"Their Cort?s and Our Cort?s": Spanish Colonialism and Aztec Representation Michael Schreffler

or to reconstruct the com Writing in Santiago de Guatemala (present-day Antigua) in counted by D?az actually occurred the second half of the sixteenth century, the conquistador position of the painting allegedly produced in 1519. Instead, Bernal D?az del Castillo (ca. 1495-1584) recalled one of his I explore the ways in which early modern rhetoric and ico the text related texts Francisco early encounters with the indigenous people of the Ameri nography?here, by Diaz, by It on Easter in 1519 near the the de a that cas.1 occurred Sunday port L?pez de Gomara and Antonio Sol?s, and painting Spaniards called San Juan de Ul?a, an island just off the Gulf depicts the incident said to have occurred at San Juan de as a in Mex Coast of Mexico. There, a man Diaz identified the gover Ul?a?constructed distorted view of painting Aztec in of nor of a community loyal to theAztec Emperor Moctezuma II ico and entangled it the conventions colonial historiog conclusion is in the uncontroversial arrived with his entourage to greet and exchange giftswith raphy. This rooted in the form of colonial Hern?n Cort?s, the leader of the Spanish expedition.2 After premise that representation?here, to three the calls texts and not a window onto bowing Cort?s times, governor?whom Diaz period images?is transparent him woven and the As the of Aztec "Tendile"?presented with gold, cotton, fish, past. such, representation painting poten us the other foodstuffs. Cort?s responded with countergifts that tially tells less about that practice than it does about a a and a anxieties and of those who the texts included wooden chair, glass beads, necklace, expectations produced crimson and under Recent cap.3 image consideration.7 scholarship suggests and both Aztecs and Accounts of such ritual exchanges between Spaniards that painting?practiced by Spaniards?pro the inhabitants of Aztec Mexico abound in Diaz's memoir, vided a site for contact and compatibility between the two was a to published in 1632 as La historia verdadera de la conquista de la cultures.8 However, it also topos that gave shape early Nuevo Espa?a (The True History of theConquest ofNew Spain), modern conceptualizations of historiographie authority and of in cultural difference. and in other sixteenth-century chronicles exploration the New World.4 The incident that follows this interaction, however, is more unusual: Bernal D?az and the Aztec Painters In writing about the production of the painting at San Juan Tendile brought with him the great painters that theyhave de Ul?a in 1519, Bernal D?az noted that Governor Tendile to al natu a of in his but that in Mexico, and he ordered them paint [pintar brought group "great painters" retinue, to one ral] an image of the face, body, and features of Cort?s and those artists had collaborated make just painting ("he of the and of all of the captains, and the soldiers, and the boats and took if) displaying all people, animals, things . . . art sails, and the horses and even the two hounds, the mentioned in the passage. Evidence from the history of the and the entire he indicates that such a would have the artillery pieces, cannon-balls, army picture employed seen in codices or cloths had brought, and he [Tendile] took it to his lord [Mocte graphic conventions painted (lien zuma] .5 zos) of the sort produced in pre-Hispanic and colonial Mex ico.9 Those formats for painting served as vehicles for the of economic transac The author's description of the Indians' production of this visual representation history, space, an it and ritual and an examination of some painting is remarkable. If such image truly existed, tions, practice,10 would be of great interest to both the history of art and the extant works of this type demonstrates the style and artistic as one of the earliest documented conventions in the service of history of perception, indigenous painters working used in for exam pictures of Spaniards made by indigenous people in the Moctezuma might have 1519.11 Consider, Americas, and it could reasonably be called the firstwork of ple, the first illustrated page in the Codex Mendoza (Fig. 1), the last of art?in a in or around Mexico in about colonial art?or, alternatively, work Aztec manuscript produced City of Tenoch Mexico. But since no painting that can be securely identified 1540.12 It depicts the founding and early history whose invasion and as the one produced on Easter Sunday of 1519 has survived, titlan, the Aztec imperial capital conquest was Bernal D?az. The artist identified the in order to imagine what such a picture might have looked narrated by cityby name as a at the center of the like, the reader is inevitably left to rely on the passage. And in its (drawn large hieroglyph and rendered it as a rectilinear island surrounded and conjuring up that vision, the reader confronts the problems page) to into blue bands of water. His use of that ensued when sixteenth-century Spaniards attempted partitioned quadrants by the and of visual in contour flat areas of color, a "scattered" two convey practices products representation heavy lines, Aztec Mexico. dimensional spatial scheme, and standardized hieroglyphic some of I am not to icons is characteristic of the scholars believe In examining those problems, aiming painting style new a that has was in Aztec Mexico.13 But what is most uncover information about Aztec art, subject prevalent perhaps the use of as an indicator of how the on the been carefully researched through archaeological helpful indigenous painters and the men who data, ethnohistorical texts, and art historical methods.6 Nor Gulf Coast might have portrayed Cort?s or not re him is the Codex Mendoza artist's do I intend to determine whether the episode accompanied representa

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Men tion of the human figure. Placed throughout the city's four resembling the founders of Tenochtitlan in the Codex are ten shown near center of the left The quarters Tenochtitlan's founders, seated. doza appears the edge (Fig. 2).16 a of Their faces drawn in profile and their bodies covered in artist used similar graphic vocabulary in his depiction same cloaks, they are nearly identical in appearance and are dis three Spaniards in the pictorial space. One of them, near corner the beneath a tinguished from one another only by their names, rendered placed the upper left of page glyph in the as hieroglyphs adjacent to or above their heads.14 Near the representing the year 1529, is identified accompanying as bottom of the page the artist employed similar conventions in alphabetic text the conquistador ?u?o de Guzm?n. Drawn areas his delineation of four additional men as pairs of warriors with black contour lines and flat of color, Guzm?n's as a engaged in battle.15 face appears in profile, and he is distinguished Spaniard an the horse he This way of representing the human form recurs with some (rather than Aztec) by his beard, his clothing, cross him are two other modifications throughout the corpus of visual imagery pro rides, and the he carries. Beneath are duced by indigenous painters in colonial Mexico. On a page Spaniards, and they, too, depicted in the visual language or in the Codex Telleriano Remensis (ca. 1560-70), a figure of the Aztecs.17 Seated on curules, hip-joint chairs, rather

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2 Events in theYears 1529-1531, from the Codex Telleriano Remensis, ca. 1560-70, ink and wash on paper, 12*4 X 8V2 in. Biblioth?que Nationale de France, Paris, MS Mexicain 385, fol. 44r (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by the Biblioth?que Nationale de France)

than reed mats to symbolize their authority,18 the Spaniards painting said to have been produced at San Juan de Ul?a in are accompanied by hieroglyphic renderings of their names 1519? Diaz's account of what ultimately happened to the written next to them. picture he described problematizes this view of the image and or As Stephanie Wood notes, suits of armor, beards, horses, its likely formal characteristics. Diaz reported that six and wooden chairs were adopted as standard elements in the seven days after the initial encounter with Cort?s, Governor an iconography of Spaniards by early colonial Mexican manu Tendile returned to the site of the original meeting with rea script painters.19 The twenty-first-centuryreader might addition to his entourage: sonably suppose that the painters Diaz observed would have used these conventions or similar ones to produce the image With them came a great Mexican chief who, in his face, of the Spaniards, their ships, and their weapons in 1519. features, and body, resembled Cort?s. And Moctezuma Indeed, two images of Cort?s made by native artists in the had sent him intentionally; for, as they said, when Tendile second half of the sixteenth century demonstrate this graphic took the rendering of Cort?s, all of the important men vocabulary. Painted on a long strip of bark paper recording who were with Moctezuma said that one of them?who was the pictorial history of Tepechpan, a central Mexican town, called Quintalbor?resembled the conquistador. And that the conquistador first appears beneath the hieroglyphic sym was the great chief who came with Tendile. And since he bol 1 Reed (1519) to mark the arrival of the Spaniards in resembled Cort?s, we actually called the two "their Cort?s" 22 Aztec Mexico (Fig. 3).20 Like the warriors in the bottom and "our Cort?s." register of the page from the Codex Mendoza (Fig. 1 ), Cort?s stands with one foot in front of the other. His bearded face In light of the history of Aztec painting and its reliance on a shown in profile, he wears a hat, tunic, and boots and holds glyphic representation of the human form, this part of the a lance in his left hand. He is shown again on the same story is surprising. It describes the picture as being so realistic painted cloth, known as the Tira de Tepechpan, in association that it prompted the Aztec emperor and his courtiers to with the year 4 Rabbit (1522) (Fig. 4). In that image, how recognize the resemblance between the painted image of a ever, the painter included the hip-joint chair and a plumed Cort?s and a man known to them: Quintalbor, "great hat to mark him as a to that the Spaniard.21 Mexican chief." Here it is crucial emphasize story Might these images allow the reader to imagine the kind of cannot be taken as reliable evidence about either formal

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3 Hern?n Cort?s in 1520, detail, from Tira de Tepechpan, 16th century, ink and wash on bark paper. Biblioth?que Nationale de France, Paris, MS Mexicain 13-14 (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by the Biblioth?que Nationale de France)

