sign in sign up
<<
Home , 1868 in Japan, Abe Masahiro, Bakumatsu, Delmer Brown, Donald Shively, Harold Bolitho

EARLY MODERN SPRING, 2003

The Political and Institutional connections between the late era and post- developments, they found it attractive * History of Early Modern Japan to characterize Tokugawa Japan as “early mod- ©Philip C. Brown, Ohio State University ern”, but there is much of Japanese history prior to the very late eighteenth century that has never Introduction1 comfortably fit this mold. Some recent works Western studies of late sixteenth to mid- begin to evoke characterizations associated with nineteenth century political and institutional his- feudalism rather than early modernity. Given tory have increased greatly in number and sophis- further study of the era, we might conceivably tication over the past quarter century. Scholars recast the political and institutional history of late now explore domain and village politics as well sixteenth to mid-nineteenth century Japan as as those associated with the Emperor and Shogun. something less than “early modern,” something They employ an array of documentary evidence more traditional even if we are not favorably dis- that increasingly extends beyond the records of posed to use words like “feudal.” great figures and Shogunal administration (the Before exploring this issue and others, it is im- bakufu) into the realms of village archives and portant to define the basic parameters of this es- handwritten manuscript materials. Analytical say and to define some key terms as employed frameworks now encompass those of anthropol- here. ogy, sociology, and political science. The num- Defining Terms: I discuss materials that fo- ber of scholars has increased substantially and cus on the “early modern” period rather broadly there may now be something close to a critical defined, and I use the term here solely as the cur- mass that encourages an increased diversity of rent, conventional shorthand for this era. I do interpretation and level of debate within the field. not employ it with any presumption that it entails Despite such advances, there are significant is- a specific set of characteristics such as those that sues that remain. The field is still relatively were associated with the “modernization theory” small and that means that much work, some of it of the nineteen-sixties or any other paradigm. It very basic, remains. Most notably, studies of is not the purpose of this essay to take sides on the mid-seventeenth to early nineteenth century this conceptual issue, but to encompass the range 2 are relatively few in number. Most studies focus of positions taken in published work in the field. on the formation of a stable central authority or, more typically, the end of the Tokugawa Sho- gunate. While there are some very good recent 2 My usage here is not unusual. For the most studies that may lay a foundation for filling this part, scholars do not explicitly confront potential void, in the political histories there is little sense substantive use of the term “early modern” in their of some substantive tie between the ends of the writings. While the term implies links with “the era that lends it some sense of unity. In the modern,” seldom does either term find explicit defi- realm of political history the center of gravity is nition and informal discussions with Japan scholars clearly located at the interstices of the Tokugawa reveals a range of definitions, from those that would (1600-1868) to Meiji (1868-1912) transformation. encompass the era to those that would Since post-World War II scholars often identified treat Japan’s history into the twentieth century as “feudal” rather than anything approaching “mod- ern.” Even where scholarly publication directly * I would like to thank the anonymous reviewers addresses operational definitions, there is not clear for comments that helped sharpen this essay and consensus on how to define the term or the era and also thank Patricia Graham and James McMullen its characteristics. Shmuel N. Eisenstadt is one of for their very helpful suggestions. the few social scientists of the “modernization” 1 In the citations below, the following abbrevia- school who have continued to develop these theo- tions are employed: Harvard Journal of Asiatic ries, explicitly rendering them less unidirectional Studies HJAS, Journal of Asian Studies JAS, Jour- and taking ultimate outcomes of the process as nal of Japanese Studies JJS, Monumenta Nipponica problematic rather than presumed. His work now MN. clearly allows for cultural variation based on a vari-

3 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Into the nineteen-sixties scholars tended to treat end of the era as typically defined, there is some the Tokugawa hegemony as defining the bounda- recognition that the old ways did not fade as rap- ries of early modern political history, more recent idly as early scholarly emphasis on the reforms of work has shown affinities between its organiza- the (1868) suggested.5 tional patterns and those of earlier years, extend- Reflecting these developments, I focus on ma- ing back into the mid-sixteenth century. To cite terials that largely deal with the period from mid- one prime example: While John Hall (19613) sixteenth century to the very early Meiji transi- marked a clear distinction between the daimyo of tion. Other periodizations are certainly possible, the Oda and Toyotomi years (ca. 1570-1599) and and the discussion below touches on some that those of the era the Japanese historian treats as scholars have suggested either explicitly or im- kinsei (commonly translated into English as plicitly. This approach not only permits discus- “early modern”), a more recent tendency elides sion of the wide range of definitions (often only that difference and extends the birth of more ef- implicit) that Japan scholars and others have fective patterns of administration back a few dec- brought to the term “early modern” Japan, it also ades (e.g., Michael Birt, 19854). At the other permits inclusion of the early stages of develop- ments that provided the building blocks of the Tokugawa political order. ety of factors including historical experience prior Within this chronological framework I treat to the commencement of “modernizing.” See works that deal explicitly with “political history” Shmuel N. Eisenstadt and Wolfgang Schluchter, and “institutional history,” very broad and amor- “Introduction: Paths to Early Modernities – A phous categories for classifying historical studies Comparative View,” Daedalus 127:3 (Summer despite the fact that they are often taken as the 1998) 1-18. This essay focuses especially on de- core of the broad range of historical studies. velopments associated with the emergence of “civil One can argue that all activity is political, for society” and a “public sphere.” (Eisenstadt is one example. Today we recognize that many areas of the very few sociologists who have maintained a of activity that were not traditionally treated as long-term interest in Japan’s historical experience part of political history have a clear political edge. and that of other Asian societies.) David L. How- Ikki or “leagues” provide a readily identifiable ell, in the same issue, “Territoriality and Collective example. Formed on a temporary basis to pro- Identity in Tokugawa Japan,” 105-32, identifies this era as “feudal” rather than “early modern” and re- test perceived injustice, they consciously sought lies on a very broad Marxist definition of the term to redress official malfeasance, over-taxation, and as an exploitative, coercive extraction by a variety the failure of domain or bakufu governments to of means of all surplus from peasants by landown- provide for the obligatory minimum conditions of ers (see esp. 116-19). This is in marked contrast to economic well being for villagers. The object of the typical usage of “feudalism” as employed by such protest is clearly political and designed to scholars of the 1950s and 1960s, a definition that change policy, yet would often have been classi- focused on decentralized political structures. See, for example, the essays in Rushton Coulborn, comp. Feudalism in History, Princeton: Princeton Uni- 1985): 369-399. versity Press, 1956, including an essay by Edwin O. 5 See, for example, the monographic works of Reischauer. Broader debates on the subject of Karen Wigen, The Making of a Japanese Periphery, “feudalism” are sketched by Elizabeth A.R. Brown, 1750-1920. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Univer- “The Tyranny of a Construct: Feudalism and His- sity of Press, 1995; David L. Howell, torians of Medieval Europe,” The American His- Capitalism from Within: Economy, Society, and the torical Review 79:4 (Oct., 1974), pp. 1063-1088. State in a Japanese Fishery. Berkeley, CA. Univer- As indicated below, there are even scholars who see sity of California Press, 1995; and Edward E. Pratt, “feudalism” and “early modern” as co-existing. Japan’s Proto-Industrial Elite: The Economic 3 “Foundations of the Modern Japanese Dai- Foundations of the Gono. Cambridge, Massachu- myo,” JAS 20:3 (May 1961): 317-29. setts: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard Uni- 4 ” in Passage: The Transformation of versity Press, 1999. Other periodical literature the Sixteenth-Century Kanto,” JJS 11:2 (Summer also develops this perspective.

4 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

fied as social history (the history of the actions of function is largely one of taxation, but it can also commoners, ordinary folk as opposed to major include regulation of publicly shared facilities political leaders and elites) in the nineteen-sixties such as irrigation networks, defense, and the like, and nineteen-seventies. Similarly, we all recog- or public relief in times of famine. The latter nize that villages, for example, have enduring function is largely composed of activities and structures of organization and governance. Are regulations we associate with the legal system in they to be considered part of a social history, or all its aspects: administrative law, civil law, and part of institutional history? Those who would commercial law. classify this field of study as social history, like Some might argue that there can be no institu- the adherents of the nineteen-sixties classification tional history and that individuals and groups of ikki as social history, in effect stress a dichot- make history; while not contesting the premise omy between high and low society. In this view, that individuals and groups make history, there institutional and political history dealt with high- are also frameworks built on formal regulation level concerns, the activities of royalty, presidents, and custom that influence people’s expectations national armies, and the like, not the hoi polloi. and behavior. Within these frameworks they I have chosen to examine studies of politics and work, and against them they may rebel. While institutions at all levels. In the discussion that these frameworks may be delineated explicitly follows, for example, no effort is made to treat through a constitution or law, they may also re- popular disturbances (ikki) comprehensively, but flect more informal but consistent patterns of po- only to comment on their political dimensions as litical behavior. No one, for example, mandated scholars have explored them. We will be con- that daimyo spend the legal maximum on their cerned with the general level of commoner input retinues as they traveled between and their into domain and Shogunal policy, but not with the home provinces as part of their obligation of classification and patterns of protest. These regular visits to the Shogun’s capital, yet such subjects are left to Professor Esenbel’s essay on behavior was a regular part of these excursions. social history in this issue of EMJ. Studies of Economists, political scientists, and sociologists local institutions are discussed regardless of level, as well as those we might designate as social sci- e.g., village governance, rural administration ence historians, broadly recognize the existence within domains, and other formal organizations, of such patterns that extend beyond a specific but not studies of informal organizations or eco- issue or law. In addition, scholars tend to cast nomic organizations such as rural credit networks. their studies in ways that imply or explicitly gen- I shall treat studies of the political - institutional eralize beyond the case(s) at hand. Given these context and policy side of economic activities, predispositions, it seems reasonable to retain “in- but not works related to the organization of indi- stitutional” as a descriptive term here. vidual enterprises. Intellectual movements may also have political implications, but we will treat Birth of the Field intellectual histories only at the point where they Institutional and political analysis of Japan are converted into significant efforts to challenge from the late sixteenth to mid-nineteenth centu- or change political practice. Such an effort at ries has mushroomed in the last quarter of a cen- differentiation is admittedly imprecise and per- tury. Viewed from the perspective of the twen- haps arbitrary, but it reflects concern with the tieth century as a whole, the smattering of studies links between political power or organizations by such early twentieth-century scholars as Neil and society at large. Skene Smith and John Henry Wigmore did not By political history I mean the history of com- spark a consistent flow of research. Even in the petition over who has the right to exercise and the immediate post-war era, the period when some of actual exercise of administrative, governmental the giants of the field first appear, the flow of power. Political power is used to varying de- studies was intermittent. A consistent pattern of grees to distribute the wealth a society produces publication only emerges well into the nineteen- but also exercises sanctions that define the seventies for both periodical and monographic boundaries of acceptable behavior. The former literature.

5 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

The period from the end of World War II to the A second clutch of publications attempted to beginning of the nineteen-seventies produced crack the sharp divide between Tokugawa and the some very important monographs and articles Meiji transformation. The Tokugawa essays in despite their limited number. Their energetic the Princeton series on Japan’s modernization and prolific authors became the founders of the typify this approach.7 These essays often sketch- field: John W. Hall, Marius B. Jansen, Thomas ed a background for those studies that formed the C. Smith, and Dan F. Henderson. Others, while core concern of each of these volumes, post- not so prolific (at least at that stage of their ca- Restoration Japan. These essays were not with- reers), still played a significant role in the devel- out in-depth scholarly antecedents. Thomas C. opment of the field: E.S. Crawcour, Charles Smith had already published his study of domain Sheldon, Conrad Totman. industrialization and his now-classic Agrarian The number of publications in the political and Origins of Modern Japan,8 for example. But institutional fields increased beginning in the most of these publications were surveys painted nineteen-sixties, but many of these essays and in quite broad brushstrokes, and clearly designed books fall into two categories. The first is the to serve the needs of the larger modernization publication of survey texts. These were de- series rather than to illuminate the history of poli- signed to introduce Japanese history to American tics and institutions during the three-hundred year audiences, reflecting both its position in the cold period which preceded the Meiji Restoration. A war arena as “America’s unsinkable aircraft car- number of other publications during the nineteen- rier” and, by the end of the sixties, to explain and sixties and nineteen-seventies duplicated this pat- tout its remarkable economic recovery and tern (e.g., the James Crowley [19709] and Arthur emerging prominence in the world economy and Tiedemann [197410] essay collections). the realm of technological advancement. As the nineteen-seventies dawned, this interest in Japan even found its way into high school curricula; survey texts appear on the market in rapid succes- some states such as New York, added a Japan unit sion: Conrad D. Totman, A , to its new, mandatory ninth grade social studies Malden, : Blackwell Publishers, 2000; James McClain, Japan, a Modern History, (Afro-Asian Culture Studies) curriculum. New York: W.W. Norton & Co., 2002; Andrew Many survey texts began with the Meiji Resto- Gordon, The Modern History of Japan: From ration, giving virtually no attention to pre-modern Tokugawa Times to the Present, New York : Oxford antecedents and even acknowledgement of the University Press, 2003. To this list can be added groundwork laid by Tokugawa institutional and Totman’s earlier Early Modern Japan, Berkeley: political changes was sometimes omitted. University of California, 1993. Those texts that did attempt to “cover” more of 7 Marius B. Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese At- Japan’s history often crammed 1200 years of po- titudes Toward Modernization, 1965; William W. litical and cultural change into only half of the Lockwood, ed., The State and Economic Enterprise book, and the early modern era typically com- in Japan: Essays in the Political Economy of prised an even smaller percentage of the whole. Growth. 1965; R. P. Dore, ed., Aspects of Social Indeed, a number of texts continued to treat pre- Change in Modern Japan, 1967; Robert E, Ward, ed. Meiji Japan as “feudal” despite the relatively Political Development in Modern Japan, 1968; long-standing disenchantment with that charac- James William Morley, ed. Dilemmas of Growth in terization among leading American scholars of Prewar Japan. 1971; Donald H. Shively, ed., Tradi- the late nineteen-sixties.6 tion and Modernization in Japanese Culture, 1971; all published Princeton: Press. 8 Agrarian Origins of Modern Japan. Stanford: 6 It is fair to say that the nineteen-sixties and Press, 1959. nineteen-seventies boomlet in the publication of 9 James B. Crowley, ed. Modern : Es- survey texts and essays fell off quite sharply since says in Interpretation. New York: Harcourt Brace & that time. Although other texts appeared by World, 1970. Mikiso Hane, Peter Duus, and Kenneth Pyle, only in 10 Arthur Tiedemann, ed., An Introduction to the past several years have we again had a burst of Japanese Civilization. New York: Heath, 1974.

6 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Chronological Patterns of Emphasis ments until the nineteen-eighties. The publica- The concerns of these early works – the Meiji tion of Japan Before Tokugawa: Political Con- transformation and Japan’s modern history – con- solidation and Economic Growth, 1500-1650 16 tinue to shape student and recent academic inter- (1981 ), while comprised almost entirely of est. This is manifested in studies treating the articles in which the principle author was a im-pact of Japan’s nineteenth century transforma- highly-regarded Japanese scholar, marks the tions of course, but it is also reflected in many beginning of a more consistent pattern in treating 17 studies that confine themselves chronologically to this era. Mary Elizabeth Berry’s Hideyoshi Tokugawa subjects (e.g., Luke Roberts, 199811). and James McClain’s : A Seventeenth 18 A recent review of books and monographs pub- Century Town appeared in lished in the preceding decade alone showed that 1982. Neil McMullin’s and the State 19 almost half of the publications were either direct- in Sixteenth-Century Japan (1985 ) was the ly concerned with the Meiji transformation or third major monograph to appear at this time. laying the foundation for the Meiji transformation The publication of these extended studies was and post-Meiji developments.12 accompanied by a small flurry of institutional A second chronological focus has been the sub- studies, often, scholarly articles, by these authors 20 ject of more intermittent interest, the transforma- and others such as Michael Birt, Beatrice Bo- 21 22 tions of the late sixteenth century that led ulti- dart-Bailey, William Hauser, Bernard mately to the founding of the stable and long- lived Tokugawa hegemony. The initial publica- 16 tions in this field were limited to articles. The Hall, John Whitney, Nagahara Keiji, and Ko- editors of Studies in the Institutional History of zo Yamamura, eds., Princeton: Princeton University 13 Press, 1981 Early Modern Japan (1968 ) not only collected 17 earlier articles on domain formation and develop- Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council on East Asian Studies, Press, 1982. ment, they also commissioned a number of im- 18 New Haven: Press, 1982. portant new studies. While there was consider- 19 Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985. able excitement surrounding the publication of 20 ”Samurai in Passage: The Transformation of this collection, Hall’s Government and Local the Sixteenth-Century Kanto,” JJS 11:2 (Summer Power (1967 14 ), and Toshio G. Tsukahira’s 15 1985): 369-399. Feudal Control in Tokugawa Japan (1967 ), 21 Bodart, Beatrice M., “Tea and Counsel: The the themes associated with the late sixteenth Political Role of Sen Rikyu,” MN 32:1 (Spring and early seventeenth centuries did not get sub- 1977) 49-74; "The Laws of Compassion," MN 40.2 stantial additional attention in extended treat- (Summer 1985), 163-189; "The Significance of the Chamberlain Government of the Fifth Tokugawa Shogun," in & Alan Rix, eds. A Nor- 11 Mercantilism In A Japanese Domain: The thern Prospect: Australian Papers on Japan, Can- Merchant Origins Of Economic Nationalism in 18th berra: Japanese Studies Association of Australia, - Century Tosa. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge Uni- 1981, 10-27; “Tea and Politics In Late-Sixteenth- versity Press, 1998. Century Japan,” Chanoyu Quarterly () 41 12 Philip Brown and Taniguchi.Shinko, “Ameri- (1985) 25-34; “ A Case of Political and Economic ka ni okeru Nihon kinsei-shi kenkyū no dōkō,” (in Expropriation: The Monetary Reform of the Fifth Japanese), Nihonshi Kenkyū (May, 2000) 53-70. Tokugawa Shogun,” Papers on Far Eastern History 13 John W. Hall and Marius B. Jansen, eds. Stud- (Canberra) 39 (March 1989) 177-189; “Councilor ies in the Institutional History of Early Modern Ja- Defended; Matsukage Nikki and Yanagisawa Yo- pan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1968 shiyasu,” MN 34:4 (Winter 1979) 467-478; "Toku- (hereafter cited as Studies). gawa Tsunayoshi (1646-1709), A Weberian Analy- 14 Government and Local Power in Japan, 500- sis," Asiatische Studien/Etudes Asiatiques, XLIII:1 1700: A Study Based on Bizen Province. Princeton: (1989), 5-27. Princeton University Press. 1966. 22 “ Castle and Tokugawa Authority in 15 Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council on East Western Japan,” In Jeffrey P. Mass and William B. Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1966. Hauser, Eds. The Bakufu In Japanese History, Stan-

