. [LAC] Canada Archives and Library
“Fort Henry, Point Frederick and Tête du Pont Barracks, Kingston, from the old redoubt,” by Philip Bainbrigge, 1841. The Point Frederick hospital, the two-storey structure aligned approximately with Fort Henry’s western ditch, is depicted in the background.
The Royal Navy was chronically short operations on Lake Ontario (including increasing exposure to insect-borne of medical personnel throughout the capture of Fort Oswego in May) malaria and other “land” diseases this period, and the Great Lakes resumed, requiring King’s transfer common to Upper Canada, as well as were secondary to the demands of afloat within a month.27 Thereafter occupational injuries experienced by the war in Europe.24 Thus Yeo had Lewis worked alone until joined by work parties ashore. Notwithstanding received only a handful of surgeons, Assistant-Surgeon Joseph Scott from the brief period of freedom afforded and initially could spare few for Quebec in October 1814.28 by the launch of the St. Lawrence in the shore hospital establishment in Despite early successes during September 1814, the British squadron Kingston. Only the senior medical the spring, Yeo’s squadron was returned to harbour once more officer, Thomas Lewis, surgeon of soon hemmed in at Kingston by in the fall, and the cycle of winter the HMS Prince Regent had done Commodore Isaac Chauncey’s ailments began afresh. Still, the duty ashore since his arrival in May, powerful American squadron, hospital establishment at Kingston yet was only officially appointed as and awaited the completion of the was not augmented until November, “surgeon and agent” of the Kingston massive 120-gun HMS St. Lawrence. when three additional assistant- Naval Hospital on 30 October 1813, Meanwhile, British troops fought surgeons were made available presumably after a replacement a deadly campaign in the Niagara by the conclusion of the war in arrived.25 Over the winter of 1813- Peninsula. Lengthy periods spent Europe.30 Such shortages of medical 1814 Lewis frequently treated over inshore were seldom healthy for naval personnel were detrimental to the 100 patients at a time. He was the lone personnel. Admiral Horatio Nelson effectiveness of medical care. Under doctor until Surgeon Thomas King famously quipped “ships and men similar conditions in the Niagara was seconded from Quebec in April rot in harbour.”29 Consequently Lewis Peninsula that summer, Dr. William 1814.26 However, British offensive was burdened by the squadron’s “Tiger” Dunlop of the British 89th
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Regiment worked to the point of utter provincial muster book for the period 19 convalescents hired by Lewis in exhaustion, and lamented dozens prior to April 1814 indicates that December, three more were hired as of deaths that resulted from a lack nine men were discharged to the attendants in January, while other of adequate attention.31 Presumably hospital, and probably tended the civilians were hired as needed. At the duty of Lewis, and subsequently sick, suggesting hospital officials the establishment’s peak between Scott, was little easier. initially relied entirely upon January and March 1815 one surgeon, Lewis, as senior surgeon of the convalescent personnel.35 Moreover, four assistant-surgeons, an agent, hospital establishment, was required further additions did not take place a clerk, a steward, 15 labourers, 11 to coordinate medical administration, until 25 November 1814, when male nurses, 11 female nurses, a supplies and accounting ashore until seven civilians from Kingston were cook, his mate, two carpenters and late 1814. His onerous workload, hired. Of these, four women worked five washerwomen were employed however, often caused these as nurses, while three men were at various times.40 Once news of duties to suffer. Dunlop himself employed as a clerk, a steward and a peace with the United States arrived recognized that military surgeons general labourer.36 Presumably their in Upper Canada in March 1815, the in Upper Canada “must have been time was split between the two naval naval hospital establishment declined active beyond all precedent if they hospitals by then in use. Yet the onset rapidly coincident with reductions could keep the office business, the of winter increased demands upon to the Royal Navy’s strength on the accounts and returns square, without the shore hospitals. Purser Gifford Great Lakes. attempting to interfere with the managed to hire only two more local [medical] practice.” It is not suprising women as nurses; his overall lack of Supply & Demand that Lewis, cursed with shortages success forced him to request “ten of staff, was unable to keep up with or fifteen marines to be lent from the he naval medical facilities at the administration of the hospital.32 fleet for the purpose.”37 