5 Titian, Charles V with a Dog, 1533, oil on canvas, 75% X 433/4in. (192 X 111 cm). Museo del Prado, Madrid (artwork in the public domain; photograph by Erich Lessing, provided by Art Resource, NY)

4 Hern?n Cort?s in detail, from Tira de 1522, Tepechpan. sense of those terms in referring to the production of a visual Biblioth?que Nationale de France, Paris, MS Mexicain 13-14 image of a person that faithfully imitates the appearance of its (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by the referent.23 The resonates, for with the con Biblioth?que Nationale de France) passage example, ventions of sixteenth-century state portraits like Titian's Charles V with a Dog (1533, Fig. 5).24 That portrait features a a in a view and a realistic rendering of man's face three-quarter of or characteristics Aztec painting about Moctezuma's recep detailed representation of his body and features. Like the paint tion of such a painting. Diaz does not claim to have witnessed ing described by Diaz, it also shows him accompanied by a dog. two Some likenesses of Cort?s the emperor's recognition of this resemblance of the sixteenth-century European He assert a men's faces, features, and bodies. does, though, his manifest similar degree of physiognomic specificity,which, own recognition of a physiognomic similarity between them, one imagines, could have made possible the recognition of a ultimately referring to them as "their Cort?s" and "our resemblance between the picture and a living person (Fig. Cort?s." The implication of the story is that only a precise and 6) ,25The history of art in colonial Mexico (or, as the Span realistic painting of Cort?s could have enabled Moctezuma to iards called it, "New Spain")26 shows that indigenous painters identifyQuintalbor as the Spaniard's double. Diaz does not would ultimately employ some of the conventions of this kind use the word or but his words evoke the in retrato, "portrait," of illusionistic European imagery combination with the

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7 Hern?n Cort?s, detail, from the Codex Azcatitlan, late 16th century, ink and wash on paper, 9% X 11% in. Biblioth?que Nationale de France, Paris, MS Mexicain 59-64, fol. 22v (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by the Biblioth?que Nationale de France)

ted a viewer to recognize a striking physiognomic resem blance between a person and his representation in the pic ture. Acknowledging this contradiction, Mar?a Concepci?n 6 Portrait Hern?n ca. oil on 25% X of Cort?s, 1575, wood, Garc?a S?iz proposes that the story inDiaz's chronicle should a in. X Yale Art 20 (65.3 52.9 cm). University Gallery, New not be taken at face value but rather "should be understood Haven. University purchase fromJames Jackson Jarves (artwork as filtered by distance and by aWesternized interpretation of in the public domain; photograph provided by theYale This is a reasonable of the but a UniversityArt Gallery) reality."30 reading passage, closer look at the process through which the storywas "fil tered" provides further insights into the ideological dimen of Aztec sions of the representation representation. long-standing hieroglyphic tradition to produce what mod ern see as viewers stylisticallyhybrid imagery. An example of "Pintar al natural" such an in the native image appears late-sixteenth-century The genealogy of the tale told by Diaz suggests that his known to scholars as the Codex Azcatitlan.27 stylemanuscript emphasis on the painting's verisimilitude may have derived at The near the end of the document, illustrates a drawing, least in part from an earlier version of the episode published of and group Spaniards accompanied by indigenous porters in themid-sixteenth century. The storyfirst appeared in print their translator, a woman named Malinche It in (Fig. 7).28 in the Historia de las Indias (History of the Indies) by the cludes of the mentioned Diaz and many subjects by presents Spanish historian and cleric Francisco L?pez de Gomara elements of both the Aztec and the tradi European graphic (1511-1564). Published in Zaragoza, Spain, in 1552 and in tions. The most of them with their heads full-length figures, other subsequent sixteenth-century editions,31 theHistoria de in are drawn with contour lines and are set in an profile, las Indias includes a narrative of the conquest of Mexico in indeterminate Their armor, and space. clothing, hairstyles, which the author presented a slightlydifferent version of the skin color in distinct cultural and ethnic signal membership encounter that occurred on Easter Sunday in 1519. He wrote At the same the draftsman used a groups. time, three-quarter that after Cort?s and Governor Tendile (whom he calls Teu view to the faces of Cort?s and Malinche, rendered depict dilli) exchanged presents, heard mass, and shared a meal, shadows cast on the and the folds of the banner that ground Indian messengers left to informMoctezuma about all that billows above them in darker shades of color, and overlapped had happened. Among the things those messengers took to some of the to create a sense of This figures pictorial depth. the Aztec emperor, L?pez de Gomara said, was a painting: distinctly colonial image demonstrates some of the visual ... cultural dynamics of early modern Spanish colonialism in They took a painted image of the Horses [and] the Mexico,29 but it is not the kind of picture the Indian painters style of Weapons [and] what?and how many?firearms would have produced at San Juan de Ul?a in 1519. there were; and how many bearded men and ships there Diaz's storyabout that painting, then, poses a challenge to were. And in thatway he [Tendile] informed him [Mocte the history of Aztec and early colonial art inMexico. For even zuma] how he saw them, saying how many and how large in the images from the Tira de Tepechpan and the Codex they were. [Tendile] ordered that all of this be painted on woven so that Moctezuma Azcatitlan, produced decades after the events recounted by [pintar al natural] cotton, Diaz, the artist's rendering of Cort?s would not have permit might see it.32

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de Gomara's text is briefer than that of but it Historia de las Indias must remain the of L?pez Diaz, subject speculation. nonetheless contains detail that the reader Its relation to Diaz's enough might account, though, is clear, and its pres assume that its author had actually seen the picture. L?pez de ence in that chronicle attests to Diaz's well-documented use Gomara, however, had never been to the Americas, and his of L?pez de Gomara as a point of reference in his own of the of Mexico was on The history conquest based entirely narrative.43 affinity between the two texts is further information from other sources. these demonstrated both authors' use of the gleaned Among by phrase "pintar al sources was Hern?n Cort?s himself. de Gomara had natural." The of this L?pez appearance terminology in both versions served as the and is because while it seems to refer to a conquistador's personal secretary chaplain noteworthy particular in Spain from 1541 to 1547,33 and in his account of the mode of image production, it is not widely seen in sixteenth he refers to a sent Cort?s to and on conquest "report [relaci?n]" by seventeenth-century Spanish treatises painting. In his the Roman that he claimed was in his Arte de la Francisco Pacheco does not Holy emperor posses pintura, employ the sion. Scholars even once. have speculated that this report may have been term He does, however, use the substantive "el the one that came to be known as Cort?s's "First natural" a number of times to mean the or real subsequently living subject Letter" to the king,34 but the version of that text that has of a painting. In a passage concerning the images of saints in come us no down to todaymakes mention of the production an altarpiece by Quentin Massys in Antwerp, for example, a of painting during the encounter with Tendile.35 Other Pacheco remarked that "all of the figures are larger than life accounts of the of Mexico also son sixteenth-century conquest and very skillfully colored with oil paints [todasfiguras mention the episode at San Juan de Ul?a and the exchange mayores que el natural y muy diestramente colo?das a olio] ."44 This of gifts between Spaniards and Indians, but they, too, omit usage of "el natural" supports the hypothesis that L?pez de reference to the of a Gomara and D?az were to "from life"?that any production painting.36 What, then, referring painting was source L?pez de Gomara's for the story? is,with the painters observing the actual people and things were a It is possible that the episode actually happened and that they representing rather than using drawing, another or a statue as Cort?s personally witnessed it and related it to L?pez de painting, their models. when Pacheco discussed the of "from Gomara in the 1540s. It is also possible that the historian Yet, practice painting invented of he used the terms "retratar del natural" or del it, fusing aspects sixteenth-century European life," "pintar and in other natu painting practice with details from reports of indigenous natural,"45 early modern texts, "pintar al painters and paintings in the works of other authors. For ral" has a slightlydifferent sense. In chapter nine of part one in Cort?s's so-called "Second Letter" to the example, ofMiguel de Cervantes's Don Quijote de laMancha (1605), the king?to which L?pez de Gomara would have had access37? author tells of his discovery in a marketplace in Toledo, the conquistador recounted a scene in which he had asked Spain, of some notebooks that contained the original version Moctezuma about existence rivers or written in Cervantes the of inlets along the of the story Arabic. relates that after he coast the notebooks from a silk he notes an where his shipsmight safelyput down their anchors. He purchased merchant, noted that the Aztec emperor responded by commissioning image in one of them that he describes in great detail: something resembling a map for him. "They brought me a he coast was an cloth [pa?o]," wrote, "on which the entire de The first notebook contained image painted very real Cort?s made another reference to al of Don picted."38 subsequently istically [pintada muy natural] the battle of Qui the production of paintings inAztec Mexico in his listing of jote against the Basque, shown in the same way that the one the goods sold in Tenochtitlan's main marketplace, observ story says: with their swords raised, of them protected ing that "they sell as many pigments for painters as can be by a shield, the other by a cushion; and the Basque's mule found in Spain."39 Similarly, Peter Martyr, in the "FifthDe was so lifelike that even from a distance he looked like the cade" of his De orbe novo (On the New World), refers to a kind of animal one could rent.46 "native painting representing the town of Temistitan [that is, Tenochtitlan] with its and lakes."40 Per Here, the very muy al temples, bridges, " phrase "painted realistically [pintada a relation to haps most closely related to the passage in L?pez de Goma natural] characterizes visual image whose what so one ra's Historia de las Indias is one from the chronicle of Andr?s it represents is close that of its elements?"The mule"?is described as In this de Tapia, who reported that inTenochtitlan Moctezuma had Basque's "lifelike."47 context, on a the seem to to shown Cort?s "eighteen ships painted cloth [manta], phrase "pintar al natural," then, would apply with five of them wrecked on the coast and overturned in the not simply the practice of painting "from life" but rather the of of a mimetic sand." He continued: "This is the way they have relaying production image.48 news about the things that they really want to tell."41 L?pez The question of whether L?pez de Gomara and D?az were Gomara on as one of his and the to "from a "lifelike de relied Tapia sources,42 referring painting life," painting image," two of Aztec are similar in a "lifesize or the sum of all of these authors' descriptions painting painting image," possi their inclusion of not only the subjects depicted (that is, bilities might be the subject of fruitfuldebate by art historians and but also the is clear is that Spaniards, horses, ships, weapons) quantities and scholars of the Spanish chronicles. What use term on a tenet of art from of those things they saw. the of the depends theory read de Gomara have that conceived of as the "imitation Having Tapia's report, L?pez may classical antiquity painting in de of the disseminators of that in assumed that ifMoctezuma's governor San Juan Ul?a nature."49 Among principle to the Aztec about the was Leon Battista who in the wanted inform emperor Spaniards' Renaissance Europe Alberti, arrival, then he would have done so by way of a picture early fifteenth century had recommended the study of nature on a as the to of faces and other sur painted cloth. For now, the genesis of this episode in the way paint images complex