7 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Susser, 23 Willem Jan Boot, 24 Philip Brown, 25 tablishment of peace through the seventeenth- Reinhard Zollner, 26 and Kozo Yamamura. 27 century consolidation of political authority in the These works examined land surveys, consolida- hands of Shogun and daimyo represent an emerg- tion of domain power and finances, the bakufu’s ing, increasingly visible field, what of the middle use of castle re-construction to consolidate its years of the Tokugawa period? Two periods control over daimyo, and other subjects. While have received some concentrated attention. The hardly a torrent, a steady flow of books and arti- first is the era surrounding the Reforms. cles on aspects of the politics, law and institutions We have monographic political biographies of of this era continued in the nineteen-nineties. (J. W. Hall, 195528) and Ma- If the late Tokugawa developments comprise tsudaira Sadanobu (Herman Ooms, 197529; Petra the most intensive era for Western political and Rudolph, 197630) as well as two articles on re- institutional studies, and the period from the es- lated subjects by Robert Bakus (198931) and Isao Soranaka (197832). The second concentration of studies focuses on . The ford: Stanford University Press, 1985, 153-172. “Dog Shogun” and his peculiar image have at- 33 23 Including his works from the late 1970s: tracted Beatrice Bodart-Bailey (1985, 1989 ), “The Cadastral Surveys of the Sengoku Daimyo,” Donald Shively (1970 34 ), and Harold Bolitho Study Reports of Baika Junior College 26 (1977): (1975 35 ). Nonetheless, Tsunayoshi’s charms 35-46; “The Policies of the Oda Regime,” ibid., 28 (1979) 1-16; “The Toyoyomi Regime and the Daimyo,” in The Bakufu in Japanese History, 129- 28 John W. Hall, Tanuma Okitsugu, 1719-1788: 152. Forerunner of Modern Japan. Cambridge, Massa- 24 Willem Jan Boot, “The Deification of Toku- chusetts: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard gawa Ieyasu,” Japan Foundation Newsletter, 14:5 University Press, 1955. (Feb. 1987) 10-13. 29 Herman Ooms, Charismatic Bureaucrat: A 25 "Feudal Remnants" And Tenant Power: The Political Biography of , 1758- Case Of , Japan, In The Nineteenth And 1829. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975. Early Twentieth Centuries," Peasant Studies, 15:1 30 Petra Rudolph, Matsudaira Sadanobu Und (Fall, 1987), 1-26; "Land Redistribution Schemes in Die Kansei-Reform: Unter Besondere Beruck- Tokugawa Japan: An Introduction," Occasional sichtigung Des Kansei Igaku No Kin, Bochum: Papers of the Virginia Consortium for Asian Studies Brockmeyer 1976. 4 (Spring 1987), 35-48; "Practical Constraints on 31 Robert L. Backus,”Matsudaira Sadanobu and Early Tokugawa Land Taxation: Annual Versus Samurai Education,” in C. Andrew Gerstle, ed. 18th Fixed Assessments in Kaga Domain," JJS 14.2 Century Japan: Culture and Society. Sydney, (Summer 1988), 369-401; "The Mismeasure of N.S.W., Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1989, 132-152. Land: Land Surveying in the Tokugawa Period," 32 Isao Soranaka. "The Kansei Reforms-Success MN 42.2 (Summer 1987), 115-155. Or Failure?" MN 33.1 (Spring 1978),151-164. 26 “Kunigae: Bewegung und Herrschaft in der 33 Beatrice Bodart-Bailey. "The Laws of Com- Tokugawa-Zeit,“In: Antoni, Klaus; Portner, Peter; passion," MN 40.2 (Summer 1985), 163-189; “A Schneider, Roland, eds. Referate des VII. Deutschen Case of Political and Economic Expropriation: The Japanologentages in Hamburg, 11.-13. Juni 1987. Monetary Reform of the Fifth Tokugawa Shogun,” Hamburg: Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Volkerkunde Papers on Far Eastern History (Canberra) 39 Ostasiens, MOAG, Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft (March 1989) 177-189; "Tokugawa Tsunayoshi fur Nat 1988, 323-330. (1646-1709), A Weberian Analysis," Asiatische 27 "From Coins to Rice: Hypotheses on the Kan- Studien/Etudes Asiatiques, XLIII: 1 (1989), 5-27. daka and Systems," JJS 14.2 (Summer 34 Donald Shively, "Tokugawa Tsunayoshi, the 1988), 341-367; “Returns on Unification: Economic Shogun," in Albert M. Craig & Donald H. Growth in Japan, 1550-1650,” in , Shively, eds., Personality in Japanese History. Nagahara Keiji, and Kozo Yamamura, eds. Japan Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970, Before Tokugawa: Political Consolidation and 85-126. Economic Growth, 1500-1650. Princeton: Princeton 35 Harold Bolitho, "The Dog Shogun," in Wang University Press, 1981, 327-372. Gungwu, ed. Self and Biography: Essays on the

8 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

have proved insufficiently enticing to stimulate a This is not to say that the situation is intellectu- full monographic treatment. ally terminal in some sense: Conrad Totman’s One senses that rather fortuitous circumstances Early Modern Japan (1993), Luke Roberts’s led to this clustering of interest, for these works – study of Tosa (199839), and Mark Ravina’s ex- whether we look at the late eighteenth century or amination of three large domains (Yonezawa, Tsunayoshi’s era – do not play off each other in a Tokushima, and Hirosaki; 199940) indicate that significant way, and although Hall was once quite we have a story of attempts to come to grips with taken with Tanuma, his planning of volume four an increasingly tense relationship between natural of the Cambridge History of Japan relegated resources, population size, urban development treatment of Tsunayoshi, Tanuma, and Matsudaira and the consequences of efforts to squeeze as Sadanobu to a single fifty-page chapter which much as possible from nature’s storehouse. also included discussion of the Shotoku era, To- Such studies indicate that within these parameters kugawa Yoshimune, the Kyōhō Reforms, and the members of the samurai class struggled mightily, Hōreki era – a good century of political develop- and sometimes very violently, over policy, threats ments.36 to their status and to loss of income. In addition, This well reflects the problems that Western through the example of Tosa, Roberts indicates scholars have had in coming to grips with the the possibilities for non-samurai classes to exert political and institutional history of the mid- effective influence on the formation of domain Tokugawa.37 The fact that the , policy. and eras – eras of some substantial reform While the field of political and institutional his- efforts at least in a number of the domains – are tory has grown considerably, especially in the last also not singled out for much attention in either decade or so, a cautionary note is in order. In Volume 4 or Volume 5 of the Cambridge History spite of the growth, the publication record reflects further reinforce the lack of a strong, attractive a continued heavy reliance on of the theme underlying mid-period institutional and work of Japanese scholars. Our purpose here is political history.38 Even the theme of popular not to explore this aspect of Japanese studies in protest (ikki), the subject of about a half-dozen the West, but a few well-known recent examples recent monographs, does not fill the gap. In con- are worth noting as illustrative. As mentioned trast to the early Tokugawa, which is a story of above, Japan before Tokugawa contains primarily pacification and consolidation of political author- work by Japanese scholars. Non-Japanese ity in new and rebuilt institutions, and the nine- scholars solely author only two articles. While teenth century, which is the story of crisis and Volume 5 of the Cambridge History of Japan collapse, the late seventeenth to early nineteenth contains only one article by a Japanese scholar, centuries lack a discernable political identity. Volume 4 relies heavily on translations of the work of Nakai Nobuhiko, Furushima Toshio, Tsuji Tatsuya, Bitō Masahide, Wakita Osamu, and Individual and Society in Asia. Sydney: Sydney Asao Naohiro. More than half of the articles in University Press, 1975, 123-139. Osaka: The Merchants’ Capital of Early Modern 36 John Whitney Hall, and James L. McClain, Japan (199941) are translations of work by Japa- eds. The Cambridge History of Japan, Vol. 4: Early Modern Japan, Cambridge, UK and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1991 (hereafter CHJ). 39 Luke Roberts, Mercantilism In A Japanese 37 Discussions with colleagues in Japan suggest Domain: The Merchant Origins Of Economic similar issues, although there are certainly more Nationalism in 18th - Century Tosa. Cambridge, book-length works on the period. The problem UK, Cambridge University Press, 1998. seems to lie in where and how to find an overarch- 40 Mark Ravina, Land and Lordship in Early ing theme to the era. Modern Japan. Stanford: Stanford University Press, 38 Marius B. Jansen, ed. Cambridge History of 1999. Japan, Vol. 5: The Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, 41 James L. McClain, and Wakita Osamu, eds. UK and New York: Cambridge University Press, Osaka: The Merchants' Capital of Early Modern 1989. Japan. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press,

9 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

nese scholars. Examination of Edo & Paris: cal history. Post-war treatment of late sixteenth Urban Life and the State in the Early Modern Era to mid - nineteenth century Japan began with the (199442) also draws on the research of a number same emphasis. Except during the movement of Japanese scholars. Other works could readily toward the re-establishment of a peaceful national be added to this list, but would only serve as un- order, attention focused overwhelmingly on he- necessary reinforcement of the point these exam- gemons, Shogunal institutions, and the relation- ples make.43 ships of emperor, domains and daimyo to them. This phenomenon has a very positive side. It Early examples of political and administrative exposes students in the West to a wider array of history (Boxer’s The Christian Century in Japan: subjects than would otherwise be possible. In 1549-1650, 195145 and Brown’s Money Economy the long run, one hopes that publication of such in Medieval Japan: A Study in the Use of Coins, work will stimulate non-Japanese scholars to ex- 195146, which treats the Tokugawa era in part, plore new subjects. In addition, these publica- despite its title) focus heavily on the roles of tions bring Western scholars into broader contact Hideyoshi and the Tokugawa when they analyze with the Japanese scholarly world. The benefit policies related to the kinsei era. Thomas here is not just one of exposing ourselves to sub- Smith’s "The Introduction of Western Industry to jects as yet unexamined by Western scholars, but Japan During the Last Years of the Tokugawa also one of revealing some of the distinctive Period," (194847) examined the role of daimyo characteristics of western scholarly conception efforts in the field of technological transfer in and interpretive style.44 Yet even granting this mid-nineteenth century. Hall’s Tanuma Oki- benefit, there is no escaping the fact that Japanese tsugu, 1719-1788: Forerunner of Modern Ja- scholars are called upon to “cover” subjects in pan (1955) and Donald Shively’s “Bakufu versus which Western scholars have not yet published ,” (195548) examined policies and reform due our small numbers. movements in a bakufu setting. This emphasis on the center becomes much more pronounced Trends in the Field when we include the numerous books and articles that deal with the movement toward the Meiji Restoration (e.g., Beasely 1972,49 Craig, 1959 I. Diversification: From Top to Bottom and 1961, 50 Sakata and Hall, 1956, 51 Jansen,

Shogun and Emperor. Traditionally, histo- rians place the development of the institutions of 45 C.R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan: central government and contests for control of 1549-1650, Berkeley: University Of California them at the heart of their institutional and politi- Press 46 Delmer Brown, Money Economy in Medieval Japan: A Study in the Use of Coins, New Haven: 1999. Yale University Press. 42 James L. McClain, John M. Merriman, and 47 Thomas C. Smith, "The Introduction of West- Ugawa Kaoru, eds., Edo and Paris: Urban Life and ern Industry to Japan During the Last Years of the the State in the Early Modern Era. Ithaca: Cornell Tokugawa Period," HJAS II (1948), 130-152. University Press, 1994. 48 Donald Shively, “Bakufu versus Kabuki,” 43 Although a number of the essays in these col- HJAS 18:3-4 (December 1955), 326-56. lections deal with political and institutional history, 49 W. G. Beasley, The Meiji Restoration, Stan- these collections go well beyond the confines of ford: Stanford University Press, 1972. those fields. In this sense, my observation con- 50 Albert Craig, "The Restoration Movement in cerning the heavy reliance on Japanese scholarship Choshu," JAS 18 (1959), 187-198; Choshu In The extends to many other fields. Meiji Restoration, 1853-1868. Cambridge, Mas- 44 If there has been a downside, it lies in the very sachusetts: Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard long delay between the introduction of new perspec- University Press, 1961. tives in Japan and their dissemination in Western 51 Yoshio Sakata & John W. Hall. "The Motiva- publications. tion of Political Leadership in the Meiji Restora-

10 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

1961,52 Smith, 1961,53 etc.). Although still focused on the Tokugawa elites, These studies generally presume that Shogunal Harold Bolitho (197459) uncovered unexpected and authority were pre-eminent and em- fractures in the unity of the Tokugawa adminis- ployed as a model pretty much throughout the trative structure. Harootunian (196960), Kosch- land. T. G. Tsukahira’s work on the sankin-kōtai man (198761), Webb (196862), and Earl (196463) (1966) suggested the degree to which even con- found cracks in the ideological foundations so trol of the person of the daimyo could serve to carefully constructed and institutionalized at the constrain vast financial resources that might have start of the period and which had been devoted to creating a military base sufficient hoped to build into a stronger central government for launching a challenge to the Shogunate. in the early eighteenth century (see Kate W. Na- Peppered throughout survey texts and through kai, 198864). Each of these studies focuses on many scholarly works by Hall (1966, 1981, long-term developments in political thought and 199154), Elison (198155), Bolitho (199156), Tot- action that laid a foundation for the Meiji Resto- man (196757), Yamamura (1981), Berry (1982), ration. and Zollner (198758), land surveys, the inspector- These studies on the more routine relationship ate (), the Laws of the Military Houses, between Shogun and Emperor are worthy of note, and fief transfer and attainder are all sketched as especially since this sort of study is rare. Bob T. effective devices for keeping daimyo in their Wakabayashi (199165) has argued that the Impe- proper place and forcing them to implement ba- rial institution was routinely more important than kufu policies. Western historians have traditionally assumed and he explored the role of dual sovereignty in a more constructive light than did studies of late tion," JAS 16.1 (1956); reprinted in John Harrison, Tokugawa court-bakufu relations. Lee Butler ed., Japan, Tuscon, Arizona: University of Arizona (1994) re-examined the Shogunal edicts that were Press, 1972, 179-198. 52 designed to regulate the behavior of the Emperor , Sakamoto Ryoma and the and then extended his study to view fifteenth to Meiji Restoration, Princeton: Princeton University seventeenth century characteristics of the Em- Press, 1961. 53 Thomas C. Smith "Japan's Aristocratic Revo- lution," Yale Review (1961), 370-383; reprinted in Jon Livingston et al., Imperial Japan, 1800-1945, 59 Harold Bolitho, Treasures Among Men: The New York: Pantheon) 1973, 91-101. Fudai Daimyo in Tokugawa Japan. New Haven: 54 John Whitney Hall, “Hideyoshi's Domestic Yale University Press, 1974. Policies,” in Japan Before Tokugawa, 194-223; 60 Harry D. Harootunian, Toward Restoration. “Japan's Sixteenth-Century Revolution,” in George Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970. Elison and Bardwell L. Smith. Warlords, Artists, 61 J. Victor Koschman, The Mitō Ideology: Dis- and Commoners: Japan in the Sixteenth Century. course, Reform and Insurrection in Late Tokugawa Honolulu: University Press Of Hawaii, 1981, 7-21; Japan, 1790-1864. Berkeley: University of Cali- “Introduction [early modern Japan],” in CHJ, Vol. 4, fornia Press, 1987. 1-39. 62 Herschel Webb, The Japanese Imperial Insti- 55 George Elison, "The Cross and the Sword: tution in the Tokugawa Period. New York: Colum- Patterns of Momoyama History" and “Hideyoshi, bia University Press, 1968. the Bountiful Minister,” both in Warlords, Artists, 63 David M. Earl, Emperor and Nation in Japan: & Commoners, 55-86 and 223-244 respectively. Political Thinkers of the Tokugawa Period. Seat- 56 Harold Bolitho, "The Han," in CHJ, Vol. 4, tle: University of Washington Press, 1964. 183-234. 64 Kate W. Nakai, Shogunal Politics: Arai Ha- 57 Conrad Totman, Politics In The Tokugawa kuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa Rule. Cam- Bakufu,1600-1843. Cambridge, Massachusetts: bridge, Massachusetts, Harvard Council on East Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University Asian Studies, Harvard University Press. Press, 1967 (reprinted by University of California 65 Bob Tadashi Wakabayashi, “In Name Only: Press, 1988). Imperial Sovereignty in Early Modern Japan,” JJS 58 Reinhard Zollner, "Kunigae." 17:1 (Winter 1991) 25-57.

11 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

peror and aristocracy.66 Both attempt to see the Steele (1976, 1982 75 ), Bolitho (1977, 1983, Emperor in contexts other than in his position as 198576), Fraser (197777), D. Brown (198178), focal point for anti-bakufu malcontents and sug- Huber (1981, 1982, 198379), Koschman (198280), gest very significant roles for Emperor and court long before late Tokugawa. Much early work through the nineteen- formism: Bakufu Policy, 1853-1868,” in Tetsuo seventies sought the sources of the Restoration Najita, and J. Victor Koschmann, eds. Conflict In Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Tradition. and its radical shift from apparent conservatism Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982, 62-80; to radical reformation of the political and social “The Meiji Resoration: From Obsolete Order to order by government fiat. In addition to studies 67 Effective Regime,” in Harry Wray and Hilary Con- already introduced, Smith (1961, 1967 ), Dore roy, eds., Japan Examined: Perspectives On Mod- (196268), Frost (197069), Hall (197070), Najita 71 72 ern Japanese History. Honolulu: University of Ha- (1970 ), Sakai (1970 ). Totman (1970, 1975, waii Press, 1983, 72-78. 73 74 1980, 1982, 1983 ), Wilson (1970, 1982, 1992 ), 74 George M. Wilson, "Pursuing the Millennium in the Meiji Restoration,” in Conflict in Japanese History, 177-194; Patriots and Redeemers in Japan: 66 Lee Butler, “’s Regulations Motives in the Meiji Restoration. Chicago: Univer- for the Court: A Reassessment,” HJAS 54:2 (May sity of Chicago Press, 1992; ”The Intel- 1994), 509-552; Emperor and Aristocracy in Japan, lectual in Action: Hashimoto Sanai in the Political 1467-1680. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council Crisis of 1858,” in Personality In Japanese History, on East Asian Studies, Harvard University Press, 234-263. 2002. 75 M. William Steele, “The Rise and Fall of the 67 Thomas C. Smith, “’Merit’ as Ideology in Shoogitai: A Social Drama,” in Conflict in Japa- the Tokugawa Period,” in Aspects of Social Change nese History, 128-144; and the Col- in Modern Japan, 71 – 90. lapse of the Tokugawa Bakufu. Ph.D. Thesis, Har- 68 Ronald P. Dore, “Talent and the Social Or- vard University, 1976. der in Tokugawa Japan,” Past and Present: A 76 Harold Bolitho, “, 1853-1868,” Proceed- Journal of Historical Studies 21 (April 1962). ings of the British Association for Japanese Studies 69 Peter Frost, The Bakumatsu Currency Crisis. (Sheffield) 2, pt.1 (1977), 1-17; “The Meiji Restora- Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council On East Asian tion,” in Japan Examined, 59-65; “ Studies, Harvard University, 1970. and the New Japan,” in Jeffrey P. Mass and William 70 John W. Hall, "Tokugawa Japan, 1800-1853," B. Hauser, eds. The Bakufu In Japanese History, in James B. Crowley, ed. Modern East Asia: Essays 173 - 189. in Interpretation. New York: Harcourt Brace & 77 Andrew Fraser, “Political development in the World, 1970., 62-94. Awa (Tokushima) domain: the final decade, 1860- 71 , "Oshio Heihachiro (1793- 1870,” Papers on Far Eastern History (Canberra) 1837)," in Albert Craig & Donald Shively, eds., 15 (Mar 1977) 105-161; “Local Administration: Personality In Japanese History, Berkeley: Univer- The Example of Awa-Tokushima,” in Jansen, sity of California Press, 1970, 155-179. Marius B. & Gilbert Rozman, eds., From Tokugawa 72 Robert K. Sakai, ” and the to Meiji. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Emergence of national Leadership in Satsuma,” in 1986, 111-132. Personality In Japanese History, 209-233. 78 David Douglas Brown, From Tempo to Meiji: 73 Conrad Totman, “Political Reconciliation in Fukuoka Han in Late Tokugawa Japan. Univer- the Tokugawa Bakufu: Abe Masahiro and Toku- sity of Hawaii, Ph.D. Thesis, 1981. gawa Nariaki, 1844-1852,” in Personality In Japa- 79 Thomas M. Huber, The Revolutionary Origins nese History, 180-208; “ And of Modern Japan. Stanford: Stanford University Kobu Gattai--A Study Of Political Inadequacy,” Press, 1981; ”Men Of High Purpose and the Politics MN 30:4 (Win 1975) 393-403; “Fudai daimyo and of Direct Action, 1862-1864,” in Conflict In Mod- the Collapse of the Tokugawa Bakufu,” JAS 34, ern Japanese History, 1982,107-127; “The Cho- no.3 (May 1975) 581-591; The Collapse of The To- shu Activists and 1868,” in Japan Examined, 66-71. kugawa Bakufu, 1862-1868, Berkeley: University of 80 J. Victor Koschmann, “Action as a Text: California Press, 1980; “From Reformism to Trans- Ideology in the Tengu Insurrection,“ in Conflict In