Preoccupied TKingston fulfilled dual roles as To bring matters under control, by the construction of more ships hospitals and depots for medical Commodore Yeo placed medical and a dockyard at Penetanguishene, supplies on the Great Lakes. Supply and administrative matters “under Commodore Yeo was unable to oblige. shortages were frequent. In 1812, the control of separate persons,” He instructed Lewis to again resort medical materiel for the colonies was and appointed Purser Arthur to using convalescents by retaining issued from the “Army Elaboratory,” Gifford, previously the dockyard’s “those persons in the Hospital to do the central military medical depot in storekeeper, as the hospital’s agent duty as nurses and labourers.”38 Lewis London, a measure instituted in 1809 in November 1814.33 The disorder duly prepared a list of convalescent to foster inter-service cooperation Gifford confronted was considerable. sailors and marines, all of whom were and improve logistical efficiency.41 Lewis’s record keeping had become subsequently employed by the shore Thereafter, supplies were transferred unintelligible, and Gifford required hospital establishment.39 to the Transport Board of the Royal the assistance of three other pursers Ironically it was not until 1815, Navy for shipment, and disbursed in order to take a “strict and careful with the conflict effectively survey of the stores necessary & at an end and resources remaining” at the Kingston hospital.34 and personnel from Europe Still, he was eventually successful, becoming more plentiful reflected by the greater quantity of that the naval hospital documentation from this time in the establishment reached hospital establishment’s history than a level of functional from any other point in the war. efficiency. Along with the Maintaining adequate ancillary staff posed further problems to naval Detail of “A Plan of His medical authorities in Kingston. Majesty’s Naval Yard Kingston In Britain, naval shore hospitals (etc.)”, 1815, illustrating the generally utilised civilians as layout of the Point Frederick nurses, cooks and so on. Officials naval hospital complex at the at Kingston, however, found this end of the War of 1812. Note the hospital’s outbuildings, Kingdom, 193 Ae1 of the United National Archives unfeasible due to the expense and including the privy and the scarcity of civilian labour. Indeed, victualling sheds. Tom Malcomson’s analysis of Yeo’s
41 Published by Scholars Commons @ Laurier, 2009 5 Canadian Military History, Vol. 18 [2009], Iss. 1, Art. 5 LAC Acc.No. 1955-128-16 Acc.No. - C-000510 LAC
“A View of Fort Henry” by Henry Francis Ainslie, 1839, showing the Point Frederick naval hospital and its surrounding complex (white building, centre left) as it appeared in the late 1830s.
upon arrival. Within Upper Canada for the medical departments of store.”43 In turn Lewis sought to obtain this system was complicated by two both services. Surviving documents supplies from the civilian market, factors. Firstly, medical materiel indicate this was particularly true an option permitted under naval was often in short supply in British for the naval hospital establishment regulations in cases of emergency. North America due to the ongoing at Kingston in two principal areas: In such situations surgeons were Peninsular War’s priority for medical the supply of medical “necessaries” allowed to purchase items at a rate resources. For example, Army and clothing. not in excess of two pence per man Medical Department officials noted “Necessaries” was a catchall per month.44 Such urgent measures in October 1812 that medical supplies term applied to consumables such as soon became commonplace. Barely a in Upper Canada were meagre, medicines and bandages. Shortages month later, Lewis was again ordered and the few stockpiles dated to the became particularly evident in early to procure “wine and all such other American War of Independence.42 1814, when Lewis sought to supply the necessaries” locally due to the army’s Secondly, responsibility for the Lake Ontario squadron in preparation inability to do so.45 Towards late 1814, transportation and issue of medical for offensive operations that spring. Purser Gifford’s inventory of hospital materiel for both services in Upper Upon submitting requisitions to the supplies indicates that the state of Canada fell to the army due to the Army Medical Department, Lewis the Royal Navy’s medical supplies naval establishment’s comparative was informed “the Purveyor to His ashore had only partly equalized lack of supply infrastructure beyond Majesty’s Forces at Kingston has (Yeo’s command increased to 2,300 its dockyards. Thus shortages and stated that it is not in our power to men), despite more resources from logistical problems caused difficulties comply…the articles not being in Europe (see Table 1).