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faces: "There is no surer than to look at and Guevara's of the a way Nature, perception painter's representation of observe and four as man a long carefully how she, the wonderful maker of group of hundred warriors "a with weapon in things, has composed the surfaces in beautiful members. We his hand [and] one foot in front of the other" evokes a should apply ourselves with all our thought and attention to hieroglyphic image like that in the lower register of the page her."50 Alberti constructs a narrative of from the Codex imitating painterly Mendoza (Fig. 1 ).His characterization of the practice in which the artist's careful observation of nature is painting emphasizes itsdifference from themimetic imagery followed by his or her similarly careful use of pigments and a discussed in the rest of his treatise, and he remarks on that brush to imitate or distinction in the that the Indians' "imitative what he she sees.51 Attesting to the text, asserting of these ideas in the is "not but that it even prevalence sixteenth-century Hispanic imagination" very polished," arguing on could be would advance in this world is the treatise painting by Felipe de Guevara, a tually improved. "They art," ease contemporary of both Diaz and L?pez de Gomara.52 Entitled he wrote, "with and great benefit."61 on These in the texts of de Com?ntanos de la pintura (Commentaries Painting), the passages sixteenth-century L?pez and Guevara demonstrate the of tract deals with the history of themedium, itspractitioners in Gomara, D?az, complex play and difference that the discourse of colo classical antiquity, and the materials and techniques they similarity pervades In Guevara?like Alberti and others?defined nial encounter in the modern for the employed.53 it, early Hispanic world,62 as "the imitation ... of that or two historians' reference to naturalism clashes with painting something exists, pictorial that the could exist, in nature."54 their contemporary's suggestion Indians' "imitative is Of the three texts in The description of the Indians' painting in the chronicles imagination" underdeveloped. ques it is Guevara's that comes closest to the kind of L?pez de Gomara and D?az thus presents painterly prac tion, conveying tice in as to of a modern reader to have seen in a Aztec Mexico inherently similar its counterpart in imagery might expect Renaissance This contrasts Tendile's in 1519. And Europe. condition with modern picture produced by painters it is the account Diaz?the one of the three views of Aztec painting,55 but it partakes of a broader phe strangely, by only nomenon in colonial discourse that writers who could have witnessed the event he related?that early modern James seems the most distorted. Lockhart has called "double mistaken identity": "Each side takes it that a given form or concept is essentially one already known to in much the same manner as in own it, operating its The Eyewitness and the Description tradition, and hardly takes cognizance of the other side's The paradox thatDiaz's should be themost distorted version The use of the al natural" derive from the factors thatmotivated Diaz to record his interpretation."56 phrase "pintar may saw by Diaz and L?pez de Gomara might be explained as an memories of the conquest in the 1560s and 1570s. "I just what Gomara and Illescas and Giovio example of this kind of "mistaken identity."57That is, the [Gonzalo de] [Paulo] authors?like and other write about the of Mexico. . . ." he remarked. "And Cort?s, Tapia, sixteenth-century Conquests of use of from the to the middle to the don't Spaniards?may have conceived the native painter's beginning end, they of what These statements and reeds to apply pigments to pieces of deer hide, paper, or speak really happened."63 others scattered cotton cloth as identical to the kind of painting Alberti and throughout his chronicle have compelled as as scholars to see the correction of the historical record as one Guevara defined the imitation of nature.58 Just there were "their Cort?s" and "our Cort?s," there were also "their of Diaz's aims.64 Indeed, he repeatedly argues that his par in the of Mexico his version of the paintings" and "our paintings." ticipation conquest gave authors made clearer distinctions of a of that others could not claim: "We Other sixteenth-century story degree authority shall tell what we as found to be true in those between the kind of visual imagery produced by the native eyewitnesses times."65 his belief in the interrelatedness of people of theAmericas and that of the artists of Renaissance Underscoring and Diaz cites a number of cases Europe. Looking at what he called the "books" of the Indians, eyewitness testimony truth, Peter are inwhich de Gomara's reliance on the of others Martyr concluded, "Their characters entirely differ L?pez reports ent ours . . . had rendered his account false. His of his rival's from they almost resemble the hieroglyphics of critique of the for a battle in the ancient Egyptians. Among the figures may be distin representation Spaniards' preparations the of for relies on the guished those of men and animals, especially those of kings province Tabasco, example, entirely or motif of the and is with sarcasm: great lords."59 Guevara, too, compared the Indians' paint eyewitness heavy ing style to that of the Egyptians, and his description of an Here is where Francisco de Gomara says that Fran image produced in the Americas provides a striking counter L?pez cisco de Moria came out on a gray horse before point to the accounts by L?pez de Gomara and D?az: dappled Cort?s arrived with the cavalry, and thatwith him were the ... holy apostles Saint James [and] Saint Peter. It could be When a chief wanted to order some of his as Saint Saint [cacique] that, Gomara says, the glorious James [and] to send him four hundred were as a was not subjects warriors, they painted Peter with him, and that I, sinner, worthy a man with a in his hand one foot in front But what I saw and was Fran weapon [and] of seeing them. recognized of the other as ifhe were and above the head of on a horse with walking, cisco de Moria chestnut arriving together thisman a inside of which four seems to me as I am the entire they place circle, they put Cort?s. It that now, writing, dots to four hundred. And in this war was to me with these sinners' . . signify [the number] way represented eyes. ,66 they represented in painting the expeditions that the vas sals of His Majesty and the [cacique's subjects] made in Diaz's criticism of L?pez de G?mara's version of the episode the of Mexico and other continues with his insinuation that the other four hundred conquest places.60