12 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Flershem (1983, 1988, 1992 81 ), Fedoseyev less intense concern since the mid-nineteen- (1985 82 ), Jansen (1985, 1989 83 ), Latyshev eighties. (198584), Yates (1987, 199485), McClain (198886) Official organization and control of merchant and Quah (198887) all treat aspects of this issue.88 organizations and the problems both merchants This brief listing, in combination with previously and the Shogunate had in maintaining their exclu- mentioned titles, however, also suggests that sive privileges also comprised a subject of early study of the Restoration movement has been of scholarly attention. Charles Sheldon (195889) first approached the question in the context of official control of large merchants such as Zeniya 90 Modern Japanese History, 81-106. Gohei. William Hauser (1974 ) introduced a 81 Robert G. Flershem, “Kaga Loyalists, 1858- more nuanced approach when he demonstrated 1868,” Proceedings of the Fifth International Sym- the degree to which un-licensed merchants were posium on Asian Studies, Hong Kong: Asian Re- successful in challenging official cotton monopo- search Service, 1983, 121-143. Flershem, Robert G. lies in the Osaka region. & Yoshiko N. Flershem, "Kaga's Tardy Support of More recent “local” studies have revealed simi- the Meiji Restoration: Background Reasons," lar contests even within local domains (Wigen Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan (To- 1995 91 ; Pratt 1999 92 ). Constantine Vaporis kyo), 4th series, 3 (1988), 83-130; “Kaga's Restora- (199493) has examined Tokugawa efforts to main- tion Politics: The and Daishoji Aspects,” tain and control a national road system that pro- ibid. 4th Series, 7 (1992), 1-42. vided the main trunk lines that linked major po- 82 Pyotr Fedoseyev, “The Significance of Revo- litical and commercial centers. As Hauser re- lutionary Transformations,” in Nagai Michio & vised Sheldon, Vaporis is also more sensitive to Miguel Urrutia, eds., Meiji Ishin: Restoration and the constraints of bakufu power than Tsukahira. Revolution. : United Nations University Press, Two areas are notable for having engendered 1985, 52-7. 83 few studies: the position of the military as a Marius B. Jansen, “Meiji Ishin: The Politi- formal organization and the court system for de- cal context,” in Meiji Ishin: Restoration and Revo- livering law and justice to the subjects of the lution, 3-19; "The Meiji Restoration," in CHJ, Vol. realm, including to the daimyo. The former 5, 308-366. 84 received much popular attention with the publica- Igor Latyshev, “Meiji Ishin: Unaccom- 94 plished Bourgeois Revolution,” in Meiji Ishin: Res- tion of Noel Perrin’s Giving Up the Gun (1979 ) toration And Revolution, 43-51. and James Clavell’s novel, Shogun (1980). 85 Charles L. Yates, "Restoration and Rebellion Clavell’s work even spawned a volume of schol- in Satsuma: The Life of Saigo Takamori (1827- arly essays designed to address issues raised by 1877)." 1987: Ph.D. dissertation in East Asian Stud- ies, Princeton University; “Saigo Takamori in the Emergence of Meiji Japan,” Modern Asian Studies 89 Charles D. Sheldon, The Rise of the Merchant 28:3 (1994), 449-74. Class in Tokugawa Japan, 1600~1868, Locust Val- 86 James L. McClain, "Failed Expectations: ley, NY: Augustin, 1958. Kaga Domain on the Eve of the Meiji Restoration," 90 William B. Hauser, Economic Institutional JJS 14.2 (1988), 403-447. Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Kinai 87 Esther Quah, “Factors Leading to the Collapse Cotton Trade. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univer- of the Tokugawa Bakufu,” Journal of the History sity Press, 1974. Society (Singapore) (1987-1988) 5-7. 91 The Making of a Japanese Periphery. 88 For a more detailed analysis of the recent 92 Japan’s Proto-Industrial Elite. scholarship on this and related issues, see Albert M. 93 Constantine Nomikos Vaporis, Breaking Bar- Craig, “The Meiji Restoration: A Historiographi- riers: Travel and the State in Early Modern Japan, cal Overview,” in Helen Hardacre, ed. The Postwar Cambridge, Massachusetts, Council on East Asian Development of Japanese Studies in the United Studies, Harvard University Press, 1994. States, Leiden, Boston, Koln: Brill, 1998, 115-142, 94 Noel Perrin, Giving Up The Gun: Japan's Re- which also carries the story farther into Meiji than version To The Sword, 1543-1879. New York: attempted here. Godine, 1979.

13 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

the novel and television series/movie (Smith devotes only one chapter to the Tokugwa era, but 198095). Scholarly follow-through in the form stresses the limits of the legal system, a system of serious and extended studies has been very that forced villagers to handle many issues in limited, however. The works of Stephen their own, often informal, way. J. Mark Ram- Turnbull survey samurai throughout the ages, but seyer (1996102), like Haley and Henderson’s study place most of their emphasis on pre-Tokugawa of conciliation, devotes only a section of his work materials. John M. Rogers (199096) treats mar- to the Tokugawa era, but he introduces a new tial training in an age of peace and Oguchi Yujiro perspective, that of rational choice theory, to ar- (199097) examines the circumstances of gue that Tokugawa law provided substantial pro- and . Rogers’ doctoral thesis and tections for those often seen as exploited. Her- Howland’s historiographical essay on samurai man Ooms (1996103) has examined local uses of class, status and bureaucratic roles (200198) hold law (especially in status manipulation), and while out the possibility of future serious publication in he touches on criminal law, that field remains this area. largely unexplored in Western language literature. In the early twentieth century the Tokugawa le- Dani Botsman, however, has begun to focus on gal system proved highly interesting to scholars this subject (Botsman, 1992104). of comparative law but have not drawn much Domains. Study of the structure and politics attention in the post-war era.99 Dan Fenno Hen- of domain administrations have been of sporadic derson is the most prolific of the clutch of schol- interest for some time, but have received more ars who have looked at the operation of law and concentrated attention in the past decade. For the courts on the ground level. He is most the period of domain formation, Hall’s previously known for his work on the Tokugawa era prece- noted work on stages in the evolution of daimyo dents using conciliation (1965), but has also writ- rule (1961) and the development of castle towns ten on the evolution of legal practice (1968), (1955105) have been very influential. The first agreements and governance (1992) and village- wave of domain studies was largely confined to level contracts (1975).100 John Haley (1991101) article - length publications. Jansen’s work on

95 Henry Smith, II, ed. Learning From "Sho- gun”: Japanese History and Western Fantasy. versity of Washington Press 1975; “Agreements and Santa Barbara, California: Program in Asian Studies, Governance in Tokugawa Japan,” in Bernard Hung- University of California, Santa Barbara, 1980. Kay Luk, ed. Contacts Between Cultures. Volume 4. 96 John M. Rogers, "Arts of War in Times of Eastern Asia: History and Social Sciences, Lewis- Peace: Swordsmanship in Honcho Bugei Shoden, ton, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992, 231-235; Chapter 5," MN 45.4 (Winter 1990), 413-447; The “The Evolution of Tokugawa Law,” in Studies, 203- Development of the Military Profession in Toku- 230. gawa Japan, Ph.D. Thesis, Harvard University, 101 John Owen Haley, Authority without Power: 1998. Law and the Japanese Paradox. Oxford: Oxford 97 Yujiro Oguchi, “The Reality Behind Musui University Press, 1991. Dokugen: The World of the Hatamoto and 102 J. Mark Ramseyer, Odd Markets in Japanese Gokenin," Gaynor Sekimori., transl., JJS 16.2 History. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge University (Summer 1990): 289-308. Press, 1996. 98 Douglas R. Howland, “Samurai Status, 103 Herman Ooms, Tokugawa Village Practice: Class, and Bureaucracy: A Historiographical Es- Class, Status, Power, Law. Berkeley and Los An- say,” JAS 60:2 (May, 2001), 353-80. geles: University of California Press, 1996. 99 The works of John Henry Wigmore and Neil 104 Dani V. Botsman, “Punishment and Power in Skene Smith are the best known. the Tokugawa period,” Canberra, Australia: Insti- 100 Dan F. Henderson. Conciliation and Japa- tute of Advanced Studies, Australian National Uni- nese Law: Tokugawa and Modern. Seattle: Univer- versity, 1992. sity of Washington Press., 1965 (esp vol. I); Village 105 John W. Hall, “The Castle Town and Japan’s Contracts in Tokugawa Japan: 50 Specimens with Modern Urbanization,” Far Eastern Quarterly XV: English Translations and Comments, Seattle: Uni- 1 (November 1955), 37-56.

14 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Tosa (1963, 1968106), Sakai’s on Satsuma (1968, James McClain’s case study of early castle town 1970, 1975107), Hall’s early work on Bizen and development (1982).112 much more that appeared after the publication of From the late 1980s there has been a rising Government and Local Power fall into this pat- tide of domain studies published as both mono- tern. 108 Through the sixties only one mono- graphs and articles. John Morris (1988 113 ) graphic domain study appeared (Hall’s Govern- examined retainer fiefs in , Philip ment and Local Power, 1966) and even that was Brown explored domain formation and rural not specifically a study of late sixteenth to seven- administration in early Kaga (1988, 1993 114 ), teenth century domain formation. James McClain (1992 115 ) explored festivals This early work on domain institutions led to and state power in Kanazawa, Luke Roberts a number of dissertations that gave more ex- (1994, 1997, 1998116) has analyzed development tended attention to the subject. Les Mitchnick of economic policy in Tosa with a focus on (1972, Chōshū109), Franklin Odo (1975, Saga110), mid-period fiscal challenges, Kären Wigen and Ronald DiCenzo (1978, Echizen, Tottori, explored related issues as part of her study of and Matsue111) completed doctoral theses on kin- Shimo-ina (1995), and Mark Ravina (1999) sei domains, but their work was not otherwise has also explored samurai rulers’ attempts to deal published. Indeed, no monographic domain with mid-period economic crises in Yonezawa, study appeared again until Yale published Tokushima, and Hirosaki domains. A concern for these and other mid-period issues lies at the heart of the Flershem’s (1984) study of reform 106 Marius B. Jansen, “Tosa During the Last in Kaga domain. 117 Arne Kalland (1994) Century of Tokugawa Rule,” in Studies, 331-348; focuses on other issues, but includes fairly “Tosa in the Seventeenth Century: The Establish- extensive discussion of the domain political ment of Yamauchi Rule,“ in ibid., 112-130; “Tosa context in his study of Fukuoka-region fishing in the Sixteenth Century: The 100 Article Code of Chōsokabe Motochika,” Oriens Extremus X:1 (April 1963) 107 Robert Sakai, “The Consolidation of Power 112 James L. McClain, Kanazawa: A Seventeenth in Satsuma-han,” in Studies, 131-139; “Introductory - Century Japanese Castle Town. New Haven: Analysis,” Haraguchi Torao et al. The Status System Yale University Press, 1982 and Social Organization Satsuma: A of 113 John Morris, Kinsei Nihon chigyōsei no ken- the Shumon Tefuda Aratame Jomoku. Honolulu: kyū, Seibundo, 1978. University of Hawaii Press, 1975. 114 Philip C. Brown, Central Authority and Local 108 John W. Hall, “From Tokugawa to Meiji in Autonomy in the Formation of Early modern Japan: Japanese Local Administration,” in Studies, 375-86; The Case of Kaga Domain, Stanford: Stanford Uni- “The Ikeda House and its Retainers in Bizen,” in versity Press, 1993. ibid. 79-88; “Materials for the Study of Local His- 115 James L. McClain, “Bonshogatsu: Festivals tory in Japan: Pre-Meiji Daimyo Records,” HJAS and State Power in Kanazawa,” MN 47:2 (Summer 209:1 & 2 (June 1957), 187-212; “Ikeda Mit- 1992), 163-202. sumasa and the Bizen Flood of 1654,” in Personal- 116 Luke Roberts, "The Petition Box in Eight- ity in Japanese History, 57-84. eenth-Century Tosa," JJS 20.2 (Summer 1994): 109 Les Mitchnick, Traditional and Transitional 423-458; Mercantilism In A Japanese Domain: Tax systems During the : A The Merchant Origins Of Economic Nationalism In Case Study of Choshu Han, 1600-1873, University 18th - Century Tosa. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge of California, Los Angeles, Ph.D. Thesis, 1972. University Press, 1998; “A Petition for a Popularly 110 Franklin Odo, Saga - Han: The Feudal Do- Chosen Council of Government in Tosa in 1787,” main in Tokugawa Japan. Princeton University, HJAS 57:2 (December 1997) 575-596. Ph.D. Thesis, 1975. 117 Robert G. Flershem and Yoshiko N. Fler- 111 Ronald DiCenzo, Daimyo, Domain and Re- shem, “Kaga: A Domain That Changed Slowly,” tainer Band in the Seventeenth Century: A Study of in Burks Ardath W., Ed. The Modernizers: Over- Institutional Development in Echizen, Tottori and seas Students, Foreign Employees, and Meiji Japan, Matsue, Princeton University, Ph.D. Thesis, 1978. Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 85-143.

15 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

communities.118 ducted extensive investigations of the tax policy Although focused primarily on medieval to late of the Tokugawa in their role as domain lords and Sengoku developments, two other domain-level stresses the difficulty of maintaining effective studies deserve note. Michael Birt (1983, control over an agricultural base rendered unsta- 1985119) and Reinhard Zollner (1991120) examine ble by the vagaries of nature. Les Mitchnick’s the transformation of domain organization in the (1972) study is the only extended effort to move sixteenth century. Both discuss developments beyond the land tax system into other forms of that, through the crucible of widespread civil war, taxation in his study of Choshu, but Constantine laid foundations for the growth and final stabili- Vaporis has explored corvee in a 1986 article that zation of daimyo rule. arose from his research on the Tokugawa- In addition to studies of domain organizational controlled system of national roads.124 structure, a number of scholars have taken an Several studies have taken the investigation of interest in closely examining the most fundamen- domain economic activities in a different direc- tal aspects of revenue raising for the Tokugawa tion – direct exploitation of natural resources. ruling classes, the land tax system. From a na- Conrad Totman began to investigate the man- tional perspective, Kozo Yamamura (1988) of- agement of forest resources with two studies in fered an explanation of the change from cash to 1984125, one of which focused intensively on rice-based assessments of land value for purposes Akita. The culmination of his work (1989126) of taxation, Thomas Smith’s study of land taxa- was a major overview of village and domain re- tion (1958121) first raised the possibility that land sponse to a decline in readily available forest re- taxes did not keep pace with increases in agricul- sources. Byung Nam Yoon (1995127) took the tural output and even remained absolutely flat throughout the Tokugawa period. He analyzed data from several domains, but other studies fo- (1989) 53-79; “Practical Constraints on Early To- cus more intensively on single domains. Philip kugawa Land Taxation,” "A Case of Failed Tech- Brown examined the accuracy land survey tech- nology Transfer--Land Survey Technology in Early niques that created the standard of the land’s as- Modern Japan," Senri Ethnological Studies 46 (March, 1998) 83-97, Central Authority and Local sessed value and three land tax assessment sys- Autonomy, passim. tems, especially in Kaga domain (1987, 1988, 123 122 123 Patricia Sippel, Financing the Long Peace: etc. ). Patricia Sippel (1994, 1998 ) con- The Agricultural Tax in the Tokugawa Domain. Harvard University, Ph.D. Thesis, 1994; "Popular Protest in Early Modem Japan: The Bushu Out- 118 Arne Kalland, Fishing Villages in Tokugawa burst," HJAS 37.2 (1977), 273-322. Japan, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press 124 Les Mitchnick, Traditional and Transitional (Curzon Press), 1994. Tax systems During the Early Modern Period: A 119 Michael Birt, Warring States: A Study of Case Study of Choshu Han, 1600-1873; Constantine the Go-Hojo Daimyo and Domain, 1491-1590, N. Vaporis "Post Station and Assisting Villages: Princeton University, Ph.D. Thesis, 1983. Corvee Labor and Peasant Contention," MN 41.4 120 Reinhard Zollner, “Die Takeda als (Winter 1986): 377-414. Feudalherren in Kai no kuni im Spiegel des Koyo 125 Conrad Totman, "Land-Use Patterns and Af- gunkan,“ in Eva Bachmayer, Wolfgang Herbert, forestation in the ," MN 39.1 (Spring Sepp Linhart, Sepp, eds. Japan, von Aids bis Zen: 1984), 1-10; The Origins of Japan’s Modern For- Referate des achten Japanologentages 26:28. ests: The Case of Akita, Honolulu: University of September 1990 in Wien. Wien: Institut fur Hawaii Press, 1984. Japanologie, Universitat Wien, 1991, 165-180. 126 Conrad Totman, The Green Archipelago: 121 Thomas Smith, "The Land Tax in the Toku- Forestry In Pre-Industrial Japan. Berkeley: Univer- gawa Period," JAS 18.1 (1958), 3-20. Reprinted in sity of California Press, 1989. Studies, 283-299. 127 Byung Nam Yoon, Domain and Bakufu in 122 Philip C. Brown, “The Mismeasure of Land,” Tokugawa Japan: The Copper Trade and Develop- “Never the Twain shall meet: European land survey ment of Akita Domain Mines, Princeton University, techniques in Tokugawa Japan,” Chinese Science 9 Ph.D. Thesis, 1995.

16 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

investigation of domain economic activities into tion on ordinary communities.131 Arne Kalland still another arena, the development of mining (1994) departed from the typical focus on agricul- resources in Akita. In contrast to limited treat- tural communities to look at fishing villages, also ments of gold and silver mining in survey works, the venue for David Howell’s (1995132) examina- Yoon chose to look at copper mining. We still tion of the development of the fishing lack extended studies of development of domain industry. While both of these works go well monopolies although they do come in for some beyond a straight institutional history, descrip- treatment in works focused on local economic tions of the relevant institutions and policy de- policy and development (e.g., Roberts, 1998 and bates form an important part of each. The same Ravina, 1999). may be said for Kären Wigen’s (1995) study of Our story thus far has emphasized politics and craft industries in the Shimo-Ina region.133 political organization at the top, first in the efforts Village – generated institutions have also been to create national stability and solid institutional the object of some study. Tanaka Michiko’s structures, and with a greater emphasis in recent doctoral thesis (1983134) explored young men’s years, examination of domain organization and associations (wakamono nakama). Late medie- politics. If one wished to treat the Shogun and val and Sengoku village institutions that created Emperor as the apex of political institutions, even self-governing patterns and paradigms for village the increased attention devoted to domain organi- institutions under the Tokugawa settlement have zation and policies represents a shift in scholarly been the focus of Hitomi Tonomura (1992135) and attention downward from the top. But recent Kristina Troost (1990136). A number of the ex- scholarly gaze has shifted much further down the amples of corporate control of arable land studied political hierarchy. by Philip Brown were purely village creations Village, Town and City. Studies at the dis- (1988, etc.), and patterns of land ownership in trict and village level have never been entirely one village, Chiaraijima have been explored by absent from the scholarly agenda. Thomas William Chambliss (1965).137 Smith (1952, 1959128) did much to lay the foun- The question of land ownership is fundamen- dation for the field, and William Chambliss pro- duced the first extended village study (1965).129 131 Neil Waters, Japan’s Local Pragmatists: The Anthropologist Harumi Befu (1965. 1966) con- Transition from Bakumatsu to Meiji in the Kawa- sidered the office of village headman, and Dan saki Region. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council on Henderson (1975) examined village contracts. East Asian Studies, Harvard University Press, 1983. William Kelly, another anthropologist, explored 132 Capitalism from Within. institutions of regional cooperation that devel- 133 The Making of a Japanese Periphery. oped around the need to share and cooperatively 134 Michiko Tanaka, Village Youth Organiza- 130 administer irrigation resources (1982). Neil tions (Wakamono Nakama) in Late Tokugawa Poli- Waters (1983) chose to examine a district when tics and Society. Princeton University, Ph.D. Thesis, he investigated the impact of the Meiji Restora- 1983. 135 Hitomi Tonomura, Community and Com- merce in Late Medieval Japan: The Corporate Vil- 128 Thomas C. Smith, "The Japanese Village in lages of Tokuchin-ho. Stanford: Stanford University the Seventeenth Century," Journal of Economic Press, 1992. History 12.1 (1952), 1-20. Reprinted in Studies, 136 Kristina Kade Troost, Common Property and 263-282. Community Formation: Self-Governing Villages in 129 William Chambliss, Chiaraijima Village: Late Medieval Japan, 1300-1600, Harvard Univer- Land Tenure, Taxation, and Local Trade, 1811- sity, Ph.D. Thesis, 1990. 1884. 1965: Tuscon, Arizona: University of Ari- 137 Philip C. Brown, "State, Cultivator, Land: zona Press, 1965. Determination of Land Tenures in Early Modern 130 William Kelly, Water Control in Tokugawa Japan Reconsidered," JAS 56:2 (May, 1997), 421- Japan: Irrigation Organization in a Japanese River 444; “Warichi seido: soto kara mita omoshirosa, Basin, 1600-1870, Ithaca, New York: Cornell naka kara mita fukuzatusa," Shiryōkan kenkyū kiyō, China-Japan Program, 1982. (March, 1999): 161-227; Chambliss, Chiaraijima.