42 https://scholars.wlu.ca/cmh/vol18/iss1/5 6 Newfield: Naval Medical Operations Table 1: Naval Hospital Necessaries and sanitary environments in which to recover. Naval Regulations per 100 men Stocks at the Naval Hospital “Necessaries” Diet was a cornerstone of medical for 3 months afloat, 180846 at Kingston, Dec 181447 care in the Royal Navy. Regulations New Linen 6 yards 211 yards (Calico) delineated hospital rations into Welsh Flannel 4 yards 55 yards full, half, “low” and “spoon” diets. Tea 2¼ lb 304 lb Rooted in the contemporary theory of Sago 4 lb 108 lb (Tapioca) “nervous excitability,” the intent was 115 lb ullage rice (useable), to counteract physical symptoms with Rice 8 lb 53 lb damaged inversely proportionate quantities Barley 16 lb n/a of food. Regardless, regulations Soft Sugar 32 lb 64 lb stipulated patients were to be provided with the best provisions Ginger 2 oz n/a available, and additional foodstuffs thought necessary could be purchased Further difficulties were be inadequate for the needs of the locally. Surviving victualling experienced in providing adequate squadron in the coming months. reports from late 1814 indicate these clothing for the Canadian climate to Here again the army’s supply failed, guidelines were closely followed patients ashore. In most circumstances and Gifford was ordered to procure at Kingston, and that patients were only nightcaps, stockings and clothing locally despite the Army well fed. One receipt for December shirts were considered hospital Medical Department’s inability to 1814 shows additional quantities of clothing, much as patients today do so beforehand.53 Whether Gifford bread, fresh milk, sugar and fowls would be issued with a bed gown.48 experienced any greater success is (presumably for making broth) were The Canadian climate, however, unknown. purchased on a daily basis in addition necessitated additional garments; to regular foodstuffs.54 Postwar indeed, naval regulations stressed Quality of Care tenders corresponding to wartime providing patients with adequate contracts list typical fare for patients, winter clothing to protect them lthough evidence from early such as “soft” bread, beef, mutton or from ailments like rheumatism.49 Ain the war in scarce, surviving veal, fresh vegetables, salt, sugar, tea, Regulations also stipulated patients documents indicate that towards milk, eggs and fowls.55 sent ashore were to take their clothes, the end of 1814 the naval hospital In contrast to shortages of and if lacking garments, were to be establishment was comparatively necessaries and clothing, Gifford’s supplied from “slop cloaths [sic]” well supplied with foodstuffs, inventory shows the hospitals were from their own ship.50 Each sailor furnishings and medical equipment. well equipped with furnishings and should therefore have possessed By the end of the war the two naval equipment conducive to patients’ a complete suit of clothing when hospitals were able to provide sick comfort and needs. Regarding admitted to hospital. Yet, contrary and injured seamen with comfortable bedding, 1,200 pillows, over 600 to regulations commanders at Kingston, appear to have relied upon the medical establishment to Table 2: Naval Hospital Clothing 52 make up deficiencies; sick tickets in Stores at Kingston, December 1814 from the naval hospitals in 1814 list Article Servicable Worn patients receiving substantial issues Nightcaps 419 flannel & 20 linen 99 flannel of clothing upon admission.51 Large Shirts, canvas duck 601 5 stocks were therefore apparently kept at the Kingston hospital whenever Stockings 360 pairs possible (see Table 2). Flannel Drawers 626 This atypical system was difficult Trousers 243 to maintain in the face of high sick Breeches 75 rates and logistical problems during Waistcoats 573 flannel & 243 unspecified 19 flannel the winter months, and by December Coats 220 1814 extant stocks were judged to Greatcoats 34
43 Published by Scholars Commons @ Laurier, 2009 7 Canadian Military History, Vol. 18 [2009], Iss. 1, Art. 5 LAC Acc. No. 1970-188-1739, W.H. Coverdale Collection of Canadiana - C-041176 - Canadiana of Collection Coverdale W.H. 1970-188-1739, No. Acc. LAC
“Kingston from Fort Henry” by James Gray, 1828, overlooking the Point Frederick Dockyard with the hospital complex depicted on the far right. Close inspection of this print reveals alterations (such as the dormer windows added to the hospital’s attic during its conversion into wards or offices) undertaken in mid-1815.