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who were with him had also failed to see the the and attraction of Spaniards power something taken from Na saints.67 ture.78 The insistence that a conquistador's eyewitness testimony is to prerequisite thewriting of history is grounded in theworks I cannot prove thatDiaz had read the works of Philostratus, of scholars from classical and the def and but the of ancient antiquity68 anticipates Alberti, Vasari, history and contempo inition of Sebasti?n art was one of history (historia) provided by de Covarru rary certainly his points of reference, for near the to in his Tesoro de la the end of bias, royal chaplain Philip III, lengua his chronicle he praises the realism of paintings by castellana o A narration or of and espa?ola: "History: exposition Apelles, Michelangelo, Berruguete.79 Regardless of events. And in it deals with which texts or past rigorous terms, those things particular experiences might have informed that the author of the saw own his about Diaz on history with his eyes and attests knowledge aesthetics, clearly drew that to them as an Diaz a number of of in about eyewitness."69 employs body knowledge writing the Indians' painting of devices to stress his status as an to the and thus the content literary eyewitness the Spaniards, of the passage may have conquest ofMexico. These include his use of the firstperson been shaped at least in part by its form.80 and the or Diaz's of the and quoted reported speech of others as well as his description painting Moctezuma's (mis) inclusion of identification of one of its as frequent personal names, the numbers of men figures Quintalbor might also killed or injured in battle, and vivid evocations of sounds, be read in light of another of the chronicler's aims. In addition to smells, and sights.70 To this inventory of rhetorical devices criticizing L?pez de G?mara's lack of firsthand can about the Diaz also had accused of be added another: the detailed description of a painting. knowledge Conquest, him Cort?s's role in the Descriptions of real or imagined paintings (which many unjustly amplifying campaign and thus scholars refer to as were in the litera to the efforts of the other men who ekphrases)71 prevalent failing appreciate many ture of western for him.81 He believed that the historian had a motive Europe in early modernity,72 and among fought for this bias: "It seems that Gomara was fond of in those literary renderings of objects and images with which speaking such a about the valiant Cort?s. And we can be Diaz would have been familiar were those of the portraits of flattering way certain that his had been untaron las military heroes in Paulo Giovio's Elogios o vidas brevesde los palm greased [le manos], for itwas to his the that he dedicated cavalleros antiguos (Eulogies or Short Biographies of the An [Cort?s's] son, Marquis, his chronicle."82 Giovio had out Cort?s for cient Knights), a work that he cites (as noted above).73 His similarly singled that the famous description of the painting produced on Easter Sunday of praise, asserting "among Spaniards who, by the Ocean and new have attained 1519 employs a number of interrelated topoi to evoke the sailing discovering lands, the most famous and I was immediacy and truthfulness of his vision.74 One of these ishis distinction, renowned, believe, use of use Hern?n Cort?s."83 Diaz's version of the about the In the phrase "pintar al natural"; another is his of an story dian's of the in 1519 to undermine anecdote to emphasize the verisimilitude of the image. This production painting helps an a that vision of Cort?s as a device?in which eyewitness reacts in remarkable or singular, exceptional conquistador, uses to a demonstration of for it themotif of resemblance to assert that he surprising way convincing realism?is physical was not, in fact, There was, Diaz wrote, another also prevalent in the writings of Philostratus and Giorgio unique. an Vasari. The for remarks on a of Cort?s in Mexico: Indian chief who looked like latter, example, portrait Pope exactly him. Julius II by Raphael as "so lifelike and real that itmade the a onlooker shrink from as if were This story about mimetic that resem fear, their Pope truly alive."75 intriguing portrait two as an Diaz's reference to Moctezuma's bled different be taken evidence for supposed "recognition" people might shift in in in the painting of Cort?s's resemblance to Quintalbor also epistemological early modernity which?employ Michel a ing Foucault's broke free from echoes number of passages in Vasari's Lives in which the terminology?"words" and the of the world" to "classical author records his own recognition of notable individuals in "things" "prose gave way But the also the In a a representation."84 episode engages concept multifigural compositions.76 passage concerning fresco of resemblance on another level. The of both his by Domenico Ghirlandaio depicting scenes from the life of practices and in vision Saint for he wrote that the toriography painting earlymodernity privileged Francis, example, painting in as the to the of the true or faithful a number at resus key production represen cluded of figures who marvel the saint's tation. The act historians defined as is analo citation of a dead them are eyewitnessing child. "Among portraits of Maso gous to the practice of painting "from life," and therefore the degli Albizi, Messer Agnolo Acciaiuoli, and Messer Palla of a "true" was to the visual all citizens who were concept history analogous imag Strozzi, important very promi Pacheco referred to as the "true likeness nent. . . That serves to a more ery (and others) ,"77 passage illustrate general as Grafton [retrato verdadero]"85 Moreover, Anthony has principle of pictorial perception that had been articulated by the term historiawas central to both Alberti: noted, historiography and painting.86 These multiple points of discursive intersec tion cast the Indians' painting of the Spaniards as a histor?a The who has accustomed himself to within a Historia. In the of the painter taking every turn, story painting's reception from Nature will so train his hand that he underscores fact that to thing anything the the eyewitness its production can see attempts will echo Nature. We how desirable this is (that is,Bernal D?az) was able to correctly identify the figure some in painting when the figure of well-known person is of Cort?s, while the later viewer of the image (that is,Mocte in a for others executed with as present historia, although zuma) misidentified him Quintalbor. The storyultimately greater skillmay be conspicuous in the picture, the face reinforces the primacy of eyewitness testimony through the that is known draws the of all so is a eyes spectators, great topos of painting mimetic image from life. At the same

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ituses to deceive the viewer ners" as those who focus on the can see time, painting's ability (enga?ar) copying things they to demonstrate the of the of those without or otherwise on unreliability testimony "correcting" improving them. This who are not Diaz's about the Aztec em first he "describes most Those eyewitnesses.87 story rank, explained, painters."92 misidentification of Cort?s's thus illustrates who to the second rank master skills of peror's portrait progress composition on the principle which he asserts the inaccuracy of L?pez de and the idealization of natural forms, and those who reach G?mara's secondhand account of the the state of are able to com conquest. perfection "invent" figures and "with . . positions only their genius and their hand. ."9S Those who that elevated status were and Antonio de Sol?s and "The Finer Points of Imitation" acquired rare, they were and as or The chronicle thatDiaz had written inGuatemala in the late regarded by Pacheco others "learned" "eru dite" and as the of a liberal art rather sixteenth century was firstpublished in 1632 inMadrid as La painters practitioners than a craft.94 This of artistic was historia verdadera de la conquista de laNueva Espa?a (The True sequence development institutionalized in and the Amer History of the Conquest ofNew Spain).88 In that posthumous seventeenth-century Spain an editor had made to some of icas in which novices worked and publication, changes parts the through apprenticeships studied under the direction of an established master and autograph manuscript, but the story about the Indians' pro took and an examination administered duction of the painting on Easter Sunday of 1519 appeared eventually passed by without modification. It soon attracted the attention of the painter's guild of their city.95 the the lens of Charles IFs royal chronicler to the Indies, Antonio de Sol?s, Imagining story through painterly training and Solis have believed that the Indian who in Madrid in 1684 published his own account of the development, may most of their conquest as Historia de la conquista deM?xico (History of the painters?like peninsular counterparts?had not reached the elevated status of the he Conquest of Mexico).89 Born in 1610, Sol?s had not partici perfe[c]tos. Instead, locates them within the of whose pated in the conquest and, like L?pez de Gomara, he had securely sphere craftsmen, and color of their never traveled to the Americas. His chronicle, then, was preparation priming canvases, "diligent based on and and use of color demon those of his predecessors, and like them, he aimed copying," good draftsmanship to correct what he believed were the errors in the earlier strate their knowledge of techniques taught during appren Solis does not that the Indians were bad reports. His version of the episode on Easter Sunday of 1519 ticeships.96 suggest is blunt in its criticism of Diaz: painters, nor does he propose that they were incapable of what he calls the "finer In mastering points of imitation." There were at this time some Mexican came he that "had little time" tomaster such skills. painters who stead, says they This which echoes Guevara's comment on the in the retinue of the two Indian governors, and who went statement, Indians' "not about making images on cloths they had brought with very polished" "imitative imagination"97 might be to mean that the them, and which theyhad prepared and color primed for reasonably interpreted arrival of the in this mission. They very diligently copied the ships, the Spaniards Aztec Mexico has brought with it the possibility the of the Indians' artistic but that in soldiers, weapons, and artillery, and the horses with transformation, 1519, they came to had not had contact and everything else that the attention of their eyes. yet enough with Spanish paintings to have From this variety of objects theymade different composi painters advanced beyond the stage of being good Such a as tions [payses] whose draftsmanship [dibujo] and use of copyists. characterization of the Indian painters was not at of a color [colorido] all bad. Our Bernal D?az goes too incompletely developed partakes broader attitude in the cast far in describing the skill of these painters, for he says they seventeenth-century Hispanic world that the native peo of the as to painted likenesses of all of the captains, and that those ple Americas akin children in need of the as As likenesses truly resembled them. Let that pass exagger Spaniards' "parental" guidance. Alejandro Ca?eque has this view is evident in the ation that has little to do with the truth,because although noted, sixteenth-centurywritings of theymay have mastered the basics of the art of painting, the Franciscan friar Ger?nimo de Mendieta, who character ized the Indians as and talent they had little time to dwell on the details, or finer points having "the ability of children or [prolixidades, o primores] of imitation.90 of nine twelve years of age, in need of being governed like minors or seven by guardians tutors," and persists into the In general, Sol?s's version of the story follows those in the teenth century in the Spanish jurist Juan de Sol?rzano works of L?pez de Gomara and D?az. Among his additions to Pereira's Politica indiana.98 the narrative, however, are his comments on the skill [habili of the dad] painters, who, he says, had "prepared and color Moctezuma's Portraits their the a primed" canvases, "diligently copied" Spaniards, This examination of the various ways in which story about their and their and demonstrated drafts Indian and was in sixteenth horses, ships, good painters paintings represented and use of color. These details add another dimen and accounts manship seventeenth-century of the conquest of Mexico to shows how ideas about visual more sion the story,for they position the Indian painters within representation?and, spe a of mimetic intertwined with narrative painterly training and practice with which Sol?s cifically, representation?became must have been familiar. That codified in the sev a on co narrative, historiography and, simultaneously, with discourse enteenth in Arte de la century Pacheco's pintura, posits three lonial domination. But Antonio de Solis would not be the last distinct stages of artistic ability and development: the principi to tell the story, for the events of Easter Sunday in 1519 or or are once a antes, "beginners"; the aprovechados, "those who surfaced again in late-seventeenth-century painting and the or "those who have or advanced"; finally, perfe[c]tos, produced in around Mexico City by Miguel Gonz?lez. their areas perfected skills."91 Pacheco characterized the "begin Adorned with of mother-of-pearl mosaic and painted by