17 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

tally related to how land was registered for tax Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the State in the purposes – primarily seen as a function of he- Early Modern Era (1994; William Coaldrake143, gemons like Hideyoshi and domains. Prior to William Kelly144) explore urban institutions. the 1990s, standard interpretations stressed the A common theme has begun to emerge from role of national land surveys in determining who these studies of local communities: In typical has the right to exploit farmland and the obliga- studies prior to the nineteen-eighties which tion to participate in the payment of a village’s viewed the commoners as largely passive or inef- land tax. Kozo Yamamura relied on this analy- fective in modifying or opposing their seigneurial sis when he proposed that seventeenth to nine- overlords, recent studies explicitly recognize that teenth century Japanese who held superior culti- commoners had a very active role in creating lo- vation rights in effect had rights of nearly modern cal institutions and running them.145 The role of private possession that assured them of the fruits commoner initiative even in the formation of do- of investments they might make in land (1979).138 main policy is given especially strong emphasis Yet in more recent, ground level studies, Philip in Roberts (1997), and Herman Ooms (1996) has Brown (1987 [“Mismeasure” and “Land Redistri- stressed the way in which some villagers were bution Schemes”], 1997, 1999) has argued that capable of transforming laws and edicts to serve the situation is more complex and determination their own ends or of successfully getting domain of land rights lay at the domain and village level. authorities to act on their behalf against other In part as a result, in about a third of Japan’s vil- villagers. Some of these themes are also re- lages, villagers exercised corporate control over flected in Mark Ravina’s work on domain politics arable land. In these villages there was no direct (1999).146 tie between any particular plot of farmland and a Cutting across a number of the themes noted al- village “shareholder” who had the right to man- ready, the study of popular disturbances, ikki, age arable land and pay taxes. experienced a boom in the 1980s and 1990s, with Studies of village institutions have been contributions from Herbert Bix (1986147), Selcuk matched recently by more extensive examination Esenbel (1998), William Kelly (1985148), Anne of the institutions of urban centers. James 139 McClain (1980, 1982, 1992, 1994, 1999) , McClain and Ugawa Kaoru (1994)140, McClain 141 chants' Capital, 1-21. and John Merriman (1994) , McClain and 143 142 William H. Coaldrake, “Building a New Wakita Osamu (1999) , and their co-authors in Establishment: ’s Consolidation of Power and the Taitokuin ,” in Edo and Paris, 153-74. 138 Kozo Yamamura, "Pre-Industrial Landhold- 144 William W. Kelly, “Incendiary Actions: ing Patterns in Japan and England," in Albert M. Fires and Firefighting in the Shogun’s Cap[ital and Craig, ed. Japan: A Comparative View. Princeton: the People’s City,” in Edo and Paris, 310-331. Princeton University Press, 1979, 276-323. 145 This is a major theme of the essays cited in 139 James L. McClain, "Castle Towns and Dai- the preceding paragraph, but also in my work on myo Authority: Kanazawa in the Years 1583-1630," land redistribution systems (see, for example, “State, JJS 6.2 (Summer 1980), 267-299; “Edobashi: Cultivator, Land”) and the development of rural Power, Space and Popular Culture in Edo,” in Edo administration (Central Authority and Local Auton- and Paris, 105-131; “Space, Power, Wealth, and omy). Status in Seventeenth-Century Osaka,” in Osaka: 146 Roberts, Mercantilism in a Japanese Do- The Merchants' Capital, 44-79. main; Ooms, Tokugawa Village Practice, Ravina, 140 James L. McClain and Ugawa Kaoru, “Vi- Land and Lordship. sions of the City,” in Edo and Paris, 455-464. 147 Herbert P. Bix, Peasant Protest in Japan, 141 James L. McClain and John M. Merriman, 1590-1884. New Haven: Yale University Press, “Edo and Paris: Cities and Power,” in Edo and 1986. Paris, 3-41. 148 William W. Kelly, Deference And Defiance 142 James L. McClain and Wakita Osamu. in Nineteenth-Century Japan, Princeton: Princeton “Osaka Across the Ages,” in Osaka: The Mer- University Press.1985.

18 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Walthall (1986149), James White (1988, 1992, and Marius Jansen.156 1995150), George Wilson (1982)151 and Stephen Vlastos (1986152). Some protests were sparked II. New Perspectives by domain or bakufu policies, especially taxation, but others concerned issues of village governance The field of institutional and political history or attempts to gain administrative redress for the now has a sufficient history and a large enough growing influence of the market. These latter contingent of practitioners to have produced issues form an important part of William some important, competing perspectives. The Hauser’s early study of the Kinai cotton trade.153 most significant of these discussions concerns the Finally the interest of historians in the trans- characterization of the state from the late six- formation of institutions at all levels during the teenth to mid-nineteenth century. The oldest Bakumatsu-Meiji transition merits notice. An characterization cast Tokugawa and its immediate early collection of essays on the subject edited by predecessor regimes as feudal, a term typically Jansen and Rozman (1986154) focused on these defined in more often political-structural terms problems and included essays on the central gov- than specified as an economic or Marxian con- ernment by Albert Craig, the military by Eleanor ceptualization when it was defined at all.157 By Westney, Gilbert Rozman on urban structures, the 1962, John Hall had begun to question that Richard Rubinger on education, Umegaki Michio characterization and by 1968, when he and his on domains and prefectures, Henry Smith II on co-editor, Marius Jansen, sought a title for their the transformation of Edo into Tokyo, Andrew collection of new and republished essays, they Fraser on local administration, Martin Collcutt on labeled the period “early modern:” Studies in the policy toward Buddhism, and Marius Jansen on Institutional History of Early Modern Japan. In the ruling class. Neil Waters (1983) and James no small part this re-characterization was sparked Baxter (1994) examined district and prefectural by their perception that ties between daimyo and transformations in much greater depth.155 Other Shogun, retainer and daimyo, quickly became de- shorter treatments include works by John Hall personalized and routinized in the seventeenth century. In place of personal ties of loyalty, a stable, very bureaucratic organization lay at the core of domain institutional life. In the nine- 149 Anne Walthall, Social Protest and Popular teen-sixties this transformation was the wave of Culture in Eighteenth-Century Japan, Tuscon, Ari- the future (based in part on the emerging applica- zona: University of Arizona Press, 1986. tion of contemporary functionalist-structuralist 150 James White, "State Growth and Popular Pro- definitions of modernization to Japan which were test in Tokugawa Japan," JJS 14.1 (Winter 1988), 1- heavily influenced by Talcott Parson’s, Reinhard 25; Ikki: Social Conflict and Political protest in Bendix’s and others’ readings of Max Weber’s Early Modern Japan, Ithaca: Cornell University and Emile Durkheim’s work), but some textbooks Press, 1995; The Demography of Sociopolitical in the nineteen-seventies continued to refer to Conflict in Japan, 1721-1846. Berkeley: Institute pre-Meiji warrior government as “feudal.” In- of East Asian Studies, University of California, deed, Joseph Strayer’s introductory essay in Stud- Berkeley, Center for Japanese Studies, 1992. 151 George M. Wilson, Patriots and Redeemers. 152 Stephen Vlastos, Peasant Protests and Upris- 156 Hall, “From Tokugawa to Meiji;” Jansen, ings in Tokugawa Japan. Berkeley: University of “Tosa During the Last Century.” California Press, 1986. 157 Feudalism in History was one of the early 153 Economic Institutional Change. post-war efforts to explore feudalism in a compara- 154 Japan in Transition. tive historical context based on a single definition of 155 Waters, Japan’s Local Pragmatists; James C. the term for purposes of the project. David Howell Baxter, The Meiji Unification Through the Lens of is one of the few scholars who now explicitly em- , Cambridge, Massachusetts: brace a Marxist definition of feudalism as applica- Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard University ble to the Tokugawa. See “Territoriality and Col- Press, 1994. lective Identity.”

19 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

ies, comparing Japan and early modern Europe, miliar, the , the sense of state iden- used both terms, early modern and feudal, with- tity and negotiations with other states as “for- out a sense of mutual exclusivity or contradic- eign” entities is still a prominent characteristic of tion.158 political life, even in the face of the central gov- Regardless of whether the political order and ernment’s expanding power. Ronald Toby has the era were treated as feudal or early modern, taken Roberts and Ravina to task for over- the vexing question of how to describe the rela- emphasizing the autonomy of domain authority, tionship of political periphery and center has not particularly in the context of his view that Toku- been resolved. A number of characterizations gawa Japan is an emerging nation-state and do- have been offered, all of which focus in varying mains clearly are functioning within a Tokugawa- degree on the balance between centralization and dominated political framework.162 decentralization in the early modern state. Tot- One suspects that the reason Ravina and Rob- man’s Politics in the Tokugawa Bakufu (1967) erts separate themselves from Berry lies partly in and Bolitho’s Treasures Among Men (1974) ex- the different eras on which each focuses. Berry plicitly considered the Tokugawa failure to cen- treats Hideyoshi, the kingpin who laid the foun- tralize authority along the lines of the strongest dation for national peace and a stable political European absolutist rulers. Totman, from the pub- order. Ravina and Roberts are interested in later lication of Japan Before Perry (1981) came to domain-level developments and perspectives. characterize the political order as an integral bu- Berry’s subject must contend with openly hostile, reaucracy.159 Mary Elizabeth Berry (Hideyoshi, external opponents in the form of other daimyo 1982) treated the political structure as a federal alliances led by the Tokugawa, Date and others; system. Mark Ravina adopted Mizubayashi the domains in Roberts’s and Ravina’s studies Takashi’s characterization of the state as “com- have a very stable relationship with the Sho- pound” and one in which domains not only re- gunate and other domains, and certainly one that tained an identity as independent states, but in does not come to a military confrontation that which relations of authority between daimyo and would illuminate the degree of forceful control Shogun on the one hand, and daimyo and retainer the Shogun might be capable of imposing.163 on the other are described in terms that represent Quite apart from characterization of the struc- a rejection of the order as non-feudal: feudal tural order in its entirety, Brown (Central Author- authority, patrimonial authority and seigneurial ity and Local Autonomy) has attempted to assess authority.160 Luke Roberts saw domains as act- the capacity of central political figures, especially ing in ways that straddle the line between inde- Hideyoshi and to a lesser degree, the early Toku- pendent states conducting foreign affairs among gawa, to impose their administrative will on the themselves and components of a larger, unitary daimyo through purportedly national policies – political order.161 Why these latter characteriza- land surveys, class separation, for example. tions should be preferred over “federalism” or Rather than stress state fiat, based on his case even “confederation” is not entirely clear, for in that federal system with which we are most fa- 162 Ronald P. Toby, “Rescuing the Nation from History: The State of the State in Early Modern 158 Joseph Strayer, “The Tokugawa Period and Japan.” MN 56: 2 (Summer 2001), 197-238. Japanese Feudalism,” in Studies, 3-14; on the influ- 163 Given the very sparse definition of key terms ence of contemporary sociological and economic (such as federalism, feudal, seigneurial, patrimo- theory, see the various volumes in the Princeton nial) in these works, it is also possible that there is series on Japan’s modernization listed above, note 7. more agreement among these scholars than might 159 Japan Before Perry: A Short History, Berke- appear to be the case. Terms of political analysis ley: University of California Press, 1981. like these have a long history of discussion in West- 160 “State-building and Political Economy in ern scholarly literature and creating good opera- Early Modern Japan,” JAS 54:4 (November 1995), tional definitions requires rather fuller treatment 887-1022. than most of the literature on early modern Japan 161 Mercantilism in a Japanese Domain. provides.

20 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

study of Kaga domain and its local administration, across the domains, but that they would vary he suggests common problems encouraged dai- based on factors such as size, geographical and myo to move in similar directions that were social distance from the Shogunate, and other manifested in a variety of institutional structures, characteristics. an argument also made by Ravina for a later pe- Perception of the relative strength of central riod.164 John Morris (Kinsei Nihon chigyōsei, political authority has important implications for 1990) has also questioned the dominance of cen- explaining institutional and legal history. If we tral models of administration. His studies sug- determine that Hideyoshi’s edicts on issues such gest that hatamoto lords, widely treated as akin to as class separation were instrumental in generat- automatons of the Tokugawa, actually display a ing reforms outside of his own domains, then we substantial degree of autonomy in their policies not only have evidence for very substantial na- and administrative development. tional administrative authority, we can also ex- Two short studies, White’s on the legitimate plain the motivations for such policies largely by use of force (1988) and Totman’s on river conser- examining Hideyoshi and his advisors. In later vancy (1992) both suggest that the reach of ba- periods, we could examine only the motives for kufu authority became stronger with the passage Shogunal edicts on the sale of land and people, or of time.165 While the picture they present con- specific reform efforts such as the Kyōhō Re- trasts sharply with the image of the Bakumatsu forms, strictly in terms of central planners. bakufu administration as inept, it does not by any If, however, we conclude that central initiatives means contradict that impression. Both treat- of this sort are not determinant, then explanations ments focus on limited areas of operation – quell- for both divergent and similar domain policies ing civil disturbances and flood prevention – in must be sought at lower levels. New questions which domains and bakufu were likely to share arise. Which kinds of daimyo were most subject interests rather than contexts in which they came to Shogunal models? How much institutional or into conflict. policy variation is there throughout Japan on a These studies by White and Totman, and in given issue? Are there indirect influences of subtle ways, those of Ravina and Roberts, raise Shogunal policies that we can discern (e.g., by the important question of how the relationship regulating the central markets of Osaka, does the between the domains and Shogun changed over bakufu encourage the spread of its mercantile time. Even if the bakufu never achieved central practices to the provinces)? The possibility of control to the degree of eighteenth and nineteenth regional variation in domain institutions and pol- century England, for example, even if it failed to icy has been addressed to some degree in the build sufficient resources to keep itself together work of Luke Roberts (e.g., commoner initiative to fend off the Restoration, this subject is of great in domain policy), Mark Ravina (e.g., disparate importance and deserves further attention, espe- patterns of retainer control), Philip Brown (e.g., cially if we are to understand the under-studied village landholding rights) and John Morris (re- political realm of the late seventeenth to early tention of retainer control of fiefs and hatamoto nineteenth century. We can anticipate that administrative autonomy), and some of this per- changes in these relationships were not uniform spective has been incorporated in Conrad Tot- man’s survey, Early Modern Japan, but the wide- spread impression remains one in which domains 164 Brown describes state-society relations as are seen as similarly structured and following “flamboyant” (lots of bark, little consistent “bite”) largely similar policies. To the degree that fu- rather than typical of a “strong state” as political ture studies bear out the findings of these studies, scientists might describe define it: having a sub- the impression of bakufu administrative, legal and stantial capacity to formulate and implement poli- policy patterns as typical would have to be sub- cies on a wide variety of issues; see Ravina’s Land stantially modified. and Lordship. Finally, the debate over the degree of bakufu 165 White, “State Growth,” Conrad Totman, authority over domains has a bearing on how we "Preindustrial River Conservancy," MN 47.1 (Spring 1992), 59-76. view the process of Restoration in the mid-

21 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

nineteenth century. As pre-1990s interpretations of small or scattered domains. Although the have it, early modern central authority moves logic underlying this argument is attractive (large, from the great power of Hideyoshi and the early contiguous domains offer fewer chances for es- Tokugawa to a struggling, internally divided and cape into less heavily regulated communities), the largely ineffective authority in the Bakumatsu era. pattern has never been verified and given the in- If, however, scholarly evaluation of the early creased long-distance mobility of villagers during Shogun’s authority is reduced along the lines the eighteenth century, there is even reason to suggested by recent studies, we at least sense that doubt this widely accepted claim. the loss of authority and administrative effective- Such issues suggest that a more systematic ap- ness was not as great as we had perceived. This proach is needed to assess regional patterns of may not suggest completely new explanations for variation. Simple divisions of Japan into ad- the Restoration, but it does indicate a less dra- vanced and non-advanced regions, common in matic decline over the course of the eighteenth characterizations of regional differences in eco- century on the one hand while still allowing for nomic history, will not suffice since many sub- some actual enlargement of bakufu authority dur- jects of potential interest are not grounded in the ing the period as James White (“State Growth”) market economy. For example, many regions and Totman ("Preindustrial River Conservancy") with only modest commercial and economic di- suggest. (N.B.: We can look forward to a versification converted retainers to a stipend and rather different perspective on the nature of the withdrew their seigneurial rights, others did not early modern state and the transition to the new or did so incompletely. What combination of political order of post-Restoration Japan in the factors made complete confiscation of such rights forthcoming publication of David Howell’s Ge- desirable and feasible? Household disturbances ographies of Identity in Nineteenth Century Ja- (oie sōdō) wracked a number of seventeenth- pan.166) century domains. Are there underlying patterns Issues of this sort run deeper than bakufu and to them that reveal systematic sources of political domain structure or policy issues. Thomas tension and/or weakness within domains? Smith (Agrarian Origins) postulated a tendency Regardless of the answer to these kinds of for villages to abandon hereditary village head- questions, the current state of English-language ship under the pressure of parvenus. Herman scholarship clearly indicates the existence of mul- Ooms (Tokugawa Village Practice) has suggested tiple – sometimes, competing – institutional pat- that increased efforts to create legal restrictions terns that discourage simple reliance on motives on outcastes grew out of a rural status insecurity of the political center to explain either stability or that resulted from a blurring of old class lines. change during the period. Political power was Village political conflicts erupted over continued spread throughout different layers of Japanese use of common land (iriai) by the community as society, and even if that held by the Shogun was a whole in the face of demands that it be privat- preponderant, it was nonetheless shared. ized. A number of prominent examples of these and other phenomenon can readily be identified, III. Theories, Methods and Materials but an important issue remains: How typical of the general pattern of institutional change were The shifts in focus and interpretation just out- they? As village organizations changed, how lined partly result from a tremendous expansion effective or ineffective were domain administra- in the kinds of materials and methods scholars tions in capitalizing on the changes or managing employ and in the theoretical frameworks that them? It is almost passé for historians to indi- stimulate or aid their investigations. cate that large contiguous domains were more Methods and Theory. While rather tradi- effective in controlling their subjects than rulers tional approaches to the study of political and institutional history still dominate the field, multi- disciplinary methodological and theoretical influ- 166 ences appear in a smattering of works. Kalland Berkeley: University of California Press, forthcoming. (Fishing Villages) and Kelly (Water Control) pro-

22 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

duced major studies from an anthropological per- (e.g., Ikki), Brown (“Practical Constraints”) and spective. Kalland, Howell (Capitalism from Ravina (Land and Lordship) have taken advan- Within), and Totman (Green Archipelago, Early tage of this approach. Even in the realm of Modern Japan, for example take up a concern theoretical perspectives to which historians tradi- with the influence of natural environmental fac- tionally feel more open, Marxism, only David tors on man typically understood to be the con- Howell (e.g., Capitalism from Within) currently cern of geographers, and Kären Wigen explicitly employs an avowedly Marxist perspective. argues for the introduction of geographic perspec- Biography has not received a great deal of at- tives into our study of Tokugawa history. 167 tention, at least relative to the large number of Ooms’s (Tokugawa Village Practice) employs the candidates for such treatment one can readily perspectives of Pierre Bourdieu in analyzing ma- envision. Biographical works are widely scat- nipulation of law at the local level and his analy- tered across time and few in number. Hall’s sis of status issues in local politics, but others in study of Tanuma (1955), Jansen’s of Sakamoto diverse fields find much of value in this sociolo- (1961), Herman Ooms’s (1975) and Petra Ru- gist’s work. James White’s study of monopoli- dolph’s (1976) work on Matsudaira Sadanobu, zation of the use of legitimate force and his clear and Masato Matsui on Shimazu Shigehide differentiation of claims to authority from the (1975170) have been followed more recently with ability to implement policies (“State Growth”) as extended biographies by Berry on Hideyoshi well as his studies of popular disturbances (Ikki, (1982), Totman on Tokugawa Ieyasu (1983171), Demography of Sociopolitical Conflict) are sol- and Kate Nakai’s study of Arai Hakuseki (1988). idly grounded in concepts and theories of the po- Finally, it was only in 2000 that a book-length litical scientist. Literary criticism has informed study of appeared in English, that a number of more recent studies of Bakumatsu of Jeroen Lamers.172 The list gets extended a bit politics (see, for example, the 1982 studies by if we add article-length treatments; nonetheless, Harootunian, Koschman and Steele; Koschman we could profitably add to this listing studies of a 1987).168 Gregory Smits takes some of this per- number of early kinsei daimyo, key Shoguns (e.g., spective to heart in his analysis of the ambiguous Hidetada, Iemitsu, Tsunayoshi), as well as promi- position of Okinawan political leaders as they nent figures in the Restoration Movement, all dealt with their Satsuma overlords.169 The wave people who were the movers and shakers of their of interest in sophisticated statistical analysis that day. characterized a substantial segment of social sci- While seldom the choice for doctoral thesis and ence history in the nineteen-seventies and nine- first major publication, there can be little doubt teen-eighties was not much applied to the prob- that greater availability of biographies has the lems of Tokugawa political history. Only White potential to personalize Japan’s historical experi- ence in ways that increase its appeal. The chal- lenge to historians of pre-modern Japan has al- 167 Kären Wigen, "The Geographic Imagination ways been to convey a sense of individual char- in Early Modern Japanese History: Retrospect and acter to figures who left us very little in the way Prospect," JAS 51.1 (1992), 3-29. of personal observations, detailed descriptions of 168 Harootunian, Toward Restoration; Koschman, their meetings with others or other tracks by “Action As Text,” Mitō Ideology; Steele “Rise and which we can explore their personalities. Fall.“ The list of publications influenced by literary- critical theory becomes longer when we move out- side the realm of political action into the sphere of 170 Masato Matsui, Shimazu Shigehide, 1745- intellectual and religious history. See the essays 1833: A Case Study of Daimyo Leadership. 1975: by James I. McMullen and Janine Sawada, Early University of Hawaii, Ph.D. Thesis, 1975. Modern Japan: An Interdisciplinary Journal 10:1 171 Conrad Totman, Tokugawa Ieyasu: Shogun, (Spring, 2002), 22-38; 39-64 respectively. San Francisco: Heian International, 1983. 169 Gregory Smits, Visions of Ryukyu: Identity 172 Jeroen Lamers, Japonius Tyrannus: The and Ideology in Early Modern Thought and Politics. Japanese Warlord Oda Nobunaga Reconsidered, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1999. Leiden: Hotei Publishing, 2000.