mattresses, 1,600 sheets, 2,200 Adequate heating of hospitals Hygiene and sanitation (as it was blankets, and 165 “bed rugs,” along was crucial to the recovery of patients, understood in the early 19th century) with an indeterminate number of bed especially during the Canadian winter. was also a priority. Regulations were frames were listed in the inventory.56 In nearby Prescott, Dr. Griffiths of the in fact unusually enlightened for a Many items, such as hair-filled 1st (Royal Scots) Regiment attributed time before antiseptic procedures. beds and pillows were specifically the slow recovery of his patients to It was recommended that wards prescribed for use in naval hospitals.57 fluctuations in temperature. He noted be scrubbed with vinegar and used Others, particularly green bed rugs that while his patients were afforded bandages be boiled to prevent the noted in the report, were peculiar “every medical comfort, appropriate spread of contagion.65 The hospital to the army, reflecting irregularities for the state of the wounded,” he inventory lists considerable quantities within the supply system.58 Palliative found “much difficulty in keeping of brooms, mops and scrubbing care equipment was also plentiful. up a uniform temperature in the brushes, many recorded as worn out, Prominent were “close stool” pans, apartments of the sick” owing to the suggesting cleansing was carried out boxes and chairs (rudimentary vessels lack of stoves and firewood.62 Naval regularly. Regulations also called for designed to ease the answering of officials at Kingston made every effort the washing of patients and bedding, nature’s functions), and over 50 to overcome this common Canadian particularly for those with malarial “spitting pots” and “spitting boxes.”59 problem. Gifford’s inventory lists fevers, a common ailment in Upper Given stereotypes concerning a sizable supply of pokers, tongs, Canada.66 Numerous washtubs, the “puke and purge” effects of fenders, and dog irons, as well as four “slipper baths,” quantities of towels contemporary pharmacology, these iron stoves and associated lengths of and 50 pounds of soap were noted vessels were essential.60 Furthermore, piping.63 Large quantities of firewood in the inventory.67 Local contractors 55 bandage “trusses” for hernia cases were regularly ordered; 300 cords washed the bedding and linen in (a traditional occupational injury were ordered in December 1814 keeping with common military among Royal Navy sailors) were alone.64 practices, and such chores were noted.61 undertaken in great quantity; one
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washerwoman received £3 4s for the Table 3: was often high. Malcomson’s study of washing of 192 pieces of bedding a sample group of 466 men from Yeo’s 68 Weekly State of the over several days in March 1815. Naval Hospital 1 Jan 181470 provincial muster book demonstrated the hospital mortality rate at Kingston Effectiveness Number in Hospital 103 was 1 patient per every 2.25 men sent Fevers 25 ashore.74 This is a shocking contrast n light of the numerous difficulties Dysentery 44 to Lloyd’s findings, which indicate Ifaced by British naval medical Consumption of the Lungs 12 the navy’s patient mortality rate in personnel at Kingston throughout Wounds 5 Britain during the same period was the war, the question may be 1 in 30.75 Nonetheless, Malcomson’s Other Complaints 17 asked whether their efforts were analysis of ships’ muster books for effective? Naval hospitals of the in Upper Canada.71 However, the various periods between May 1813 period have admittedly acquired lengthy stay of Yeo’s squadron and March 1815 supports his original a decidedly sinister reputation. in harbour during the summer findings. Of 81 men sent ashore from British naval historian Christopher and fall of 1814 exposed them to five ships and the gunboat flotilla, Lloyd once remarked that naval various shore ailments. Dysentery the overall mortality rate was 1 in hospitals were places “where one was a chronic problem aboard ship. 2.38, while that of the patients sent usually went to die, not to recover.”69 Period sources noted dysentery was to the Kingston facility alone was 1 Although the Kingston naval common immediately “after a long in 2.32.76 However, in Malcomson’s medical establishment’s records series of stormy or rainy weather,” opinion Yeo’s provincial book was are fragmentary, enough evidence conditions common in the region poorly kept, rendering the accuracy exists to provide some insight into during the fall and winter, though of these figures suspect, while the the effectiveness of treatment at the this was most likely due to fetid ships’ muster books represent only two hospitals. conditions amongst sailors sheltering portions of the squadron during Pitched naval engagements on below decks rather than the weather broad and non-consecutive periods. Lake Ontario were relatively rare itself.72 “Consumption” (tuberculosis) The hospital establishment’s and both sides chose to husband their and “pleurisy” (pneumonia) were patient ledgers, however, provide strength in the face of overwhelming equally prevalent. The American an entirely different perspective. opposition. Therefore, except in the naval surgeon Dr. Usher Parsons Though comprehensive records only case of combined operations such as noted that pneumonia and other exist for the period from September the attack on Sackett’s Harbor in 1813 pulmonary complaints reached 1814 onwards, they indicate mortality or the capture of Fort Oswego in 1814, epidemic proportions among naval rates were more moderate than disease and occupational injuries personnel around the Great Lakes Malcomson’s findings suggest. were the most common cause of during the war.73 Between September and December hospitalization for naval personnel at In the face of virulent illnesses and 1814, 12 of the 145 patients admitted Kingston during the war. One of the other threats to health encountered to the two naval hospitals died earliest surviving sick returns from at Kingston, patient mortality ashore of their ailments, representing a the Kingston hospital lists a typical range and proportion of ailments encountered ashore (see Table 3). Dr. Douglas recalled that while “fevers” (symptoms associated today with malaria) were prevalent during changes in weather, dysentery “was not to be much dreaded” ashore
The site of the Point Frederick naval author by Photograph hospital, today located on the grounds of the Royal Military College of Canada, with the Commandant’s Residence (a post-war surgeon’s quarters) in the background. The cluster of small pine trees in the centre of the photograph marks the approximate location of the 1813-1814 hospital.