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an artist who may have been the descendant of Asian immi portrait of Campaspe. The painter likely based his represen in the is the first in a set of tation of grants Mexico," image twenty Cort?s dining with Moctezuma's ambassadors in the four panels illustrating episodes from the conquest ofMexico foreground (or bottom) of the pictorial space on the same An framed reserve at on a of use (Fig. 8).100 ornately circular the top of panel visual image the Last Supper. Gonz?lez's the panel identifies the five scenes shown on it: and transformation of such models would have entailed a degree of invention and composition, the skills that Pacheco Cort?s arrives his at as characteristic of more [1] Captain with fleet the Port of San specified the learned practitioners Juan de Ul?a. [2] The Indians go out in canoes to take a of the art. at a look him. [3] Ambassador Tendile greets him with That Miguel Gonz?lez held his own work in high regard is a present. [4] He orders him to paint picture of him and suggested on another panel in the series that carries his name his fleet in order to it to master. with the term an for take his [5] Captain together "faf?presumably abbreviation Cort?s dines with the ambassadors of the Mocte or great the Latin faciebat fingebat (Fig. 12). Gonz?lez's use of this terminology and the prominent placement of his name on the panel intimate that he conceived of himself and his work Gonz?lez's rendition of these scenes from the an proceeds top within elevated sphere of artistic production that privi to (or background) of the panel the bottom (or foreground), leged ideas of originality and authorship.105 What is also and the episode about the production of the painting ap remarkable about the panel is its reliance on Aztec painting in the scene an more the of in its pears middle ground (Fig. 9). That depicts and, specifically, genre portraiture repre Indian chieftain, identified as such by his robe and head sentation of a key episode in the narrative of the conquest of who into the distance as he a text reserve narrates scene: dress, points addresses painter, Mexico. The in the circular the identified General Cort?s visits the Moctezuma in his by his large canvas, brush, and palette. Scholars "Captain emperor have suggested that the painter and/or designers of the royal palace, where he [Moctezuma] takes him [Cort?s] by panels in this and other, similar suites of conquest imagery the hand and offers him his golden seats. He shows him his their accounts the whose he had and derived visual narratives from the published of ancestors, emperors portraits painted, the soldiers admire The in Moctezuma's L?pez de Gomara, D?az, and Sol?s, and this image supports them."106 portraits throne room are life-size likenesses of the Aztec that assertion, for it coincides with those texts in many full-length, texts whose names on the walls beneath them. ways.102 But while the of Diaz and Sol?s make their emperors appear impressions of the Indian painters and their skills quite clear, And while this encounter between Cort?s and Moctezuma is the pictorial representation of the scene by Gonz?lez ismore recorded in the texts of all of the chroniclers, none of them Is the here to be understood as one to ambiguous. painter who, makes any reference the presence of this portrait gallery in in the words of had "mastered the basics" but not the the Sol?s, emperor's palace. "finer points of imitation"? Or is this a representation of a The inclusion and showcasing of the portraits of Aztec learned practitioner of the "liberal art" of painting? Reading kings on this panel might be explained simply as an act of the pictorial passage is complicated by its affinitywith other "mistaken identity"?the painter's projection of the architec of at work such as that of court seventeenth-century images painters ture and ornament of the Hapsburg into the world of on Yet the function as convenient de Diego de Vel?zquez in Las meninas (Fig. 10). Scholarship Moctezuma.107 portraits that has stressed status as the to about painting Vel?zquez's principal vices for giving visible and material form ideas kingly a seen as succession and the of ideas that are also painter to King Philip IV, position thatmight be continuity rule, to that of in the accounts of the scene. for exam analogous the "great Mexican painters" who pro stressed textual Diaz, duced an image of the Spaniards for Moctezuma.103 The ple, notes that thismeeting inMoctezuma's palace was the scene on the Mexican also calls to mind at panel Johannes occasion which the Aztec emperor told Cort?s that "you Wierix's Apelles Painting thePortrait of Campaspe (Fig. 11), in are the ones our ancestors told us would come from where which Alexander the Great supervises his painter in the act of the sun rises, and to your great king, I am under his charge, a creating convincing likeness of his nude mistress.104 The and I will give him whatever I may have."108 This passage to scene reinforces what Matthew Restali has called the Wierix drawing's similarity the painted by Gonz?lez "apotheosis to canvas. the were extends the latter's inclusion of the incomplete At myth," the Aztecs' supposed belief that Spaniards a a whose arrival had been Such a conviction its center, figure (perhaps Cort?s dressed in suit of armor) gods prophesied.109 on a have served as additional motivation for Diaz's insis stands dark ground and is flanked by two other figures might on whose clothing ismore difficult to identify. tence the resemblance between Cort?s and Quintalbor. At same the I do not know if these European compositions would have the time, Moctezuma's proclamation substantiates for Gonz?lez in late-seven view of the of Mexico as a translatio a transfer been points of reference Miguel conquest imperii, Mexico but his rendition of the scene his teenth-century City, of power in which Moctezuma willingly abdicates throne echoes their portrayals of painters producing large, illusion to Charles V, whom he believes to have been descended from istic images for their royal patrons. The outdoor painting the original inhabitants of the Valley of Mexico. This inter shown on the Mexican differs mark of is in the "Second Letter" practice panel, however, pretation the conquest promoted edly from that of Vel?zquez, Wierix, and Miguel Gonz?lez of Cort?s and is subsequently endorsed by L?pez de Gomara, himself, who would have worked in a studio with access to Solis, and a number of the other sixteenth- and seventeenth textual and sources. As I have Gonz? In to this of iconographie proposed, century chroniclers.110 deciding emphasize part lez probably used the texts by Diaz and Sol?s as sources, and the story in his pictorial conquest history, Miguel Gonz?lez not his did?on the re he might have known the image of Apelles painting the could rely?as literary counterparts

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8 Miguel Gonzalez, Captain Cort?s Arriveswith His Fleet, from Conquest ofMexico, late 17th century, ink, and on cloth paint, mother-of-pearl mounted on wood, 39% X 19% in. (100 X 50 cm). Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by theMuseo Nacional de Bellas Artes)

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11 Johannes Wierix, ApellesPainting thePortrait ofCampaspe, 1600, pen and brown ink on parchment, 9% X 12Vi>in. X 31.6 Museum van den 9 Detail of Fig. 8, showing the painting of the picture for (25.1 cm). Mayer Bergh, Antwerp Moctezuma (artwork in the public domain; photograph byMichel Wuyts, provided byMusea Stad Antwerpen)

of the abdication of Charles V, in which the Holy Roman emperor offers his thrones to his son, Philip II (Fig. 13). The panel by Miguel Gonz?lez, then, constitutes a histo riographie intervention that is not unlike that of Diaz, who told the story about the Indian painters in a way that was more vivid than that of L?pez de Gomara. Here, however, it is the visual (rather than literary) representation of painting that intervenes in the conquest historiography. Indeed, the artist's rendering of a fictive series of state portraits brings to the fore ideas about kingly succession and legitimacy, while painterly practice?that is, the artist's modification of a encounter print?transforms the between Cort?s and Mocte zuma into an image of the latter's abdication.111 That Gonz? lez placed his own name so prominently in the pictorial field demonstrates that he, like L?pez de Gomara, Diaz, and Solis, conceived of himself as an author whose use and revision of conventional forms shaped his own novel and persuasive vision of the past. On one level, this survey of an interrelated set of represen tations of Aztec representation has examined the ways in which painting (as both a practice and an object) was a locus of both fascination and difference for those who told the storyof the conquest ofMexico. As I have attempted to show, the differences in theways painting was described reveal how techniques of representation entangled visual culture in the discourse of Spanish colonialism. In the case of Diaz, the 10 Diego de Vel?zquez, Las meninas, detail, 1656, oil on concept of pictorial mimesis provided a way for the author to canvas, 1085/sX 125V4 in. (276 X 318 cm). Museo del Prado, assert his status as an to the events he recounted Madrid (artwork in the public domain; photograph by Erich eyewitness as source a true Lessing, provided by Art Resource, NY) and, thus, the trustworthy of history. Yet his account of the episode and its incongruence with the history of Aztec painting reminds themodern reader of the gulf that ported speech ofMoctezuma. Instead, he may have relied on separates rhetoric from reality and, simultaneously, of the an as as image whose form well its content strongly asserts problematic relation between memory and history. For Solis, that thismeeting between Cort?s and Moctezuma was, in fact, the production of a true and faithful likeness was a skill that a translatio imperii.That image is a late-sixteenth

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12 Gonz?lez, Captain-General Cort?s Visits theEmperor Moctezuma, from Conquest ofMexico, ink, paint, and on mo?ier-of-pearl cloth mounted on wood, 393/sX 195/sin. (100 X 50 cm). Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, Buenos Aires (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by theMuseo Nacional de Bellas Artes)

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13 Franz Hogenberg, Abdication of Charles Vin Brusseh, 1570-90, ink on paper. Biblioteca Nacional de Espa?a, Madrid (artwork in the public domain; photograph provided by Fot?grafos Oronoz)