23 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

New Materials. In the realm of research ma- tions of printed sources. Printed sources typi- terials, the diversification in subjects studied, the cally select documents representative of particu- analysis of the actual operation of political insti- lar sorts of records kept by authorities (tending to tutions and the implementation of laws on the include the earliest examples) or documents that ground level necessarily entailed exploitation of are clearly pivotal – indicating a major shift in new sources. The shift from bakufu policy- policy, for example. Even very large compendia making and pre-Restoration political activities to of transcriptions tend to be very selective rather domain administration and policies itself meant than comprehensive. When serial statistical data moving beyond collections of primary materials are needed one has no recourse but to descend such as Dai Nihon Shiryō and similarly massive into dusty archives, rummage through indexes of “national” compendia, to materials collected at varying utility, and sometimes just peruse unclas- the prefecture, city, town and village levels. The sified records to uncover appropriate documents Japanese publication boom in local histories since with which to construct a series.174 the end of World War II has greatly facilitated our At this point it would not be fair to say that the access to these important sources. The past two turn to manuscript materials is mainstream, of decades also evince movement toward exploita- course, but the trend does seem to be growing not tion of non-traditional sources such as archeo- only in the realm of political history but also in logical artifacts and artwork.173 Increased ar- other fields. The studies enumerated above rep- cheological activity by our Japanese colleagues resent a very incomplete complete listing of promises further enticement for us to focus works reliant on manuscript sources, and younger greater attention on these kinds of evidence. scholars show an increased interest in exploiting We have come a long way from the nineteen- these kinds of sources.175 While studies of ba- fifties when John Hall could claim new scholarly kufu and domain policy formulation may con- advances based on the increased ability of West- tinue to rely heavily on printed primary sources, ern scholars to employ primary documents in other areas of current interest simply cannot be printed form; today, recent studies increasingly explored effectively based solely on printed engage subjects for which reliance on printed sources. Consequently, it is hard to imagine a materials alone is insufficient. Thomas Smith’s study of the land tax system (“Land Tax,” 1958) and William Chambliss’s village study (Chiarai- 174 Philip Brown’s studies of land taxation, land jima, 1965) are early examples, Kate Nakai em- survey methods and corporate landholding and ployed some manuscript materials in her political David Howell’s study of Hokkaido fishing (1995), biography of Arai Hakuseki (1988), as did Anne for example, have required use of exactly this kind Walthall (Social Protest, 1986) and Philip Brown of data. Herman Ooms (1996) exploited a number (e.g., Central Authority, 1993). Most of the ex- of manuscript materials in sketching the operation citing and innovative aspects of Luke Roberts’s of institutions in ordinary village disputes and the work (especially Mercantilism, 1998) would have manipulation of local and domain institutions by been impossible without examination of hand- villagers. written diaries, ordinances, and petitions. Mark 175 I base my conclusions on an Internet survey Ravina (Land and Lordship, 1999) similarly re- of primary source use patterns to which 326 indi- lied extensively on manuscript materials. viduals responded. Survey conducted August to Efforts to examine the fate of policies, admini- October, 2001, and reported in Gakujutsu shiryō stration of justice, and local institutions of land- riyō no jūsōka to guroobaruka, in Koide Izumi, ed., holding and the like increasingly abut the limita- Kenkyū to shiryō to jōhō wo musubu: “Nihon ken- kyū gakujutsu shiryō jōhō no riyō seibi ni kansuru kokusai kaigi no kiroku, Tokyo: Kokusai Kōryū 173 Constantine N. Vaporis, “Digging for Edo: Kikin, 2002, distributed by Nihon Toshokan Kyōkai, archaeology and Japan's Pre-Modern Urban Past,” 12-25, article appendix, 240-255 and “State of the MN 53:1 (Spring 1998): 73-104, “A Tour of Duty: Field: The Odd Couple? Digital Data and Tradi- Kurume Hanshi Edo Kinbun Nagaya Emaki,” MN tional Primary Sources in Japanese Studies,” Asian 51:3 (Fall 1996): 279-307. Studies Newsletter 48:1 (February, 2003) 16-17.

24 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

decline in the need to exploit manuscript sources. by figures with a very strong Meiji connection. Yet despite this emerging trend, there is no regu- While we have yet to see how career interests lar program in Western institutions that concen- will play out for a number of younger scholars, trates on training scholars to read manuscript ma- one can not help but be struck by relatively recent terials. hires for positions advertised as “early modern Japan” that were filled by people whose initial work at least was focused on the Meiji connec- Periodization and Connections to Non- tion or questioned it. In institutions that cannot Japanese Histories afford more than one specialist in Japan or East The preceding sections have raised questions Asia, the pattern of hiring tends to favor modern- that help us understand the development of Toku- ists or those whose work has a clear Meiji tie. gawa administrative organizations, law and legal In reflecting on hiring tendencies of this sort, practice, political disputes and policy shifts in certain affinities appear to be influential. The their own context rather than in terms of what the process of “modernization” (broadly conceived) Tokugawa may have contributed to Meiji. The is one with which non-Japan specialists feel con- “Tokugawa as Foundation for the Meiji” perspec- versant at some general level. In the institu- tive was in large part the stimulus for the creation tional realm, it involves processes that are famil- of the field. It reverberates through the very iar: the emergence of generally stronger central earliest work of John Hall, Marius Jansen and governments, the extension of state interests into Thomas Smith. These individuals and others the promotion of new technological and business were sufficiently broad-minded historians so that innovation, the transformation of the legal con- their own intellectual reach extended much fur- text in which businesses can be organized and ther back in time and they made considerable promoted, the assumption by governments of a efforts to develop our awareness of elements of direct role in education, and the like. Similar the Sengoku, Shokuhō and Tokugawa past even issues could be listed for other fields of history, though such work may have had little direct rela- too. tionship to the birth of Meiji. Nonetheless, that When the non-Japan specialists who dominate set of intellectual concerns occupies the largest history departments hire a Japanese historian, place in the entire range of Western political and they tend to feel they can make at least some institutional studies for this period. general intellectual connections with candidates This tendency to stress the Meiji connection who specialize in the nineteenth and twentieth partly reflects the newness of the field. The act centuries. I do not wish to take this observation of compiling the bibliography for this essay drove to an extreme, for recent essay collections on ur- home very forcefully the newness of our enter- ban history suggest that some scholars are mak- prise. My impressionistic sense is that even by ing successful connections between Japanese his- comparison with Chinese political history for a torians and others for earlier periods. Nonethe- comparable period, a field that also did not “take less, I do sense a pattern of increasing isolation of off” until after World War II, the volume and those Tokugawa specialists who lack the Meiji range of early modern studies is small. connection and I believe there is a de facto ten- Institutional factors are also at play. For many dency for non-Japanese historians to exert a years the graduate program in Japanese history at strong pressure on the field of Japanese history to the University of Chicago has characterized itself re-define “early modern Japan” as the period as one focused on Japan’s nineteenth and twenti- from the very late eighteenth through nineteenth eth century history. The Meiji connection has centuries. been explicitly institutionalized in this setting, If part of the tendency to stress Tokugawa his- although that connection has not been defined in tory as the foundation for Meiji lies in the predis- the same way as it was for the “modernization position of non-Japanese historians, part of the theory” perspective of the Princeton series. responsibility may also lie in the approaches of Elsewhere, for much of the post-war period pro- Western, largely American, historians of Japan to grams at Harvard and Princeton have been guided their subject. For one, scholars tend not to

25 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

translate descriptions of pre-modern Japanese through eighteenth centuries as one unit, and institutions into terms that connect us with histo- nineteenth and twentieth century Japan as another. rians of other lands. At the most basic level, we The latter part of what was typically treated as a typically treat bakufu governance as sui generis. single, pre-modern period is cut out and ap- We make no effort to compare or contrast it with pended to the modern era as explanatory prologue. other forms of military government. Indeed, in In combination with the emerging, more somber the late nineteen-sixties the field gave up the one evaluations of the Meiji reformation, the nine- conceptual framework that helped us connect to teenth century increasingly takes on the cast of pre-modern European historians (for example): the “early modern” period” that is manifested in feudalism. It was replaced for the most part the twentieth century. with “early modern,” a term that, in its political The self-descriptive statements sent to me by and institutional implications, is extremely dif- people who want to join two professional elec- fuse and vague as applied to Japan. Japan tronic networks I administer (Early Modern Japan lacked the foreign pressures that encouraged the Network and H-Japan) reinforce this image of extended, active “state-making” of the Western periodization. It is not uncommon for people to world – the context that gave birth to the concept say something along the lines of, “I am a special- of early modernity in the political sphere in ist in early modern Japanese history. I’m work- European history. The loss of this intellectual ing on Meiji popular movements,” or “I special- handle has made it more difficult to draw useful ize in early modern literature and I’m working on parallels to the historical experiences of other late nineteenth century novels.” Often graduate regions that form the point of reference for histo- students or recent Ph.D.s author these notes, sug- rians who study Western nations/regions gener- gesting a consciousness of periodization that is ally. While some interdisciplinary conceptuali- different from that seen twenty years ago. Have zations have been introduced into the study of the they quietly rejected the old periodization as in- late-sixteenth to mid-nineteenth century institu- tellectually vapid or have the just never engaged tional and political history of Japan, none has yet this issue directly during their careers? Regard- proven satisfactory, perhaps because we present less of the answer to this question, their state- the terms – federalism, compound state, etc. – ments suggest a definition of “early modern” that without much discussion of the model we have in extends well into Meiji at the least. mind and without sustained efforts to place them Periodization helps us organize our understand- in broad conceptual and comparative context.176 ing of history and it should be more than a rigid I have suggested that (mostly) English lan- formula: periodization may legitimately be dif- guage literature presents us with the image of a ferent when history is viewed from different per- period often referred to by its ruling house’s spectives. An institutional historian need not names (Oda, Toyotomi, and Tokugawa) but that employ the same scale in dividing a history as a lacks a strong identity in its entirety and lacks ties social historian concerned with Braudelian under- that link its beginning to its end in the political lying structures. No scheme is cast in stone. sphere. Indeed, the period’s personality is rather We need not treat pre-Meiji Japan back to the late split. The story of Tokugawa political history sixteenth century as a single unit of historical appears to move directly from robust youth in the time. We can re-construct our standard models. early seventeenth century to doddering old age The question is how the profession and its indi- without the benefit of a period of maturity in be- vidual members go about this process of creating tween. and defining periods, and whether it is under- The structure of the Cambridge History of Ja- taken self-consciously. pan appears to have codified the split. The The discussion here raises two fundamental structure of the volumes treats the late sixteenth questions regarding our periodization of “early modern Japan.” The first, of course, is whether treating the period from the rise of Oda Nobu- 176 See, e.g., Philip Brown, review of Ravina’s naga. or Tokugawa Ieyasu to Land and Lordship in the HJAS 61:2 (December 2001), 428-29. the Restoration’s eve as a unit of analysis retains

26 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

any utility, at least in the context of political and ers? This story not only involves the degree of institutional history. Despite the fact that hege- samurai submission to daimyo control, it also monic rule and domain structures share some must include study of the relationship of samurai broad characteristics, a number of treatments of to commoners, study of their role as administra- the period do not create a very unified picture. tors and managers and as fief holders as well as Instead, they create a rather segmented one. their role, heretofore neglected, as a standing Can a period that has a scholarly image that lacks military force. a connecting middle stand? The second ques- Sometimes intimately related to the houshold tion is who is going to control the definition of disturbances is an equally important issue, that of appropriate historical periods? Will it be our how domains adjusted to a stable relationship colleagues in other fields, or will we find ways to with the bakufu. Some factions in Kaga, for define periods based on the trajectory of Japanese example, continued to push for more autonomy history and then make the efforts needed to de- from the Shogun into the fourth decade of the fend that conceptualization to our non-Japan col- seventeenth century. In other domains, too, the leagues? degree to which different factions were willing to sit in quiet submission is open to question. Were such tensions dealt with only in the context Unfinished Business of domain politics, or did the Shogun play an The problem of the balance between central active role? If so, in what ways? and local influences (seen in both local studies Oie sōdō were also bound up with another and the discussion of how to characterize the To- source of seventeenth century tension, the dispo- kugawa state), in combination with the pattern of sition of retainer fiefs. While we have gotten chronological emphases in our studies to date comfortable with the image of retainer fiefs being suggests areas in which additional research may effectively confiscated or controlled by daimyo, 177 be useful. I believe two areas in particular de- work by John Morris (1980, 1988, 1999 ), Rav- serve more of our attention. ina (1999), and Brown (1993) show this process to have been more complicated. The movement In the Beginning. First, the period from the was not always a one-way street (Ravina), and rise of Oda Nobunaga through the end of the sev- even when it was, it might be highly contested enteenth century begs for further investigation. (e.g., Kaga), at least in the short run. The de- Within this period we have very little study of the gree to which fief-holders retained autonomous adaptation of samurai to the emerging conditions powers also varied substantially. All this hints of peace. We have materials that touch on the at a dynamic story that remains to be told. formal ideological statements of how samurai Further, institutional history of the late six- should act in the new age, but little that deals di- teenth and early seventeenth centuries assumes rectly with how the adjustment was made. that a largely homogeneous pattern of district and Analysis of domain house disorders (oie sōdō) local administration along with institutions of would help to tell this story, but the issue is land rights, corvee and the like were quickly es- broader, involving rōnin, factions within domains tablished and changed little. However, this is that were dissatisfied with the limitations the To- clearly not the case. In Kaga, village boundaries kugawa tried to impose on domains, and the like. were redrawn for many villages; district organiza- We have studies of the formation of large do- tion and the role of commoners in it changed mains, Satsuma, Kaga, Tosa, Bizen, Hirosaki, Tokushima, Sendai, and even to some degree the 177 John Morris, “Some Problems Concerning Shogun’s domains, but most domains were con- Fiefs in the Edo period,” Transactions of the Inter- siderably smaller than these. Do we see some- national Conference of Orientalists in Japan (To- what different processes at work in their early kyo) 25 (1980) 60-73; “Kinsei ryōshusei shikiron: institutional and political development? Did ka-i ryōshu wo chūshin ni,” in J.F. Morris, Shira- they generally have an easier or more difficult kawabe Tatsuo and Takano Nobuharu, eds. Kinsei time exercising control over their landed retain- shakai to chigyōsei. Shibunkaku 1999, 3-38.

27 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

radically from the early years of the domain sponses to these pressures led to efforts to radi- through mid-century. In areas such as Echigo, cally modify existing institutions, once again in- evidence indicates that land surveys were con- cluding the legal structure of landholding rights ducted in the classic manner and according to (Tōdō and Kaga domain come to mind: both standard interpretations these same documents toyed with and began policies of a wealth- should have created a direct tie between cultiva- redistributing land reform). Luke Roberts tor and specific plots of land. Yet within a year (1998) has raised the specter of Osaka merchants or two villagers were reallocating land under sys- being able to keep even a large daimyo like the tems that clearly show that such a direct tie was Yamauchi under their thumbs even though dai- being ignored – if surveyors had attempted to myo renunciation of indebtedness to Osaka mer- establish it at all. chants has been widely recognized. How much did merchant power compromise the financial At the End. To date, our studies of the Resto- and fiscal flexibility of domains in dealing with ration and the movement towards it have focused budgetary red ink? How effective in relieving on the disruption of domain – bakufu relations budget pressures were domain monopolies and created by Perry and the “opening” of Japan in how did they interact with non-monopoly enter- elite circles. But the impact of that arrival had a prises as the economy diversified in the eight- far greater reach. There is, of course, the sense eenth century? One eighteenth-century bakufu of curiosity and wonder that commoners experi- response to budget problems was to reduce ex- enced in regions where foreigners were housed penditures by having villagers foot the bill for and traveled, but there is also something quite officials who came to their villages on official different: The arrival of unwanted Western business. While we can sympathize with that ships stimulated an institutional response that motivation, it also seems to open the door to reached into many towns and villages across the bribery by villagers and extortion by officials. land, the strengthening of coastal defenses. At Did the quality and effectiveness of rural admini- the pinnacle of power strengthening defenses stration decline with this reform? required policy decisions and an element of coor- In addition to issues associated with the grow- dination that the Shogunate had not been required ing tension between population, resources, and to exercise since the mid-seventeenth century. the costs of domain administration, a variety of Did the experience reinforce dissatisfaction with problems, most common in the seventeenth and the Shogunate, or do we find fairly effective in- eighteenth centuries, revolve around domain- ter-domain cooperation alongside a dissatisfac- bakufu and domain-subject relationships. tion that grows for other reasons? At the local Scholars have long assumed that the ability of the level, in the coastal regions that were the first line hegemons to shift domains like potted plants of defense, districts and villages had to be mobi- meant that Shogunal laws could be enforced lized to provide materials and create or refurbish through fief confiscation and transfer, yet exami- defense infrastructure. Were local resources nation of fief confiscation (kaieki) and transfer strained and hostilities generated by this process? (tenpu) data suggests a much less clear-cut pic- How did local populations respond? Do we see ture (Brown 1993; Ravina 1999). Evidence for evidence of an emerging nationalism or simply a the effectiveness of the bakufu inspectors conservative nativism at the local level? (junkenshi) as an enforcement tool is also very limited. Especially in the seventeenth century, In the Middle: The middle years of the To- supposition of its effectiveness seems to super- kugawa institutional setting also deserve much sede actual analysis of more than an anecdotal more attention, as I have already noted. The nature. How did the bakufu employ these tools? response of domains (including the bakufu), dis- Were they really used to ensure enforcement of tricts and villages to increased demand, dwin- Shogunal edicts? Were they used for some other dling supplies of natural resources, and slowing purpose? Were fief transfers considered by ei- increases in per hectare crop output form one ther Shogunal officials or the transferred daimyo significant area of concern. Some of the re- to be punishment, even when the new fief was the

28 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

same size or only somewhat larger than the old? levels (the estates of the nobility) leaders con- What impact did fief transfers have on adminis- fronted the challenge of squeezing revenues from trative control over commoners? Did villagers their subjects sufficient to meet the expenditures and townsmen have more latitude in practice to they felt essential. Challenged by new market develop and elaborate their own institutions and forces, local populations engaged in increased to thwart the will of their overlords in regions levels of political protest. In the Americas, where transfers were relatively common? Europe and Japan, this century (especially con- Both from the standpoint of academic interest sidered as a “long” century) combines “feudal” and for its potential to put a human face on the elements from the past, with elements that lay a era, works that focus on major figures (whether foundation for nineteenth-century transformations formally cast as biographies or not), would be and shifting balances among them over time, useful. is an obvious even when they are not directly linked to “mod- candidate, but one who, to date, has not been the ernization.” sole focus of even one study. As noted above, A “long” eighteenth century has been some- Tsunayoshi has been the subject of several arti- thing of a center of gravity for two recent com- cles, but we have no comprehensive effort. As- parative experiments in which Japan plays a role. pects of the careers of such figures have a bearing The first, directly derived from a transformation on a number of the issues we have raised above of “modernization theory,” one that conceives of (e.g., bakufu - domain relations, reform eras). multiple “modernities,” asks if Japan, along with The careers of early daimyo have only been en- China, Europe and South Asia, shared in the compassed by studies devoted to other subjects growth of some sort of “public sphere,” an arena (e.g., castle-town development and rural control), in which private and official realms meet, giving but more direct approaches might reveal a good the non-official realm some influence on the offi- deal about the stability or instability of their rela- cial in some way that was acknowledged by the tionship to the Shoguns in the middle to late sev- members of these societies.178 Answers to this enteenth century. overall question and related issues are not pre- Mid-period domain reforms touched on by sumed, and there is not any consensus, but as a Ravina and Roberts raise the question of how focus for investigation and discussion, this prob- representative bakufu reforms are, but in so doing, lem offers possibilities for constructive engage- also encourage us to ask what the pattern of dif- ment of Japan specialists with those who study fusion of institutional innovation actually was. other regions of the early modern world. The Was the bakufu actually the innovator of reforms, second thrust springs from Southeast Asian spe- an image with which we are left largely by de- cialists’ efforts re-envision the development of fault? Or was it a gatherer and re-transmitter of pre-colonial societies in the region and has been information about policies and institutions from brought into explicit focus by Victor Lieber- across the land? Or perhaps the mechanisms of man.179 Like the old “modernization theory” of transmission involved contact among daimyo and the fifties and sixties, the issues of increasing their subordinates in Edo or the national kitchen, “convergence” and “uniformity” are present here, Osaka, while visiting or resident on other busi- but treatments are much more sensitive to the ness? ways in which the two tendencies may co-exist One way, perhaps, to tie these political ques- rather than result in the extinction of one by the tions and a number of other non-political phe- nomena together might be to follow the current 178 practice in Western studies and treat the “long” See the essays in Deadalus 127:3 (Summer 1998), “Early Modernities.” eighteenth century as a unit of analysis. In the 179 political realm there are a number of direct paral- Victor Lieberman, ed., Beyond Binary Histo- lels. As in eighteenth century France, the cen- ries: Re-imagining Eurasia to c. 1830, Ann Arbor, Michigan: The Press, tury was one of experimentation with efforts at 1999, with an essay on Japan by Mary Elizabeth centralization that often failed. Like many Berry, “Was Early Modern Japan Culturally Inte- European nations, at both the national and local grated?” 103-37.