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mortality rate of approximately 1 in hospital space, personnel, and crucial 15 December 1814 for an inventory of 12.77 For the period from January to supplies to provide adequate medical hospital supplies to be taken. 6. Edwards to Green, Kingston, 3 June 1805, March 1815, the depth of winter, the treatment. While some of these issues ibid., pp.41-2. rate rose sharply. Of 181 patients originated decades before, most were 7. Mackenzie to Green, Kingston, 11 October 1805, LAC, ibid., vol. 288, pp.66-8. treated during those three months, not fully resolved until the end of the 8. Citizens of Kingston to Craig, Kingston, 38 died in hospital at Kingston and conflict, when the urgency and need 25 March 1809, LAC, RG 8 I, vol. 1334, Point Frederick, a mortality rate of 1 had largely abated. pp.74-5. 78 9. R. Malcomson, Lords of the Lake (Toronto, death per every 4.75 patients. While Based on his statistical analysis 1998), p.26. appalling by modern standards, at of Yeo’s muster books, Malcomson 10. The hospital ship appears on a map of no time did rates approach the level concluded that naval medical care Kingston drawn by Captain Jacques Viger of the Canadian Voltigeurs prior to the of near-certain mortality suggested at Kingston was not very good, and attack on the American base at Sackett’s by Malcomson’s analysis. As these indeed high mortality rates suggest Harbor in May 1813. See R.A. Preston, ledgers constitute a detailed, on-site the efforts of Dr. Lewis and his Kingston Before the War of 1812 (Montreal, 1959), p.280a. record of patients from the entire colleagues were far from uniformly 11. Yeo to Gifford, Kingston, 26 December squadron during a continuous period, successful.79 Yet rather than reflecting 1814, ibid., vol.688D, p.162; Gifford to they may perhaps be considered incompetence among British medical Galloway, Kingston, 27 December 1814, ibid., p.157. more reliable and reflective of the officers, this article has demonstrated 12. Kingston Gazette, 8 June 1813, vol. III, actual mortality rates at Kingston, at that circumstances largely outside no.26. 13. This theory was popularized by R.A. least during the last seven months of of their control produced the Preston, a professor of History at hostilities. unfortunate realities of medical care R.M.C. in his 1959 book Kingston Before Naval regulations prohibited at the two naval hospitals at Kingston the War of 1812. Preston’s conclusion, however, is based on unspecified sending patients ashore unless during the War of 1812. sources, and apparently ignored or absolutely necessary, in which case discounted conflicting cartographic high mortality rates at Kingston evidence indicated by maps reproduced Notes in his book. In 2006 and 2007, Jonathan may reflect the higher probability Moore and Bob Garcia of Parks Canada of mortality amongst patients in the discovered cartographic and documentary 1. I would like to acknowledge the assistance worst physical condition. Yet recent evidence proving the 1813 hospital was of Tom Malcomson of George Brown a wooden building located northwest of examination of the hospital registers College, Toronto, J. Ross McKenzie of the commandant’s house. The present indicates the prognosis of patients the Royal Military College Museum, Ron residence is in fact a former surgeon’s Ridley of Fort Henry National historic treated ashore at Kingston was far house constructed sometime after the Site, and Jonathan Moore & Bob Garcia summer of 1816. See R.A. Preston, less bleak than previously believed. of Parks Canada in the preparation of this Kingston before the War of 1812, p.354. article. 