1. The Bernal D?az del Castillo in Guatemala was could not have been practiced at that same level by the manuscript produced the basis for the Historia verdadera de la con encountered at San de Ul?a. This convic posthumously published people they Juan quista de laNueva Espa?a (Madrid: Imprenta del Reino, 1632). Schol tion was not rooted in the author's knowledge of art history. ars believe his writing and revision of the manuscript occurred from about 1552-53 to 1568 or later. For the of the manu Instead, itwas informed by ideas about cultural and educa complex history script, its production, and its variants, see Carmelo S?enz de Santama tional difference. For him, the omission of that difference r?a,Historia de una historia: La cr?nica de Bernal D?az del Castillo (Ma drid: and Guillermo "Los textos de la Historia was, in his words, "exaggeration that has little to do with the C.S.I.C., 1984); Ser?s, verdadera de Bernal Bolet?n de la Real Academia 71 truth." Gonz?lez's of the scene?like its D?az," Espa?ola Finally, portrayal (1991): 523-47. My citations of Diaz's text in this article come from the of to counterparts?also employs topos painting convey the "Guatemala manuscript" (rather than from the 1632 publication) as transcribed in D?az, Historia verdadera de la de laNueva Es more than simply an event that occurred in San Juan de Ul?a conquista pa?a (Madrid: Instituto Gonzalo Fern?ndez de Oviedo, C.S.I.C., in 1519. In his visual representation of Aztec representation, 1982). the of are the practice of painting and genre portraiture 2. D?az, Historia verdadera, 72, says he later learned that the men were of some that are called vehicles that drive the narrative of the conquest of Mexico. "governors provinces Conistan, Tustepeque, and some other towns had sub Gonz?lez a view of and transition Guazpalteque, Tatalteco, they recently presents conquest political jugated [governadores de unas provincias que se dizen Cotustan, e Tuste that, like Diaz's description of Cort?s's portrait, elides differ peque, e Guazpalteque, y Tatalteco, y de otrospueblos que neuvamente ten?an I use the term "Aztec" here and this ences in so chal sojuzgados].n throughout paper between "theirs" and "ours" and, doing, very to the of central Mex the modern viewer's of colonial loosely designate Nahuatl-speaking people lenges conception history. ico who were the subjects of Moctezuma II at the time of the Span iards' arrival at San Juan de Ul?a. In a similar vein, I use the terms "Aztec art" and "Aztec representation" to refer to visual imagery pro duced by natives in the Mesoamerican empire of Moctezuma II and Michael research and on the art and use are Schrefflers teachingfocus his predecessors. Problems with the meaning and of "Aztec" architectureof earlymodern Latin America. He is theauthor ofThe discussed throughout the scholarship in the field. See, for example, Frances Berdan, "Concepts of Ethnicity and Class in Aztec-Period Art of Visual Culture and Imperial Power in Ba Allegiance: Mexico," in Ethnic Identity inNahua Mesoamerica: The View from Archaeol is at on a roque New Spain (2007) and currently work book about ogy,Art History, Ethnohistory, and ContemporaryEthnography, by Berdan et al. Lake of Utah Press, 113-16; Alfredo colonial architecture in Cuzco, Peru [Department of Art History, (Salt City: University 2008), Austin, "Aztec," in Mesoamerican Cultures, Commonwealth 922 West Franklin Box L?pez Oxford Encyclopedia of Virginia University, Street, ed. David Carrasco, 3 vols. (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001), 843046, Richmond, Va. 23284-3046, [email protected]]. vol. 1, 68-72; and Michael E. Smith and Frances F. Berdan, introduc tion to Aztec Imperial Strategies, by Berdan et al. (Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, 1996), 4. Problems with the use of the term under score the potential rifts between rhetoric and reality that are the sub Notes ject of this essay. 3. Historia "Con mucha umilldad hizo tres reveren I am grateful to many friends and colleagues for their suggestions and D?az, verdadera, 72. cias a a su ... sac? de una ... muchas encouragement as Iworked on this article. I especially thank Elizabeth Boone, Cort?s, usan?a y luego petaca labores e mand? traer diez Kathleen Weill-Garris Brandt, Miles Chappell, Tom Cummins, Lori Boorna pie?as de oro, y de buenas ricas, y cargas coasa otras zian Diel, Jesus Escobar, James Farmer, Henry Dietrich Fern?ndez, Lory de ropa blanca de algod?n y de pluma, muy de ver, y coasa no me eran Frankel, David Freedberg, Michael Gaudio, Patrick Hajovsky, Fredrika Jacobs, que ya acuerdo, ymucha comida, que gallinas, y ... traer una Barbara Johnston, Caroline Murphy, Richard Powell, Allan Wallach, Susan fruta, y pescado asado y luego Cort?s mand? silla de con Webster, and the anonymous reviewers of the manuscript of The Art Bulletin. caderas entalladuras de taracea, y unas piedras margajitas, que en unos Unless otherwise indicated, translations are mine. My transcriptions of Span tienen dentro de s?muchas labores, y enbueltas algodones e un ish-language texts follow the orthography of the sources I cite. que ten?an alm?zquele, porque oliesen bien, sartal de diamantes