29 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

other. There is also a distinct effort to avoid the well as a movement toward Meiji, a foundation essentializing that many find in the early mod- for recognizing the retention of significant “tradi- ernization studies. Although concerned with tional” or even “new-but-not-modern” elements issues of proto-nationalism, international connec- within the Tokugawa polity. Our sensitivity to tivity, and government policy, the issues that the complexity of Tokugawa political and institu- spring from Lieberman’s to give this comparative tional history is enhanced by the better prepara- approach a focus extend well beyond the sphere tion of scholars and their increased willingness to of the political and institutional. exploit manuscript documents and other non- These approaches do not resolve the problems traditional materials that scholars heretofore have associated with comparative studies of history, shunned as too arcane or difficult. All of this is but they represent a more nuanced approach than very promising. that witnessed by some of the mid-twentieth cen- tury practitioners of the genre. These efforts are subject to much debate and their potential to draw meaningful cross-cultural conclusions are subject to considerable question. Nonetheless, to the degree early modern specialists in political and institutional history engage these discussions, we take advantage of opportunities to re-consider the nature of Japan’s historical experience while si- multaneously building bridges to non-Japan col- leagues that can help demonstrate to them the intellectual value of our work. Considered in this light, study of mid-period “early modern” Japan may lead to a more robust, more unified scholarly image of the period as a whole than we have had heretofore.180

Concluding Remarks Any suggestions for further investigation such as these necessarily reflect personal experience and preferences and this list is only intended to be suggestive. The expansion of the field, both in terms of the number of scholars and the volume of publica- tions over the past quarter century are very excit- ing to see. We may now have a critical mass of scholars to generate perspectives independent of the “modernization” orientation that has been so prominent to date. We may have a foundation for thinking about the late sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries on their own terms as

180 At least in adopting such a focus the Japan field would join the growing ranks of participants in the internationally affiliated scholarly societies that focus specifically on the eighteenth century (e.g., the American Society for Eighteenth Century Stud- ies, International Society for Eighteenth Century Studies).

30 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Political-Institutional History implications for other subjects even within the realm of politics. of Early Modern Japan: A Bibliography SURVEY STUDIES ©Philip C. Brown, Ohio State University Beasley, W.G. The Modern History of Japan. New York: Praeger, 1974. Contents: ______, The Rise of Modern Japan. New York: St. Martin's, 1990 (Revision of The Modern Survey Studies History of Japan). Comparative Perspectives Beasley, W.G. The Modern History of Japan. New York: Praeger, 1974. Politics Berry, Mary Elizabeth. “Was Early Modern Japan Whole Period Culturally Integrated?” Modern Asian Studies th th 31:3 (1992): 547-58. The Late 16 To 17 Century Transition Borton Hugh. Japan`s Modern Century. New Mid-Period York; Ronald Press, 1973. Crawcour Sydney. "The Tokugawa Period and Meiji Restoration Movement Japan's Preparation for Modern Economic Institutional/Government Structures Growth," Journal of Japanese Studies 1:1 (Winter 1974): 113-125. Overviews And Nation-Wide Structures Crowley, James B., ed. Modern East Asia: Essays Daimyo, Domain and Region in Interpretation. New York: Harcourt Brace & World, 1970. Village, Town and City Duus, Peter. Feudalism in Japan. New York: Law Knopf 1969. ______, The Rise of Modern Japan. New York; Military Houghton Mifflin, 1976. Policy Fairbank John K., Edwin 0. Reischauer & Albert M. Craig. East Asia: Tradition and Transfor- Biographical Studies mation. New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1989. Revised and abridged version of two earlier I have reserved the heading “Politics” for stud- works. ies that deal with major, far-reaching political ______, East Asia: The Modern Transformation. trends and the events associated with them and I New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1965 (with sev- have used the “Policy” section to deal with more eral later editions). temporally and spatially limited studies. Thus, Fedoseyev, Pyotr. “The Significance of Revolu- events leading to the establishment of the Toku- tionary Transformations,” in Nagai Michio & gawa bakufu are treated in the “Politics” section, Miguel Urrutia, eds., Meiji Ishin: Restoration while studies of government relations with mer- and Revolution. Tokyo: United Nations Uni- chants (domain or bakufu) are treated in the “Pol- versity Press, 1985, 52-7. icy” section. “Institutional/Government Struc- Hall, John Whitney, “Introduction [early modern tures” has been reserved for studies of the long- Japan],” In: John Whitney Hall, and James L. lasting arrangements through which political McClain, eds., The Cambridge History of Ja- power was distributed throughout the late six- pan, Vo l u me 4 : Early Modern Japan. Cam- teenth to mid-nineteenth centuries rather than bridge, UK and New York: Cambridge Univer- studies that focus on specific events or policies. I sity Press, 1991, 1-39. classified materials based on my understanding of ______, Japan: From Pre-History to Modern where the major emphasis of each book or essay Times. New York: Delacorte, 1970. lies, even when the work may have substantial

69 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

______, "The Nature of Traditional Society: Ja- ______, Japan: The Story of a Nation. 4th edition. pan," in Robert E. Ward & Dankwart A. Rus- New York: McGraw-Hill, 1990 [orig 1946] tow, eds. Political Modernization in Japan and ______, The Japanese Cambridge, Massachu- Turkey. Princeton: Princeton University Press), setts: Belknap Press, 1977 (later revised edi- 1964, 14-41. tion published as The Japanese Today: Change ______, “The New Look of Tokugawa History,” and Continuity. 1988). in Hall John W. and Marius B. Jansen, eds. Sansom George B. A History of Japan, 1615- Studies in the Institutional History of Early 1867. Stanford: Stanford University Press, Modern Japan. Princeton: Princeton University 1963. (See also the last sections of the same Press, 1968, 55-64. title, volume II 1334-1615, Stanford: Stanford ______, “The Problem: When Did Modern Japa- University Press, 1961). nese History Begin?” in Harry Wray and Schirokauer, Conrad. A Brief History of Japanese Hilary Conroy, eds. Japan Examined: Perspec- Civilization. New York: Harcourt, Brace Jano- tive on Modern Japanese History. Honolulu: vich, 1993. University of Hawaii Press, 1983, 9-17. Smith, Henry II, ed., Learning From "Shogun”: ______, "Tokugawa Japan, 1800-1853," in James Japanese History and Western Fantasy. Santa B. Crowley, ed. Modern East Asia: Essays in Barbara, California: Program in Asian Studies, Interpretation. New York: Harcourt Brace & University of California, Santa Barbara, 1980. World, 1970., 62-94. Steensgaard Niels. "The Seventeenth-Century ______, and Richard Beardsley, eds. Twelve Crisis and the Unity of Eurasian History," Doors to Japan. New York: McGraw-Hill, Modern Asian Studies 24.4 (1990): 683-697. 1965. Storry Richard. A History of Modern Japan. New Halliday Jon. A Political History of Japanese York: Penguin, 1965. Capitalism. New York: Pantheon, 1975 Tobata, Seiichi ed., The Modernization of Japan Hunter Janet. The Emergence of Modern Japan: (Articles from the journal The Developing An Introductory History Since 1853. , Economies). Tokyo: The Institute of Asian New York: Longman, 1989. Economic Affairs, 1966. Jansen Marius B. "Introduction," in Marius B. Totman, Conrad. Early Modern Japan. Berkeley: Jansen, ed. Cambridge History of Japan, Vol- University of California Press, 1993. ume 5: The Nineteenth Century. Cambridge, ______, A History of Japan. Malden, Massachu- UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989, 1-49 setts: Blackwell Publishers, 2000. ______, “Tokugawa and Modern Japan,” Japan ______, Japan Before Perry: A Short History. Quarterly XII: 1 (January-March 1965), 27-38. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1981. Lehmann Jean-Pierre. The Roots of Modern Ja- ______, "Tokugawa Japan," in Arthur Tiedemann, pan. New York:: St. Martin's, 1982. ed., An Introduction to Japanese Civilization. Mayo Marlene. "Late Tokugawa and Early New York: Heath, 1974, 97-130. Meiji," in Arthur Tiedemann, ed., An Introduc- Varley, H. Paul. Japanese Culture: A Short His- tion to Japanese Civilization. New York: Heath, tory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1974, 131-180. 1984. Najita Tetsuo. Japan. The Modern Nations in Wigen Karen. "The Geographic Imagination in Historical Perspective Series, New York: Pren- Early Modern Japanese History: Retrospect tice-Hall, 1974; later republished as Japan: and Prospect," Journal of Asian Studies 51.1 The Intellectual Foundations of Modern Ja- (1992), 3-29. panese Politics. Chicago: University of Chi- cago Press, 1980. Pyle Kenneth B.. The Making of Modern Japan. COMPARATIVE PERSPECTIVES New York: Heath, 1978. Reischauer Edwin 0. and John K. Fairbank. East Black, Cyril n E., et al., eds. The Modernization Asia: The Great Tradition. New York: Hough- of Japan and Russia: A Comparative Study. ton Mifflin, 1960 (with several later editions). New York: Free Press, 1975.

70 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Brown, Philip C., “Never the Twain shall meet: POLITICS European land survey techniques in Tokugawa Japan,” Chinese Science 9 (1989) 53-79. Whole Period Flynn, Dennis O., “Comparing the Tokugawa Bix, Herbert P. Peasant Protest in Japan, 1590- shogunate with Hapsburg : two silver- 1884. New Haven Yale University Press, 1986. based empires in a global setting,” in James D. Brown Philip C. "A Case of Failed Technology Tracy, James D., ed. The Political Economy of Transfer – Land Survey Technology in Early Merchant Empires. Cambridge, UK, New Modern Japan," Senri Ethnological Studies 46 York: Cambridge University Press, 1991, 332- (March, 1998) 83-97. 359. Vlastos, Stephen. Peasant Protests and Uprisings Ikegami, Eiko and Charles Tilly. “State Forma- in Tokugawa Japan. Berkeley: University of tion and Contention in Japan and France,” in California Press, 1986: James L. McClain, John M. Merriman, and White, James W. The Demography of Sociopoliti- Ugawa Kaoru, eds. Edo and Paris: Urban Life cal Conflict in Japan, 1721-1846. Berkeley: and the State in the Early Modern Era. Ithaca: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of Cornell University Press, 1994, 429-54. California, Berkeley, Center for Japanese Stud- Macfarlane, Alan. The Savage Wars of Peace ies, 1992. England, Japan, and the Malthusian Trap. Ox- ______, Ikki: Social Conflict and Political pro- ford and Malden, Massachusetts, Blackwell test in Early Modern Japan, Ithaca: Cornell Publishers Ltd., 1997. University Press, 1995. McClain, James L. and John M. Merriman, “Edo and Paris: Cities and Power,” in James L. McClain, John M. Merriman, and Ugawa Ka- The Late 16th To 17 th Century Transition oru, eds., Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the Berry, Mary Elizabeth, “Restoring the Past: The State in the Early Modern Era. Ithaca: Cornell Documents of Hideyoshi's Magistrate in Kyo- University Press, 1994, 3-41. to,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 43:1 McClain, James L., and Ugawa Kaoru, “Visions (June 1983) 57-95. of the City,” in James L. McClain, John M. Bodart, Beatrice M., “Tea and Counsel: The Po- Merriman, and Ugawa Kaoru, eds., Edo and litical Role of Sen Rikyu,” Monumenta Nip- Paris: Urban Life and the State in the Early ponica 32:1 (Spring 1977) 49-74. Modern Era. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, Bodart-Bailey, Beatrice, “Tea and Politics in Late 1994, 455-464. Sixteenth-Century Japan,” Chanoyu Quarterly Moulder, Frances V., Japan, China and the Mod- (Kyoto) 41 (1985) 25-34. ern World Economy: Towards a Reinterpreta- Bolitho, Harold. “The Tempō Crisis,” in Marius tion of East Asian Development Ca. 1600 - Ca. B. Jansen, ed., The Cambridge History of Ja- 1918, Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University pan, Vo l u me 5 , The Nineteenth Century, Cam- Press 1977 bridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989. Strayer, Joseph R. “The Tokugawa Period and Boscaro, Adriana, “The First Japanese Ambassa- Japanese Feudalism,” in John W. Hall and dors to Europe: Political Background For a Re- Marius B. Jansen, eds. Studies in the Institu- ligious Journey,” KBS Bulletin on Japanese tional History of Early Modern Japan. Prince- Culture (Tokyo) 103 (Aug/Sep 1970) 1-20. ton: Princeton University Press, 3-14. Coaldrake, William H. “Building a New Estab- Yamamura, Kozo. "Pre-Industrial Landholding lishment: Tokugawa Iemitsu’s Consolidation of Patterns in Japan and England," in Albert M. Power and the Taitokuin Mausoleum,” in Craig, ed. Japan: A Comparative View. Prince- James L. McClain, John M. Merriman, and ton: Princeton University Press, 1979, 276-323. Ugawa Kaoru, eds.. Edo and Paris: Urban Life And The State In The Early Modern Era, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994, 153-74. Elison, George. Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan. Cam-

71 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

bridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Walthall, Anne. Social Protest and Popular Cul- Press, 1973. ture in Eighteenth-Century Japan. Tuscon, Ari- Howell, David Luke. "Hard Times in the Kanto: zona: University of Arizona Press, 1986 Economic Change and Village Life in Late To- kugawa Japan," Modern Asian Studies 23.2 The Meiji Restoration Movement (1989), 349-371. Akamatsu Paul. Meiji 1868: Revolution And McMullin Neil. Buddhism and the State In Six- Counterrevolution In Japan. New York: Har- teenth-Century Japan. Princeton: Princeton per and Row, 1972, Tr. by Miriam Kochan. University Press, 1985. Baxter, James C. The Meiji Unification Throught Susser, Bernard. “The Toyoyomi Regime and the Lens of Ishikawa Prefecture, Cambridge, the Daimyo,” in Jeffrey P. Mass and William B. Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1994. Hauser, eds., The Bakufu in Japanese History, Beasley W. G, The Meiji Restoration, Stanford: Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985, Stanford University Press, 1972. 129-152. Bolitho, Harold. “Abe Masahiro and the New Japan,” in Jeffrey P. Mass and William B. Hauser, eds., The Bakufu In Japanese History, Mid-Period Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1985, Bodart-Bailey, Beatrice, “Councillor Defended; 173.-189. Matsukage Nikki and ,” ______, “Aizu, 1853-1868,” Proceedings of the Monumenta Nipponica 34:4 (Winter 1979) British Association for Japanese Studies (Shef- 467-478. field) 2, pt. 1 (1977), 1-17. Ravina, Mark. Land and Lordship in Early Mod- ______, “The Meiji Restoration,” in Harry Wray ern Japan. Stanford: Stanford University Press, and Hilary Conroy, eds., Japan Examined: 1999. Perspectives On Modern Japanese History. Roberts, Luke S., “A Petition for a Popularly Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983, Chosen Council of Government in Tosa in 59-65. 1787,” Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 57:2 Collcutt, Martin. “Buddhism: The Threat of (December 1997) 575-596. Eradication,” in Marius B. Jansen and Gilbert Roessingh, M.P.H., “The Prisoners of Nanbu,” Rozman, eds., Japan in Transition: From To- Bulletin of the European Association for Japa- kugawa to Meiji. Princeton: Princeton Univer- nese Studies (London) suppl. to no.23 (June sity Press, 1986, 143-167. 1985) 18-27. Craig Albert. Chōshū In The Meiji Restoration, Sippel, Patricia. "Popular Protest in Early Modem 1853-1868. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Har- Japan: The Bushū Outburst," Harvard Journal vard University Press, 1961. of Asiatic Studies 37.2 (1977), 273-322. ______, ”Kido Kôin and Okubo Toshimichi; A Smits, Gregory. Visions of Ryukyu: Identity and Psychohistorical Analysis,” in Albert Craig & Ideology in Early Modern Thought and Poli- Donald Shively, eds., Personality In Japanese tics. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, History, Berkeley: University of California 1999. Press, 1970, 264-308. Toby, Ronald P. “Rescuing the Nation from His- ______, "The Restoration Movement in Chōshū," tory: The State of the State in Early Modern Journal of Asian Studies 18 (1959), 187-198. Japan.” Monumenta Nipponica 56: 2 (Summer Esenbel, Selcuk. Even the Gods Rebel: The 2001), 197-238. Peasants of Takaino and the 1871 Nakano Up- Vlastos, Stephen, “Yonaoshi in Aizu,” in Tetsuo rising in Japan, Ann Arbor: Association for Najita, and J. Victor Koschmann, eds., Conflict Asian Studies, 1998. in Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Flershem, Robert G., “Kaga Loyalists, 1858- Tradition. Princeton: Princeton University 1868,” Proceedings of the Fifth International Press, 1982, 164-176. Symposium on Asian Studies, Hong Kong: Asian Research Service, 1983, 121-143.