14. O’Conor to Freer, Point Frederick, 3 2. Porter to Le Maistre, Kingston, 4 September 1813, LAC, ibid., vol.730, p. Conclusion September 1790, Library and Archives 122. Canada [LAC], Record Group [RG] 8 I, 15. Ibid. his article constitutes an vol. 287, pp.17-8; Porter to Le Maistre, 16. Ibid. Kingston, 30 December 1791, ibid, p.19. initial attempt to examine an 17. Based on analyses of the ship’s muster T 3. “Estimate for the expence [sic] of books for HMS St. Lawrence (National unexplored aspect of the naval war Workmanship and Materials Necessary Archives of the United Kingdom, ADM on the Great Lakes between 1812 for Repairing the Barracks and other 37/5074), HMS Princess Charlotte (NAUK, Buildings at the Garrison of Kingston and and 1815. Comprehensive records ADM 37/5245), HMS Star (NAUK, Point Frederick,” Kingston, 17 September ADM 37/5636), HMS Niagara (NAUK, for large portions of the war from the 1799, ibid., vol. 546, pp.120-5. This is the ADM 37/3577), HMS Montreal (NAUK, naval hospital establishment do not earliest documentary reference the author ADM 37/5633), and the Gunboat Flotilla has found to a separate naval hospital at (NAUK, ADM 37/5002) kindly supplied appear to have survived, rendering Kingston. to me by Tom Malcomson. it difficult to form a detailed picture 4. “Plan of Kingston and its Vicinity, the 18. Kingston Gazette, 22 June 1814, vol. IV, Shores and Measures by Lieutenant of the Provincial Marine and Royal no. 22. A.T.E. Vidal, Royal N.,” June 1816, 19. Sick Tickets for the Kingston/Point Navy’s medical activities in the United Kingdom Hydrographic Office, Frederick Hospital Establishment, June town. The author acknowledges that B 718. A later copy of this map is held in - December 1814, LAC, ibid., vol. 1846, LAC National Map Collection under the much of the subject remains open to pp. 1-307. reference number NMC-011378. 20. Keate to Holmes, London, 6 July 1803, investigation. The practice of naval 5. Untitled survey of hospital stores, LAC, RG 8 I, vol. 287, pp. 197-8. medicine ashore at Kingston was December 1814, LAC, ibid., vol. 688D, 21. “Return of the Hospital Medical Staff pp. 195–203. This undated document is fraught with difficulty. In the midst serving in Canada under His Excellency included amongst hospital correspondence Lieutenant-General Sir George Prevost of an active conflict, naval medical for that month, specifically an order Commanding the Forces,’ Quebec, 17 July officers struggled with shortages of from Captain Frederick Hickey dated 1812, LAC, RG 8 I, vol. 1218, p.323.
46 https://scholars.wlu.ca/cmh/vol18/iss1/5 10 Newfield: Naval Medical Operations
22. L.H. Irving, Officers of the British Forces in Ontario during the War of 1812,” The 56. Untitled survey of hospital stores, ibid, Canada during the War of 1812-15 (Welland, Northern Mariner, IX, No. 2 (April 1999), pp.197-9, p.201. ON, 1908), pp.205-6. pp.41-67. 57. Regulations…to His Majesty’s Service at Sea 23. O’Conor to Yeo, Kingston, 26 July 1813, 36. “An Account of Salaries and Subsistence (1808), p.271. ibid., vol. 730, pp. 73-4. paid to the Undermentioned Persons at 58. For an excellent article on British military 24. B. Lavery, Nelson’s Navy: the Ships, Men Kingston Upper Canada, Between the 1st bedding of the period, see R. Henderson, and Organization, 1793-1815 (Annapolis, October and the 31st December 1814,” “Lights Out! Sleeping in Barracks during MD, 1989), p.212. Kingston, 31 December 1814, LAC, ibid., the War of 1812,” The War of 1812 Website 25. “Naval Establishment on Lake Ontario p. 158.
47 Published by Scholars Commons @ Laurier, 2009 11 Canadian Military History, Vol. 18 [2009], Iss. 1, Art. 5 Canadian Forces Joint Imagery Centre ZK 236 Canadian Forces
During the Second World War it was realized that many non-combat duties could be performed by women. The Government authorized the creation of the Women’s Royal Canadian Naval Service (WRCNS, or more familiarly known as the WRENS), the Canadian Women’s Army Corps (CWACs) and the Royal Canadian Air Force (Women’s Division).
48 https://scholars.wlu.ca/cmh/vol18/iss1/5 12