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torcidas una de con una oro y gorra carmes?, medalla de de San (Mexico City: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura y las Artes, 1998); . . ." notes that the encounter with is Jorxe. Anthony Pagden Tendile Boone, Stones inRed and Black; Miguel Le?n Portilla, C?dices: Los anti also recorded in other sources. It is for nuevo sixteenth-century mentioned, guos libros del mundo (Mexico City: Aguilar, 2003); and Boone, in Cort?s's "Second Letter" as well as in account example, the of the Cycles ofTime. in Bernardino de "Historia de las cosas conquest Sahag?n's general 11. are Given that the painters described as working in the service of a de la Nueva Espa?a" (bk. 12, chap. 2, fols. 3v-5v), Biblioteca Medicea governor appointed by the Aztec emperor and that, in addition, Az Laurenziana, Florence. There, however, he is referred to as "Tentlil." tec-style sculptures and ceramics have been found in the province of Pagden cites the native Mexican historian Fernando de Alva Ixtlilx? Cuetlaxtlan, I believe it is reasonable to suggest that the men chitl's identification of Tendile/Tentlil as the of Cotozta painters "governor tioned Diaz would have in the Aztec On the or Cue dach tlan." See Hern?n by painted style. pres (Cotaxtla) Cort?s, Lettersfrom Mexico, ence of this style outside Tenochtitlan, see Emily Umberger, "Aztec trans. Pagden (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), 455 n. 30. Presence and Material Remains in the Outer Provinces," in Berdan et Cuetlachtlan, or Cuetlaxtlan, as described as an "Outer Province" and al., Aztec Imperial Strategies, 159, 161. Scholarship on the possible pro a "Tributary Province" along the Gulf Coast in Berdan et al., Aztec Im duction of pictorial manuscripts around the Gulf Coast is surveyed in perial Strategies, 243, 286, 324. Berdan and Michael Smith refer to the Boone, Cycles of Time, 225-27. "governor" as Teniltzin and characterize him as a "tribute collector 12. The of the Codex Mendoza is held in the Bodleian Li placed by the Mexica ruler Motecuhzoma Xocoyotzin." See Smith and manuscript Oxford MS Arch Seiden A.l. A facsimile was Berdan, "Appendix 4," in Berdan et al., Aztec Imperial Strategies, 286. brary, University, pub lished as Codex Mendoza (Berkeley: University of California Press, 4. For a study of colonial encounters in and the kinds early modernity 1993). The attribution to an was of and see Edward The Lan manuscript's indigenous painter objects exchanged collected, J. Sullivan, on made the basis of style. See Robertson, Mexican Manuscript Paint guage of Objects in theArt of theAmericas (New Haven: Yale University ing, 46; and Frances F. Berdan and Patricia Rieff Anawalt, The Essential Press, 2007), 1-57; Serge Gruzinski, Images at War: Mexico from Colum Codex Mendoza (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997), xii. My bus to "Blade Runner" (1492-2019) (Durham, N.C.: Duke University description of the image draws on the analysis in Berdan and Press, 2001), 39-42; and Steven Eu Mullaney, "Imaginary Conquests: Anawalt, ibid., 3-5. ropean Material Technologies and the Colonial Mirror Stage," in 13. Mexican 59-67. See also "To Early Modern Visual Culture: Representation, Race, and Empire inRenais Robertson, Manuscript Painting, Boone, sance wards a More Precise Definition of the Aztec in Pre England, ed. Peter Erickson and Clark H?lse (Philadelphia: Uni Painting Style," Columbian Art Selected ed. Alana 2nd versity of Pennsylvania Press, 2000), 15-43. History: Readings, Cordy-Collins, ' ed. (Mountain View, Calif.: Peek Publications, 1982), 153-68; Boone, 5. D?az, Historia verdadera, 73: pares?e ser, el Tendile tra?a consigo "Manuscript Painting in the Service of Imperial Ideology," in Berdan grandes pintores, que los ay tales en M?xico, y mand? pintar al natu et al., Aztec Imperial Strategies, 182-83; and idem, Cycles of Time. ral la cara, y rostro, e cuerpo, y fai?iones de Cort?s, y de todos los 14. Those names have also been translated into texts that fill capitanes, y soldados, y navios y velas e cavallos, y a do?a Marina e alphabetic the at the front of their cloaks. One of the the la Aguilar, y hasta dos lebreles, e tiros y pelotas, y todo el ex?rcito que space ten, figure a . . beled within the name is with a darker face than tra?amos, y lo llev? su se?or. ."Diaz's use of the phrase "pintar al Tenuch, depicted the others. natural" is discussed in detail below. Here, as throughout, I refer to the Aztec in 1519 as Moctezuma. He was the second Aztec emperor 15. Rather than representing named individuals, however, those figures ruler to use that name, which is in the literature in a spelled scholarly function as symbols for Tenochtitlan's conquest of two neighboring number of Moctezuma and I use the ways (including Motecuhzoma). polities, whose names are indicated by the accompanying hieroglyphic because it is the one that most in present spelling appears frequently symbols. Berdan and Anawalt, Essential Codex Mendoza, 5, identify the scholarship. them as Colhuacan and Tenayucan. 6. for Richard State and Cosmos in theArt See, example, Townsend, of 16. The manuscript is held in the Biblioth?que Nationale de France Tenochtitlan D.C.: Dumbarton Esther Pasz (Washington, Oaks, 1979); (hereafter BNF) in Paris, where it is catalogued as Manuscrit Mexi Aztec Art York: N. tory, (New Harry Abrams, 1983); Emily Umberger, cain 385. A facsimile was published, along with a study and commen "Art and in in Berdan et Aztec Imperial Strategy Tenochtitlan," al., tary by Eloise Qui?ones Keber, as Codex Telleriano Remensis: Ritual, Div Eduardo Matos Moctezuma and Solis Imperial Strategies, 85-106; Felipe ination, and History in a Pictorial AztecManuscript (Austin: University of The Aztec Calendar and Other Solar Monuments Olguin, (Mexico City: Texas Press, 1995). Instituto Nacional de Antropolog?a e Historia, 2004) ; Elizabeth H. 17. Qui?ones Keber, Codex Telleriano Remensis, 233-34. Boone, Cycles ofTime and Meaning in theMexican Books ofFate (Austin: of Texas Press, ; and Cecelia F. "A New Inter 18. On the use of this of chair in University 2007) Klein, " type folding fifteenth-century peninsu the see His pretation of the Aztec Statue Called Coatlicue, 'Snakes-Her-Skirt,' lar Spain and colonial Americas, Grace Hardendorff Burr, Furniture the the Ethnohistory 55 (Spring 2008): 229-50. panic from Fifteenth through Eighteenth Century (New York: Archive Press, 1964), 11-13, 102; and Luis M. Feduchi, El mueble 7. The riftbetween representation and reality has been a central theme espa?ol (Barcelona: Ediciones Poligrafa, 1969), 74-76. The appear in recent scholarship on the genre of the chronicle in colonial Latin ance of the chair in colonial Mexican manuscripts is examined in America. See, for example, Rolena Adorno, The Polemics ofPossession Stephanie Wood, Transcending Conquest: Nahua Views of Spanish Colo in Spanish American Narrative (New Haven: Yale University Press, nial Mexico (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2003), 54-55; 2007) ; and Gonzalo Lamana, Domination without Dominance: Inca-Span and Lori Boornazian Diel, Colonial Mexico: The ishEncounters in Colonial Peru (Durham, N.C.: Duke "Painting Appropria Early University tion of inMexican in Press, 2008). European Iconography Manuscript Painting," Painted Books and Indigenous Knowledge inMesoamerica: Manuscript Stud 8. Elizabeth Hill Boone and Thomas B. F. Cummins, "Colonial Founda ies inHonor ofMary Elizabeth Smith, ed. Elizabeth H. Boone (New Or tions: Points of Contact and in The Arts in Latin Amer Compatibility," leans: Middle American Research Institute, 2005), 301-17. ica, 1492-1820, by Joseph J. Rishel et al. (New Haven: Yale University 19. Wood, 23-59. See also Florine Con Press, 2006), 11-21; and Cummins, "From Lies to Truth: Colonial Ek Transcending Conquest, Asselbergs, quered Conquistadors: The Lienzo de Quauhquechollan; A Nahua Vision of phrasis and the Act of Crosscultural Translation," in Reframing theRe the Guatemala (Boulder: Press of Colorado, naissance, ed. Claire (New Haven: Yale Press, 1995), Conquest of University Farago University and Diana de la con 152-74. 2004), 137-97; Magaloni Kerpel, "Im?genes quista de M?xico en los codices del siglo XVI: Una lectura de su con 9. On in Aztec and colonial see Donald painting Mexico, Robertson, tenido simb?lico," Anales del Instituto de Investigaciones Est?ticas 82 Mexican the Colonial Period: The Manuscript Painting of Early Metropolitan (2003): 5-45. Schools (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1959), 27-29; Jeanette 20. The painting is known to scholars as the Tira de Tepechpan. It is held Peterson, "The Florentine Codex Imagery and the Colonial Tlacuilo," today in the BNF, MS Mexicain 13-14. On the Tira, see Lori Boorna in The Work ofBernardino de Sahagun: Pioneer Ethnographer of Sixteenth zian Diel, The "Tira de Tepechpan": Negotiating Place under Aztec and Century AztecMexico, ed. J. Jorge Klor de Alva (Albany Institute forMe Spanish Rule (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2008). soamerican Studies; Austin: University of Texas Press, 1988), 285-86; to idem, The Paradise Garden Murals ofMalinalco: Utopia and Empire in Six 21. This image of Cort?s may be depicting him with black skin signify teenth-CenturyMexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1993), 46-50; priestly status. See Boone, Stories inRed and Black, 232. Elizabeth H. Stories inRed and Black: Pictorial Histories the Boone, of 20. D?az, Historia verdadera, 74: "Vino Tendile una ma?ana con m?s de Aztecs and Mixtees (Austin: of Texas Press, 2000), 24-27; University cien indios cargados. Y ven?a con ellos un gran ca?ique mexicano, y and idem, Time, 49-51. Cycles of en el rostro, y fai?iones, y cuerpo, se pares?ia al capitan Cort?s, y ad lo el cu 10. Surveys of the pictorial manuscripts and lienzos produced in pre-His rede enbi? gran Monte?uma; porque, seg?n dixeron, que a su misma todos los panic and colonial Mexico include Robertson, Mexican Manuscript ando Cort?s le lleb? Tendile dibujado figura, con un Painting; John B. Glass and Donald Robertson, "A Census of Native principales questavan Moctezuma, dixeron que principal, que se se a a ans? se Middle American Pictorial Manuscripts," inHandbook ofMiddle Ameri dez?a Quintalbor le pares?ia lo propio Cort?s, que con como a can Indians, vol. 14, ed. Robert Wauchope and Howard F. Cline (Aus llamava aquel gran ca?ique que ven?a Tendile; y pares?ia en tin: University of Texas Press, 1975), 3-80; Pablo Escalante, Los codices Cort?s, ans? le llam?vamos el real, Cort?s ac?, Cort?s acull?." An