72 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

______,. and Yoshiko N. Flershem, “Kaga's Res- ______, "The Meiji Restoration," in Marius B. toration Politics: The Toyama and Daishōji as- Jansen, ed. Cambridge History of Japan, Vol- pects,” Transactions of the Asiatic Society of ume 5: The Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, Japan (Tokyo) 4th Series 7 (1992) 1-42. UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989, 308- ______, "Kaga's Tardy Support of the Meiji Res- 366. toration: Background Reasons," Transactions ______, Sakamoto Ryoma And The Meiji Restor- of the Asiatic Society of Japan (Tokyo), 4th se- ation. Princeton: Princeton University Press, ries, 3 (1988), 83-130. 1961. Fraser, Andrew, “Political development in the Jones Hazel I. "Bakumatsu Foreign Employees," Awa (Tokushima) domain: the final decade, Monumenta Nipponica 29.3 (1974), 305-328. 1860-1870,” Papers on Far Eastern History Kelly, William W. Deference And Defiance in (Canberra) 15 (Mar 1977) 105-161. Nlneteenth-Century Japan. Princeton Univer- Groemer, Gerald “Singing the News: Yomiuri in sity Press.1985 Japan during the Edo and Meiji Periods,” Har- Koschmann, J. Victor. “Action as a Text: Ide- vard Journal of Asian Studies 54:1 (1994), ology in the Tengu Insurrection,“ in Tetsuo Na- 233-62. jita, and J. Victor Koschmann, eds., Conflict In Harootunian, Harry D. “Ideology as Conflict,” Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Tra- in Tetsuo Najita, and J. Victor Koschmann, eds., dition. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Conflict In Modern Japanese History: The Ne- 1982, 81-106. glected Tradition. Princeton: Princeton Univer- ______, The Mitō Ideology: Discourse, Reform sity Press, 1982, 25-61. and Insurrection in Late Tokugawa Japan, ______, Toward Restoration. Berkeley: Univer- 1790-1864. Berkeley: University of Califor- sity of California Press, 1970. nia Press, 1987. Hesselink, Reinier H. “The Assassination of Latyshev, Igor. “Meiji Ishin: Unaccomplished ,” Monumenta Nipponica 49: 3 Bourgeois Revolution,” in Nagai Michio & (Fall 1994), 331-351. Miguel Urrutia, eds., Meiji Ishin: Restoration Huber, Thomas. “The Choshu Activists and And Revolution. Tokyo: United Nations Uni- 1868,” in Harry Wray and Hilary Conroy, eds., versity Press, 1985, 43-51. Japan Examined: Perspectives On Modern McClain. James L. "Failed Expectations: Kaga Japanese History. Honolulu: University of Domain on the Eve of the Meiji Restoration," Hawaii Press, 1983, 66-71. Journal of Japanese Studies 14.2 (1988), 403- ______, ”Men Of High Purpose and the Politics 447. of Direct Action, 1862-1864,” in Tetsuo Najita, Najita, Tetsuo. "Oshio Heihachiro (1793-1837)," and J. Victor Koschmann, eds., Conflict In in Albert Craig & Donald Shively, eds., Per- Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Tra- sonality In Japanese History, Berkeley: Uni- dition. Princeton: Princeton University Press, versity of California Press, 1970, 155-179. 1982,107-127. Quah, Esther, “Factors Leading to the Collapse of ______, The Revolutionary Origins of Modern the Tokugawa Bakufu,” Journal of the History Japan. Stanford: Stanford University Press, Society (Singapore) 1987-1988 5-7. 1981. Sakai, Robert K ”Shimazu Nariakira and the Iwata, Masakazu. "Forces Behind the Restoration Emergence of national Leadership in Sat- Movement," in Okubo Toshimichi: The Bis- suma,” in Albert Craig & Donald Shively, eds., mark Of Japan, Berkeley: University of Cali- Personality In Japanese History, Berkeley: fornia Press, 1964, 103-111. University of California Press, 1970, 209-233. Jansen, Marius B. “Meiji Ishin: The Political Sakata Yoshio & John W. Hall. "The Motivation context,” in Nagai Michio & Miguel Urrutia, of Political Leadership in the Meiji Restora- eds., Meiji Ishin: Restoration And Revolution. tion," Journal of Asian Studies 16: 1 (1956); Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 1985, reprinted in Harrison, Japan, Tuscon, Arizona: 3-19. University of Arizona Press, 1972, 179-198.

73 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Sansom George B. "Forerunners of the Restora- tion. Chicago & London: University of Chi- tion Movement," in The and cago Press, 1998. Japan, New York: Knopf、1949, 1965, 248- Wilson, George M. ”The Bakumatsu Intellectual 274. in Action: Hashimoto Sanai in the Political Silberman, Bernard S. Ministers Of Moderniza- Crisis of 1858,” in Albert Craig & Donald tion: Elite Mobility In The Meiji Restoration, Shively, eds., Personality In Japanese History, 1868-1873. Tucson, Arizona: University of Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970, Arizona Press, 1964. 234-263. Smith Thomas C. "Japan's Aristocratic Revolu- ______, "Pursuing the Millennium in the Meiji tion," Yale Review (1961), 370-383; reprinted Restoration,” in Tetsuo Najita, and J. Victor in Jon Livingston et al., Imperial Japan, 1800- Koschmann, eds., Conflict In Modern Japa- 1945. New York: Pantheon, 1973, 91-101. nese History: The Neglected Tradition. Prince- Steele, M. William, “The Rise and Fall of the ton: Princeton University Press, 1982, 177-194. Shoogitai: A Social Drama,” in Tetsuo Najita, Wilson George M. Patriots And Redeemers in and J. Victor Koschmann, eds., Conflict In Japan: Motives in the Meiji Restoration. Chi- Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Tra- cago: University of Chicago Press, 1992. dition. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Yates Charles L. "Restoration and Rebellion in 1982,128-144. Satsuma: The Life of Saigo Takamori (1827- Totman Conrad. The Collapse of The Tokugawa 1877)." Ph.D. Thesis, Princeton University, Bakufu, 1862-1868, Berkeley: University of 1987. California Press, 1980. Yates, Charles. “Saigo Takamori in the Emer- ______, “From Reformism to Transformism: Ba- gence of Meiji Japan,” Modern Asian Studies kufu Policy, 1853-1868,” in Tetsuo Najita, and 28: 3 (1994), 449-74. J. Victor Koschmann, eds., Conflict In Modern Japanese History: The Neglected Tradition. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982, INSTITUTIONAL/GOVERNMENT 62-80. STRUCTURES ______, “Fudai Daimyo and the Collapse of the Tokugawa Bakufu,” Journal of Asian Studies 34: 3 (May 1975), 581-591. Overviews And Nation-Wide Structures ______, “The Meiji Restoration: From Obsolete Arnason, Johann P., “Paths to Modernity: The Order to Effective Regime,” in Harry Wray and Peculiarities of Japanese Feudalism,” in Gavan Hilary Conroy, eds., Japan Examined: Per- McCormack and Yoshio Sugimoto, eds., The spectives On Modern Japanese History. Hono- Japanese Trajectory: Modernization And Be- lulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1983, 72-78. yond. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University ______, “Political Reconciliation in the Toku- Press, 1988, 235-63. gawa Bakufu: Abe Masahiro and Tokugawa Berry, Mary Elizabeth. “Public Life in Authoritar- Nariaki, 1844-1852,” in Albert Craig & Donald ian Japan,” Daedalus 127:3 (Summer 1998), Shively, eds., Personality in Japanese History, 133-66. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970, ______, “Public Peace and Private Attachment: 180-208. The Goals and Conduct of Power in Early ______,Politics In The Tokugawa Bakufu, 1600- Modern Japan," Journal of Japanese Studies 1843. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard 12.2 (Summer 1986), 237-271. University Press, 1967 (reprinted by University Bodart-Bailey Beatrice. "The Significance of the of California Press, 1988). Chamberlain Government of the Fifth Toku- ______, “Tokugawa Yoshinobu And Kobu Gattai gawa Shogun," in Harold Bolitho & Alan Rix, – A Study Of Political Inadequacy,” Monu- eds., A Northern Prospect: Australian Papers menta Nipponica 30: 4 (Winter 1975), 393-403. on Japan, Canberra: Japanese Studies Associa- Walthall, Anne. The Weak Body of a Useless tion of Australia, 1981, 10-27. Woman: Matsuo Taseko and the Meiji Restora-

74 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

______,"Tokugawa Tsunayoshi (1646-1709), A Earl, David M. Emperor and Nation in Japan: Weberian Analysis," Asiatische Studien/Etudes Political Thinkers of the Tokugawa Period. Asiatiques, XLIII: 1 (1989), 5-27. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1964. Bolitho, Harold. Treasures Among Men: The Fu- Earns Lane Robert. “The Development of Bu- dai Daimyo in Tokugawa Japan. New Haven: reaucratic Rule in Early Modem Japan: The Yale University Press, 1974. Bugyō in the Seventeenth Century,” Boot, Willem Jan, “The Deification of Tokugawa Ph.D. Thesis, University of Hawaii, 1987. Ieyasu,” Japan Foundation Newsletter 14:5 Griggs, M. Pierce. “From Civilizing To Expertiz- (Feb 1987) 10-13. ing Bureaucracy: Changing Educational Em- Botsman, Dani V., “Politics and power in the To- phasis in Government-Supported Schools of kugawa period,” East Asian History (Canberra) Tokyo (Edo) During The Tokugawa Period 3 (June 1992) 1-32. And Early Meiji Era,” Ph.D. Thesis, The Uni- Brown Philip C. "Feudal Remnants" And Tenant versity Of Chicago, 1997. Power: The Case Of Niigata, Japan, In The Hall John W. "The Bakuhan System," in John Nineteenth And Early Twentieth Centuries," Whitney Hall, ed., Cambridge History of Ja- Peasant Studies, 15:1 (Fall, 1987), 1-26. pan, Vo l u me 4 : Early Modern Japan Cam- ______,"Land Redistribution Schemes in Toku- bridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991, gawa Japan: An Introduction," Occasional Pa- 128-182. pers of the Virginia Consortium for Asian Stud- ______, “From Tokugawa to Meiji in Japanese ies 4 (Spring 1987), 35-48. Local Administration,” in John W. Hall and ______, "The Mismeasure of Land: Land Sur- Marius B. Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institu- veying in the Tokugawa Period," Monu-menta tional History of Early Modern Japan. Prince- Nipponica 42.2 (Summer 1987), 115-155. ton: Princeton University Press, 375-86. ______, "Practical Constraints on Early Toku- ______, Government and Local Power in Japan, gawa Land Taxation: Annual Versus Fixed As- 500-1700: A Study Based on Bizen Province. sessments in Kaga Domain," Journal of Japa- Princeton: Princeton University Press. 1966. nese Studies 14.2 (Summer 1988), 369-401. ______,"Rule by Status in Tokugawa Japan," ______, "State, Cultivator, Land: Determination Journal of Japanese Studies 1:1 (Winter 1974), of Land Tenures in Early Modern Japan Re- 39-50. considered," The Journal of Asian Studies 56:2 Hauser William B. Economic Institutional (May 1997), 421-444. Change in Tokugawa Japan: Osaka and the Butler, Lee. Emperor and Aristocracy in Japan, Kinai Cotton Trade. Cambrdge, UK: Cam- 1467-1680. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Har- bridge University Press, 1974. vard University Press, 2002. Howell, David L “Territoriality and Collective ______, “Tokugawa Ieyasu’s Regulations for the Identity in Tokugawa Japan,” Daedalus 127:3 Court: A Reassessment,” Harvard Journal of (Summer 1998), 105-132. Asian Studies 54:2 (May 1994), 509-552. Howland, Douglas R. “Samurai Status, Class Craig, Albert M. ”The Central Government,” in and Bureaucracy: A Historiographical Es- Marius B. Jansen, and Gilbert Rozman, eds., say,” Journal of Asian Studies 60:2 (May, Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji. 2001), 353-80. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986, Ikegami, Eiko. The Taming of the Samurai: Hon- 36-67. orific Individualism and the Making of Modern Dore, Ronald P. Education in Tokugawa Japan, Japan. Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard Berkeley: University of California Press, University Press, 1995. 1965. Jansen Marius B. "Japan in the Early Nineteenth ______, “The Legacy of Tokugawa Education,” Century," in Marius B. Jansen, ed., Cambridge in Marius B. Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese History of Japan, Vo l u me 5 : The Nineteenth Attitudes Toward Modernization. Princeton: Century. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge Univer- Princeton University Press, 1965, 99-132. sity Press, 1989, 50-115.

75 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

______, “The Ruling Class,” in Marius B. Wakabayashi, Bob Tadashi, “In Name Only: Im- Jansen, and Gilbert Rozman, eds., Japan in perial Sovereignty in Early Modern Japan,” Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji. Prince- Journal of Japanese Studies 17:1 (Winter ton: Princeton University Press, 1986, 68-90. 1991) 25-57. Massarella, Derek; Tytler, Izumi K. “The Ja- Webb, Herschel. “The Development of an Ortho- ponian Charters: The English and Dutch dox Attitude Toward the Imperial Institution in Shuinjo,” Monumenta Nipponica 45:2 (Sum- the Nineteenth Century,” in Marius B. Jansen, mer 1990), 189-205. ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes Toward Passin, Herbert. Society and . Modernization. Princeton: Princeton Univer- Press, New York, 1965. sity Press, 1965,167-192. Ravina, Mark. “State-building and Political ______, The Japanese Imperial Institution in the Economy in Early Modern Japan,” Journal of Tokugawa Period. New York: Columbia Uni- Asian Studies 54:4 (November 1995), 887- versity Press, 1968. 1022. White James W. "State Growth and Popular Pro- Rubinger, Richard, “From One Room to One test in Tokugawa Japan," Journal of Japanese System,“ in Marius B. Jansen, and Gilbert Studies 14.1 (Winter 1988), 1-25. Rozman, eds., Japan in Transition: From To- Yamamura Kozo. "From Coins to Rice: Hypothe- kugawa to Meiji. Princeton: Princeton Univer- ses on the Kandaka and Kokudaka Systems," sity Press, 1986, 195-230. Journal of Japanese Studies 14.2 (Summer ______, Private Academies of Tokugawa Japan. 1988), 341-367. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, ______, “Returns on Unification: Economic 1982. Growth in Japan, 1550-1650,” in John Whitney Smith, Thomas C. “’Merit’ as Ideology in the Hall, Nagahara Keiji, and Kozo Yamamura, Tokugawa Period,” in Ronald P. Dore, ed., As- eds., Japan Before Tokugawa: Political Con- pects of Social Change in Modern Japan. solidation and Economic Growth, 1500-1650. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1981. 71 – 90. 1981 327-372. Toby, Ronald P. “Reopening the Question of Sa- Zollner, Reinhard,“Kunigae: Bewegung und : Diplomacy in the Legitimation of the Herrschaft in der Tokugawa-Zeit,“In: Antoni, Tokugawa Bakufu," Journal of Japanese Stud- Klaus; Portner, Peter; Schneider, Roland, eds. ies 3.2 (Summer 1977), 323-364. Referate des VII. Deutschen Japanologentages Tolstoguzov, A.A. “Some Features of Japanese in Hamburg, 11.-13. Juni 1987. Hamburg: Feudalism,” in Ian Nish, ed., Contemporary Gesellschaft fur Natur- und Volkerkunde European Writing on Japan: Scholarly Views Ostasiens, MOAG, Mitteilungen der from Eastern and Western Europe. Wood- Gesellschaft fur Nat 1988, 323-330. church, Ashford, Kent: Paul Norbury, 1988, 23-29. Daimyo, Domain And Region Tsukahira Toshio G. Feudal Control in Tokugawa Birt, Michael P., ”Samurai in Passage: The Trans- Japan: The Sankin Kōtai System. Cambridge, formation of the Sixteenth-Century Kanto,” Massachusetts: Council on East Asian Studies, Journal of Japanese Studies 11:2 (Summer Harvard University, 1966. 1985): 369-399. Vaporis, Constantine Nomikos. Breaking Barri- ______, “Warring States: A Study of the Go- ers: Travel and the State in Early Modern Ja- Hojo Daimyo and Domain, 1491-1590.” pan, Cambridge, Massachusetts, Council on Ph.D. Thesis, Princeton University, 1983. East Asian Studies, Harvard University Press, Bolitho Harold "The Han," in John Whitney Hall 1994. and James L. McClain, eds., Cambridge His- ______, “To Edo And Back: Alternate Atten- tory of Japan, Volume 4: Early Modern Japan. dance and Japanese Culture in the Early Mod- Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991, ern Period,” Journal of Japanese Studies 23:1 183-234. (Winter 1997) 25-67.

76 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Brown, David Douglas, “From Tempo to Meiji: ______, “Tosa in the Seventeenth Century: Fukuoka Han in Late Tokugawa Japan.” Ph.D. The Establishment of Yamauchi rule,“ in John Thesis, University of Hawaii, 1981. W. Hall and Marius B. Jansen, eds., Studies in Brown Philip C. Central Authority and Local the Institutional History of Early Modern Ja- Autonomy in the Formation of Early modern pan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Japan: The Case of Kaga Domain, Stanford: 1968, 112-130 Stanford University Press, 1993. Kawahara Yukiko. “Local Development in Japan: ______, "State, Cultivator, Land: Deter- The Case of Shimane Prefecture from 1800- mination of Land Tenures in Early Modern Ja- 1930,” Ph.D. Thesis, University of Arizona, pan Reconsidered," Journal of Asian Studies 1990. 56:2 (May, 1997), 421-444. Kelly William W. Water Control in Tokugawa Dicenzo, Ronald John. “Daimyo, Domain and Japan: Irrigation Organization in a Japanese Retainer Band in the Seventeenth Century: A River Basin, 1600-1870. Ithaca, New York: Study of Institutional Development in Echizen, Cornell China-Japan Program, 1982. Tottori and Matsue,” Ph.D. Thesis, Princeton McClain, James L. “Bonshogatsu: Festivals and University, 1978. State Power in Kanazawa,” Monumenta Nip- Fraser, Andrew, “Local Administration: The ponica 47:2 (Summer 1992), 163-202. Example of Awa-Tokushima,” in Jansen, ______, "Castle Towns and Daimyo Authority: Marius B. & Gilbert Rozman, eds., Japan in Kanazawa in the Years 1583-1630," Journal of Transition: From Tokugawa to Meiji. Prince- Japanese Studies 6.2 (Summer 1980), 267-299. ton: Princeton University Press, 111-132. Mitchnick, Les. “Traditional and Transitional Tax Hall, John Whitney. “Feudalism in Japan – A systems During the Early Modern Period: A Reassessment,” Comparative Studies in Society Case Study of Choshu Han, 1600-1873,” Ph.D. and History V: 1 (October, 1962), 15-51. Thesis, University of California, Los Angeles, ______, “Foundations of the Modern Japanese 1972. Daimyo,” Journal of Asian Studies 20:3 (May Morris, John, “Hatamoto Rule: A Study of the 1961): 317-29. Tokugawa Polity as a Seigneurial System,” ______, “The Ikeda House and its Retainers in Papers on Far Eastern History (Canberra) 41 Bizen,” in John W. Hall and Marius B. Jansen, (March 1990): 9-44. eds., Studies in the Institutional History of ______, Kinsei Nihon chigyōsei no kenkyū. Early Modern Japan. Princeton: Princeton Seibundo, 1988. University Press, 1968, 79-88. ______, “Kinsei ryōshusei shikiron: Ka-i ryōshu ______, “Materials for the Study of Local His- wo chūshin ni,” in J.F. Morris, Shirakawabe tory in Japan: Pre-Meiji Daimyo Records,” Tatsuo and Takano Nobuharu, eds., Kinsei Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 209:1 & 2 shakai to chigyōsei. Shibunkaku 1999, 3-38. (June 1957), 187-212. ______, “Some problems concerning fiefs in the Haraguchi Torao et al. The Status System and Edo period,” Transactions of the International Social Organization Satsuma: A Translatiohn Conference of Orientalists in Japan (Tokyo) 25 of the Shumon Tefuda Aratame Jomoku. Hono- (1980) 60-73 lulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1975. Odo, Franklin Shoichiro, “Saga - Han: The Feu- Howell, David. Capitalism from Within: Economy, dal Domain in Tokugawa Japan.” Ph.D. Thesis, Society, and the State in a Japanese Fishery. Princeton University, 1975. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Cali- Oguchi, Yujiro. “The Reality Behind Musui Do- fornia Press, 1995 kugen: The World of the Hatamoto and Jansen, Marius B. “Tosa During the Last Century Gokenin," Gaynor Sekimori., transl., Journal of Tokugawa Rule,” in John W. Hall and of Japanese Studies 16.2 (Summer 1990): 289- Marius B. Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institu- 308. tional History of Early Modern Japan. Prince- Roberts Luke S. "The Petition Box in Eighteenth- ton: Princeton University Press, 1968, 331- Century Tosa," Journal of Japanese Studies 348. 20.2 (Summer 1994): 423-458.

77 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Ryavec, Carole Ann. “Political Jurisdiction in the Village, Town and City Sengoku Daimyo Domain: Japan, 1477-1573,” Befu, Harumi, “Duty, Reward, Sanction, and Ph.D. Thesis, Columbia University, 1978. Power: The Four-cornered Office of the Toku- Sakai, Robert. “The Consolidation of Power in gawa Village Headman,” in Bernard S. Sliber- Satsuma-han,” in John W. Hall and Marius B. man and H.D. Harootunian eds., Modern Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institutional History Japanese Leadership: Transition and Change. of Early Modern Japan. Princeton: Princeton Tucson, Arizona: University of Arizona Press, University Press, 1968, 131-139. 1966, 25-50. Sippel, Patricia. “Abandoned Fields: Negotiating Befu, Harumi. “Village Autonomy and Articu- Taxes in the Bakufu Domain,” Monumenta lation with the State,” Journal of Asian Studies, Nipponica 53:2 (Summer 1998): 197-223. XXV: 1 (November 1965) 19-32; reprinted in ______, “Financing the Long Peace: The Agri- John W. Hall and Marius B. Jansen, eds., cultural Tax in the Tokugawa Domain.” Ph.D. Studies in the Institutional of Early Modern Thesis, Harvard University, 1994. Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Susser, Bernard, “The Cadastral Surveys of the 1968, 301-14. Sengoku Daimyo,” Study Reports of Baika Brown, Philip C. “Early Modern Japanese Land Junior College 26 (1977): 35-46. Redistribution Practices: Their Interest to Tonomura, Hitomi. Community and Commerce in Overseas Scholars and the Complications of Late Medieval Japan: The Corporate Villages Understanding Them," ("Warichi seido: soto of Tokuchin-ho. Stanford: Stanford University kara mita omoshirosa, naka kara mita fuku- Press, 1992. zatusa"), Division of Historical Manuscripts, Totman Conrad. The Origins of Japan’s Modern National Institute of , To- Forests: The Case of Akita. Honolulu: Univer- kyo, Shiryôkan kenkyū kiyō, (March, 1999): sity of Hawaii Press, 1984. 161-227. Umegaki, Michio. “From Domain to Pre- ______, “Warichi to wa nani ka,” Kan 6 (Sum- fecture,” in Jansen, Marius B. & Gilbert Roz- mer, 2001), 244-253. man, eds., Japan in Transition: From Toku- Chambliss, William. Chiaraijima Village: Land gawa to Meiji. Princeton: Princeton University Tenure, Taxation, and Local Trade, 1811-1884. Press, 91-110. 1965: Tuscon, Arizona: University of Ari- Vaporis, Constantine N. “A Tour of Duty: Kuru- zona Press, 1965. me Hanshi Edo Kinbun Nagaya Emaki,” Mon- Fraser, Andrew, “Town-ward Administration in umenta Nipponica 51:3 (Fall 1996): 279-307. Eighteenth-century Edo,” Papers on Far East- Waters Neil. Japan’s Local Pragmatists: The ern History (Canberra) 27 (Mar. 1983): 131- Transition from Bakumatsu to Meiji in the Ka- 141. wasaki Region. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Jannetta, Ann Bowman. "Registering Deaths by Council on East Asian Studies, Harvard Uni- Cause: Problems of Classification in Nine- versity, 1983. teenth Century Japan," in Journal of the His- Wigen, Karen. The Making of a Japanese Pe- tory of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 54: 2 riphery, 1750-1920. Berkeley and Los Angeles: (April 1999) Special Issue: Registering Causes University of California Press, 1995. of Death, 285-295. Zollner, Reinhard,“Die Takeda als Feudalherren Kalland Arne. Fishing Villages in Tokugawa Ja- in Kai no kuni im Spiegel des Koyo pan. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press gunkan,“ in Eva Bachmayer, Wolfgang Herbert, (Curzon Press), 1994. Sepp Linhart, Sepp, eds., Japan, von Aids bis Kelly, William W. “Incendiary Actions: Fires Zen: Referate des achten Japanologentages and firefighting in the Shogun’s Capital and the 26:28. September 1990 in Wien. Wien: Institut People’s City,” in James L. McClain, John M. fur Japanologie, Universitat Wien, 1991, 165- Merriman, and Ugawa Kaoru, eds., Edo and 180. Paris: Urban Life and the State in the Early Modern Era. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1994, 310-331.

78 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Kosuge, Nobuhiko, “Development of Waterworks ______, "The Japanese Village in the Seven- in Japan,” Developing Economies (Tokyo) 19:1 teenth Century," Journal of Economic History (March 1981): 69-94. 12.1 (1952), 1-20. Reprinted in John W. Hall Marcure Kenneth A.. "The Danka System," and Marius B. Jansen, eds., Studies in the Insti- Monumenta Nipponica 40.1 (Spring 1985): 39- tutional of Early Modern Japan. Princeton: 67. On affiliation of families with temples. Princeton University Press, 1968, 263-282. McClain, James L. “Edobashi: Power, Space Smith, Henry D. II, “The Edo-Tokyo Transition: and Popular Culture in Edo,” in James L. In Search of Common Ground,“ in Marius B. McClain, John M. Merriman, and Ugawa Ka- Jansen, and Gilbert Rozman, eds., Japan in oru, eds., Edo and Paris: Urban Life and the Transition: From to Meiji. Princeton: State in the Early Modern Era. Ithaca: Cornell Princeton University Press, 1986, 347-374, University Press, 1994,105-131. Tanaka, Michiko. “Village Youth Organizations ______, Kanazawa: A Seventeenth - Century (Wakamono Nakama) in Late Tokugawa Poli- Japanese Castle Town. New Haven: Yale tics and Society.” Ph.D. Thesis, Princeton Uni- University Press, 1982. versity, 1983. ______, “Space, Power, Wealth, and Status in Troost, Kristina Kade. "Common Property and Seventeenth-Century Osaka,” in James L. Community Formation: Self-Governing Vil- McClain, and Wakita Osamu, eds., Osaka: The lages in Late Medieval Japan, 1300-1600." Merchants' Capital of Early Modern Japan. Ph.D. Thesis, Harvard University, 1990. Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, Vaporis, Constantine N., “Digging for Edo: Ar- 1999, 44-79. chaeology and Japan's Pre-Modern Urban ______, and Wakita Osamu. “Osaka Across the Past,” Monumenta Nipponica 53:1 (Spring Ages,” in James L. McClain, and Wakita 1998): 73-104. Osamu, eds., Osaka: The Merchants' Capital ______, "Post Station and Assisting Villages: Of Early Modern Japan. Ithaca: Cornell Uni- Corvee Labor and Peasant Contention," versity Press, 1999, 1-21. Monumenta Nipponica 41.4 (Winter 1986): Norman E. H. "People Under Feudalism," Bulle- 377-414. tin of Concerned Asian Scholars 9.2 (1977), Varner R. "The Organized Peasant: The Waka- 56-61. (posthumous publication). monogumi in the Edo Period," Monumenta Ooms, Herman. Tokugawa Village Practice Class, Nipponica 32.4 (Winter 1977): 459-483. Status, Power, Law. Berkeley and Los Ange- les: University of California Press, 1996. Pratt, Edward E. Japan’s Proto-Industrial Elite: LAW The Economic Foundations of the Gono. Botsman, Dani V. “Punishment and Power in the Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Tokugawa Period,” East Asian History 3 (June Press, 1999. 1992), (Canberra, Australia), 1-32. Rozman, Gilbert. “Castle Towns in Transi- Frank, Ronald K., “The Sengoku Daimyo as Leg- tion,“ in Marius B. Janse and Gilbert Rozman, islator: The Case of the Uesugi,” Southeast Re- eds., Japan in Transition: From Tokugawa to view of Asian Studies, XVIII (1996) Southeast Meiji. Princeton: Princeton University Press, Association for Asian Studies, 1996, 91-102. 318-46. Haley, John Owen. Authority without Power: Shively, Donald H., “City Administration in Law and the Japanese Paradox. Oxford: Osaka under the Tokugawa: A Comparative Oxford University Press, 1991. Background Perspective,” Transactions of the International material deals with kinsei and Meiji. Conference of Orientalists in Japan (Tokyo) 24 Henderson, Dan Fenno, “Agreements and Gover- (1979): 31-37. nance in Tokugawa Japan,” in Bernard Hung- Smith Thomas C. The Agrarian Origins of Mod- Kay Luk, ed., Contacts Between Cultures. Vol- ern Japan. Stanford: Stanford University Press, ume 4, Eastern Asia: History and Social Sci- 1959. ences, Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellen Press, 1992, 231-235.

79 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

______, Conciliation and Japanese Law: Toku- Transition: From Tokugawa To Meiji. Prince- gawa and Modern. Seattle: University of ton: Princeton University Press, 1986, 168-194. Washington Press, 1965 (esp vol. I). ______, “The Evolution of Tokugawa Law,” in POLICY John W. Hall and Marius Jansen, eds., Studies Backus, Robert L.”Matsudaira Sadanobu and in the Institutional History of Early Modern Samurai Education,” in C. Andrew Gerstle, ed., Japan. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 18th Century Japan: Culture and Society. Syd- 1968, 203-230. ney, N.S.W., Boston: Allen & Unwin, 1989, ______, comp. Village Contracts in Tokugawa 132-152. Japan: 50 Specimens with English Translations Beasley W. G, "Self-Strengthening and Restora- and Comments, Seattle: University of Wash- tion: Chinese and Japanese Responses to the ington Press 1975. West In the Mid-Nineteenth Century," Acta .Jansen, Marius B. “Tosa in the Sixteenth Cen- Asiatica 34 (1974), 91-107. tury: The 100 Article Code of Chōsokabe Bodart-Bailey, Beatrice, “A Case of Political and Motochika,” Oriens Extremus X: 1 (April Economic Expropriation: The Monetary Re- 1963). form of the Fifth Tokugawa Shogun,” Papers Mills, D.E, “Kataki-uchi: The Practice of Blood- on Far Eastern History (Canberra) 39 (March Revenge in Pre-Modern Japan,” Modern Asian 1989) 177-189. Studies 10: 4 (October 1976). 525-542. ______, "The Laws of Compassion," Mon- Ramseyer, J. Mark. Odd Markets in Japanese umenta Nipponica 40.2 (Summer 1985), 163- History. Cambridge, UK, Cambridge Univer- 189. sity Press, 1996. ______, “The Persecution of in Early Tokugawa Japan,” Monumenta Nippon- ica 48:3 (Fall 1993) 293-314. MILITARY Bolitho Harold . "The Tempo Crisis," in Marius B. Bolitho, Harold, “Sumo and popular culture: the Jansen, ed., The Cambridge History of Japan, Tokugawa period,” in Gavan McCormack and Vo l u me 5 : The Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, Yoshio Sugimoto, eds., The Japanese Trajec- UK: Cambridge University Press, 1989, 116- tory: Modernization and Beyond. Cambridge, 167. UK, New York: Cambridge University Press, Boxer, C.R. The Christian Century in Japan: 1988 17-32. 1549-1650. Berkeley: University Of Califor- Howland, Douglas R. “Samurai Status, Class, and nia Press 1951. Bureaucracy: A Historiographical Essay,” Breen, J.L., “Heretics in Nagasaki: 1790-1796,” Journal of Asian Studies 60:2 (May, 2001), in Ian Nish, ed., Contemporary European Writ- 353-80. ing On Japan: Scholarly Views From Eastern Perrin, Noel. Giving Up The Gun: Japan's Rever- And Western Europe. Woodchurch, Ashford, sion To The Sword, 1543-1879. 1979: New Kent: Paul Norbury, 1988, 10-16. York: Godine, 1979. Brown, Delmer M. Money Economy in Medieval Rogers, John M. "Arts of War in Times of Peace: Japan: A Study in the Use of Coins, New Ha- Archery in Honcho Bugei Shoden," Monu- ven: Yale University Press, 1951. menta Nipponica 45.3 (Fall 1990), 253-284. Crawcour Sydney. "Changes in Japanese ______, "Arts of War in Times of Peace: Commerce in the Tokugawa Period," Journal Swordsmanship in Honcho Bugei Shoden, of Asian Studies 22: 4 (August 1963), pp. 387- Chapter 5," Monumenta Nipponica 45.4 (Win- 400, reprinted in John W. Hall & Marius ter 1990), 413-447. Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institutional History ______, “The Development of the Military Pro- of Early Modern Japan, Princeton: Princeton fession in Tokugawa Japan,” Ph.D. Thesis, University Press, 1968, 189-202. Harvard University, 1998. Crawcour Sydney. "Economic Change in the Westney, Eleanor. “The Military,“ in Marius B. Nineteenth Century," in Marius B. Jansen, ed., Jansen and Gilbert Rozman, eds., Japan In The Cambridge History of Japan, Vo l u me 5 :

80 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

The Nineteenth Century, Cambridge, UK: Roberts, Luke S. Mercantilism in a Japanese Cambridge University Press, 1989, 569-617. Domain: The Merchant Origins of Economic Dore, Ronald P. “Talent and the Social Order in Nationalism in 18th - Century Tosa. Cambridge, Tokugawa Japan,” Past and Present: A Jour- UK, Cambridge University Press, 1998. nal of Historical Studies 21 (April 1962), 60- Rudolph, Petra, Matsudaira Sadanobu Und Die 72. Reprinted in John W. Hall and Marius B. Kansei-Reform: Unter Besondere Berucksichti- Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institutional History gung Des Kansei Igaku No Kin, Bochum: of Early Modern Japan, Princeton: Princeton Brockmeyer 1976. University Press, 1968, 349-361. Sheldon Charles D. The Rise of the Merchant Elisonas Jurgis [Formerly George Elison]. Class in Tokugawa Japan, 1600~1868. Locust "Christianity and the Daimyo," in John Whit- Valley, NY: Augustin, 1958. ney Hall, ed., The Cambridge History of Japan, Shively, Donald H. “Bakufu Versus Kabuki,” Vo l u me 4 : Early Modern Japan, Cambridge, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 18: 3-4 UK: Cambridge University Press, 1991, 301- (December 1955), 326-56. 372. Smith Thomas C. "The Introduction of Western Ericson, Mark David. “The Tokugawa Bakufu Industry to Japan During the Last Years of the and Leon Roches.” Ph.D. Thesis, University Tokugawa Period," Harvard Journal of Asian Of Hawaii, 1978. Studies II (1948), 130-152. Flershem, Robert G. And Yoshiko N. Flershem, ______, "The Land Tax in the Tokugawa Pe- “Kaga: A Domain That Changed Slowly,” in riod," Journal of Asian Studies 18.1 (1958), Burks Ardath W., ed., The Modernizers: Over- 3-20. Reprinted in John W. Hall and Marius B. seas Students, Foreign Employees, and Meiji Jansen, eds., Studies in the Institutional History Japan, Boulder: Westview Press, 1984, 85-143. of Early Modern Japan, Princeton: Princeton Frost Peter. The Bakumatsu Currency Cri- University Press, 1968, 283-299. sis.Cambridge, Massachusetts: Council On Soranaka Isao. "The Kansei Reforms-Success Or East Asian Studies, Harvard University, 1970. Failure?" Monumenta Nipponica 33.1 (Spring Hall John W. “The Castle Town and Japan’s 1978), 151-164. Modern Urbanization,” Far Eastern Quarterly Susser, Bernard, “The Policies of the Oda Re- XV: 1 (November 1955), 37-56. gime, Study Reports of Baika Junior College ______, “Ikeda Mitsumasa and the Bizen Flood (Osaka) 28 (1979) 1-16 of 1654,” In Albert M. Craig and Donald H. Totman Conrad "Land-Use Patterns and Affor- Shively, eds., Personality in Japanese History, estation in the Edo Period," Monumenta Nip- Berkeley: University of California Press, 1970, ponica 39.1 (Spring 1984), 1-10. 57-84. Totman Conrad."Preindustrial River Conser- ______, “Japan's Sixteenth-Century Revolu- vancy," Monumenta Nipponica 47.1 (Spring tion,” in George Elison and Bardwell L. Smith 1992), 59-76. eds., Warlords, Artists, and Commoners: Japan ______, The Green Archipelago: Forestry In in the Sixteenth Century. Honolulu: University Pre-Industrial Japan. .Berkeley: University of Press Of Hawaii, 1981, 7-21 California Press, 1989. Hauser, William B.“Osaka Castle and Tokugawa Wakabayashi, Bob Tadashi. “, Expulsion, Authority in Western Japan,” In Jeffrey P. Mass Sovereignty: China's Lessons for Bakumatsu And William B. Hauser, eds., The Bakufu In Japan,” Monumenta Nipponica 47:1 (Spring Japanese History, Stanford: Stanford Univer- 1992), 1-25. sity Press, 1985, 153-172. Walker, Brett L. “Commercial Growth and Envi- Kim, Yongdeok, “Land Tax Reform in Meiji Ja- ronmental Change in Early Modern Japan: pan.” Ph.D. Thesis, Harvard University, 1980. Hachinohe’s Wild Boar Famine of 1749,” Perez, Louis G., ‘ An Incident Of Extraterritorial- Journal of Asian Studies 60:2 (May 2001), ity In Japan: The Vyse Affair,” Asian Culture 329-51. Quarterly (Taipei) 18:4 (Winter 1990) 65-85.

81 EARLY MODERN JAPAN SPRING, 2003

Walker, Brett L. “The Early Modern Japanese Nakai, Kate Wildman. Shogunal Politics: Arai State And Ainu Vaccinations: Redefining The Hakuseki and the Premises of Tokugawa Rule. Body Politic, 1799-1868,” Past & Present Cambridge, Massachusetts, Harvard Council 163:1 (1999), 121-160. on East Asian Studies, 1988. Yoon, Byung Nam. “Domain and Bakufu in To- Norman, E. Herbert, Ando Shoeki and the Anat- kugawa Japan: The Copper Trade and Devel- omy of Japanese Feudalism. Tokyo: Asiatic opment of Akita Domain Mines,” Ph.D. Thesis, Society of Japan, 1949. Princeton University, 1995. Ooms Herman. Charismatic Bureaucrat: A Po- litical Biography of Matsudaira Sadanobu, 1758-1829. Chicago: University of Chicago BIOGRAPHICAL STUDIES Press, 1975. Abiko, Bonnie. “Persecuted Patriot: Watanabe Shively Donald H.. "Tokugawa Tsunayoshi, the Kazan and the Tokugawa Bakufu,” Monumenta Genroku Shogun," in Albert M. Craig & Don- Nipponica 44:2 (Summer 1989): 199-219. ald H. Shively, eds. Personality in Japanese Berry, Mary Elizabeth. Hideyoshi, Cambridge, History. Berkeley: University of California Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1982. Press, 1970, 85-126. Bolitho Harold. "The Dog Shogun," in Wang Shively, Donald H., “Nishimura Shigeki: A Con- Gungwu, ed., Self and Biography: Essays on fucian View of Modernization,” in Marius B. the Individual and Society in Asia. Sydney: Jansen, ed., Changing Japanese Attitudes To- Sydney University Press, 1975, 123-139. ward Modernization. Princeton: Princeton Elison, George. "The Cross and the Sword: Pat- University Press, 1965, 193-243. terns of Momoyama History," in George Elison Steele, Marion William, “Katsu Kaishu and the & Bardwell L. Smith, eds., Warlords, Artists, Collapse of the Tokugawa Bakufu.” Ph.D. The- & Commoners: Japan in the Sixteenth Century. sis, Harvard University, 1976. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1981, Totman Conrad. Tokugawa Ieyasu: Shogun. San 55-86. Francisco: Heian International, 1983. ______, “Hideyoshi, the Bountiful Minister,” In: Elison, George, and Bardwell L. Smith, eds., Warlords, Artists, & Commoners: Japan in the Sixteenth Century. Honolulu: University Press of Hawaii, 1981, 223-244. Hall John W. “Hideyoshi's Domestic Policies,” In: Hall, John Whitney, Nagahara Keiji, and Kozo Yamamura, eds., Japan Before Toku- gawa: Political Consolidation and Economic Growth, 1500-1650. Princeton: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1981, 194-223. ______, Tanuma Okitsugu, 1719-1788: Fore- runner of Modern Japan. Cambridge, Massa- chusetts: Harvard University Press, 1955. Jansen Marius. Sakamoto Ryoma and the Meiji Restoration. Princeton: Princeton Univer-sity Press, 1961. Lamers, Jeroen. Japonius Tyrannus: The Japan- ese Warlord Oda Nobunaga Reconsidered. Leiden: Hotei Publishing, 2000. Matsui Masato. "Shimazu Shigehide, 1745-1833: A Case Study of Daimyo Leadership." Ph.D. Thesis, University of Hawaii, 1975.

82