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other translation of the last of the Aztecs' possible part passage might empha consciousness in the early 1500s and became subjects for vi size location rather than "The Cort?s from here and the possession: sual representation. The story of Cort?s and Quintalbor ismentioned Cort?s from there." In his recent translation of an version of as an abridged example of the conquistador's love of duplicity by Carlos Fu Diaz's text, David Carrasco it as "our Cort?s' and 'the other entes in nuevo: " glosses Valiente mundo ?pica, utopia y mito en la novela hispano Cort?s.' See Bernal D?az del the New Castillo, History of Conquest of americana (Madrid: Mondadori Espa?a, 1990), 253. Spain byBernal D?az, trans, and ed. Carrasco (Albuquerque: University 31. The literature on the and of this work in the six of New Mexico Press, 2008), 56. publication banning teenth century is discussed in Glen Carman, Rhetorical Conquests: 23. The of this in is exam meaning terminology sixteenth-century Spain Cort?s, Gomara, and Renaissance Imperialism (West Lafayette, Ind.: Pur ined in "Alonso S?nchez Coello la mec?nica Juan Miguel Serrera, y due University Press, 2006), 85-86. See also Cristi?n Roa-de-la-Carrera, del retrato de corte," in Alonso S?nchez Coello el retrato en la cortede y Histories of Infamy: Francisco L?pez de Gomara and theEthics of Spanish II (Madrid: Museo del Prado, 1990), 38. Felipe Imperialism, trans. Scott Sessions (Boulder: University Press of Colo Earl 24. Scholarship on the painting by Titian includes Maria Kusche, "A rado, 2005); Robert Lewis, "The Humanistic Historiography of con Francisco proposito del Carlos V el Perro de Tiziano," Archivo Espa?ol de L?pez de Gomara (1511-1559)" (Ph.D. diss., University of Arte 77 (July-September 2004): 267-80; Fernando Checa, "Titian, Texas, Austin, 1983); Lesley Byrd Simpson, introduction to Cort?s: The Charles V with Dog," in Carolus (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Life of theConqueror byHis Secretary,Francisco L?pez de Gomara, trans, Conmemoraci?n de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2000), and ed. Simpson (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1965), xv 267-69; Diane H. Bodart, "La codification de l'image imp?riale de xxvi; and Henry R. Wagner, "Francisco L?pez de Gomara and His Charles Quint par Titien," Revue des Arch?ologues etHistoriens dArt de Works," Proceedings of theAmerican Antiquarian Society 52 (1948): 263 Louvain 30 (1997): 61-78; Luba Freedman, Titian's Portraits through 82. Aretino's Lens (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 32. Francisco L?pez de Gomara, Historia de las Indias, y Conquista deMex 1995), 120-24; and Harold E. Wethey, The Paintings ofTitian, vol. 2, ico (Zaragoza: Agust?n Mill?n, 1552), 27: "Llevaron pintado la hechura The Portraits (London: Phaidon, 1971). de los Caballos, i del Caballo, iHombre encima, la manera de las Ar 25. On the of see "The Portrait of Her portrait Cort?s, George Kubier, mas, que, i quantos eran los Tiros de fuego, i qu? numero havia de nando Cort?s at Yale," Yale University Art Gallery Bulletin 35 (1975): Hombres barbudos; de los Navios, i? avis? asi como los vio, diciendo, 2-7. qu? tantos, i qu? tan grandes eran. Todo esto hi?o Teudilli, Pintar al natural en texido, lo viese." 26. The viceroyalty of New Spain, however, encompassed a territory larger Algod?n para que Motec?uma than that of the modern nation of Mexico. See Peter Guide Gerhard, 33. A recent biography of L?pez de Gomara isNora Edith Jim?nez, Fran to theHistorical New of Okla Geography of Spain (Norman: University cisco L?pez de G?mara: Escribir historias en tiemposde Carlos V (Zamora: homa Press, 1993). Colegio de Michoac?n; Mexico City: Consejo Nacional para la Cultura las Instituto Nacional de e 27. The manuscript is held in the BNF, MS Mexicain 59-64. Recent y Artes, Antropolog?a Historia, 2001). sources on the Codex Azcatitlan include Stories in Red and Boone, 34. See H. R. Wagner, "The Lost First Letter of Cort?s," Hispanic American and Federico Navarre "The Hidden Codes of the Black, 208-34; te, Historical Review 21 (1941): 669-72. The argument is summarized in Codex Azcatitlan," Res 45 144-60. (Spring 2004): Anthony Pagden, "Translator's Introduction," in Cort?s, Lettersfrom lvi-lvii. 28. Colonial-period chronicles describe Malinche, also called Do?a Ma Mexico, rina and as an woman who both Malintzin, indigenous spoke N?huatl, 35. Hern?n Cort?s, "Primera relaci?n," in Cartas de relaci?n (Madrid: Edi the of the and a She was therefore language Aztecs, Maya language. torial Castalia, 1993), 71-80, 133-34. Cort?s, however, describes the able to translate the N?huatl of the Aztecs into the lan speech Maya production of a maplike image of the Gulf Coast in his second letter. guage, which, in turn, was translated into Castillian by Ger?nimo de 36. Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, "The Fourth Decade," in De Orbe Novo: The Aguilar, a Spaniard who had been held in captivity for some years in Decades ofPeter Martyr trans, and ed. Francis the Maya area. A recent source on visual representations of Malinche Eight dAnghiera, Augustus MacNutt (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1912), vol. 2, 36-38; An is Constance Cortez, "Now You See Her, Now You Don't: Memory and dr?s de "Relaci?n de Andr?s de in Cr?nicas de la con the Politics of Memory Construction in Representations of Malinche," Tapia, Tapia," (Mexico Universidad Nacional Aut?noma de M?xico, in Invasion and Transformation: Interdisciplinary Perspectives on theCon quista City: 1963), 36-37; and Francisco de "Chronicle of Francisco quest ofMexico, ed. Rebecca Parker Brienen and Margaret A. Jackson Aguilar, Fray de in The First-Person Accounts the (Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2007), 75-89. Aguilar," Conquistadors: of Conquest of Mexico, trans, and ed. Patricia de Fuentes (Norman: University of 29. Scholars have described these in a number of dynamics ways. They Oklahoma Press, 1963), 138. include, for example, Serge Gruzinski's model of the "colonization of 37. On the of the see the imaginaire" and the emergence of what he calls the "mestizo sixteenth-century publication history letters, ?ngel "Introducci?n" and "Noticia in mind," as well as Walter Mignolo's characterization of cultural pro Delgado G?mez, bibliogr?fica," Cort?s, Cartas de 71-80. On their in Eu duction in Spanish America as "colonial semiosis." See Gruzinski, The relaci?n, reception sixteenth-century see Elizabeth "New World Ancient Echoes: A Conquest ofMexico: The Incorporation of Indian Societies into theWestern rope, Wright, News, Cort?s Letter and a Vernacular for a New and His World, 16th-18th Centuries, trans. Eileen Corrigan (Cambridge: Polity Livy King Wary Renaissance 61 711-49. Press, 1993); idem, The Mestizo Mind: The Intellectual Dynamics of Coloni Subjects (1520-23)," Quarterly (2008): zation and Globalization, trans. Deke Dusinberre (London: Routledge, 38. Cort?s, Cartas de relaci?n, 222: "Me trujeron figurada en un pa?o toda 2002); and The Darker Side theRenaissance: Territori Mignolo, of Literacy, la costa. ..." The passage is discussed briefly in Barbara Mundy, "Map and Colonization (Ann Arbor: of Press, 1995). ality, University Michigan ping the Aztec Capital: The 1524 Nuremberg Map of Tenochtitlan, Its Views of these seen more the lens of phenomena specifically through Sources and Meanings," Imago Mundi 50 (1998): 25. colonial visual culture include Robertson, Mexican Manuscript Painting; 39. Cort?s, Cartas de relaci?n, 236: "Venden colores para cuantas Constantino Reyes-Valerio, Arte indochristiano: Escultura del XVI en pintores siglo se hallar en M?xico (Mexico City: Instituto Nacional de Antropolog?a e Historia, pueden Espa?a." 1978); Peterson, The Paradise Garden Murals ofMalinalco; Samuel Y. 40. Peter Martyr, "The Fifth Decade," in De orbe novo, 201. Edgerton, Theaters of Conversion: Religious Architecture and Indian Arti 41. Tapia, "Relaci?n," 71: "Le mostr? en una manta pintados diez y ocho sans in Colonial Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, navios, e los cinco dellos a la costa quebrados e trastornados en el 2001); and Pablo Escalante Gonzalbo, Maite M?laga and Ana Igui?iz, arena; porque ?sta es la manera que ellos tienen de hacer relaci?n de Pulido Rull, "The Sovereign and His Palace: Tlacuilos and Portraiture, las cosas que bien quieren contar. ..." History, and Allegory," in Images of theNatives in theArt ofNew Spain, 42. introduction to xx; and Rhetorical 80. 16th to 18th Centuries by Elisa Vargas Lugo et al. (Mexico City: Fo Simpson, Carman, Conquests, mento Cultural 190-209. The of Banamex, 2005), concept "hybridity" 43. Studies of the relation between the conquest history of Diaz and that as it is often invoked in the art historical literature is examined in of L?pez de G?mara include Ram?n Iglesia, "Las cr?ticas de Bernal Dean and Dana and Its Discontents: Carolyn Leibsohn, "Hybridity D?az a la historia de la conquista de M?xico de Francisco L?pez de Visual Culture in Colonial Colonial Considering Spanish America," G?mara," Tiempo: Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Sociales y Letras 6-7 Latin American Review no. 1 5-35. 12, (June 2003): (1940): 23-38; Robert Brody, "Bernal's Strategies," Hispanic Review 55, no. 3 Ver?nica "Los modelos de 30. Mar?a Concepci?n Garc?a Sa?z, "Portraiture in the Viceregal Era," in (Summer 1987): 323-36; Cort?nez, G?mara Bernal" in Fines de en la litera Retratos: 2000 Years ofLatin American Portraits, ed. Elizabeth Benson et y Crisis, apocalipsis y utopias: siglo tura ed. C?novas and Roberto Hozven al. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004), 84-85. Similar to this latinoamericana, Rodrigo (San Instituto de Pontificia Universidad Cat?lica de interpretation of the story is that of Jesse Alem?n in "The Other tiago: Letras, Chile, A. "The Warrior: Inde Country: Mexico, the United States, and the Gothic History of Con 1998), 454-58; John Ochoa, Paper Education, and Bernal War to MLiV 114 quest," American LiteraryHistory 18, no. 3 (2006): 418-19. A different pendence, Diaz's Stop Time," (1999): en view of the passage is offered by Boone and Cummins, "Colonial 341-56; ?ngel Delgado G?mez, "Escritura y oralidad Bernal D?az," Foundations," 12-14, who emphasize the story's demonstration of in Lecturas y ediciones de cr?nicas de Indias: Una propuesta interdisciplinar, how the Spaniards, their horses, and their weapons entered into the ed. Ignacio Arellano and Ferm?n del Pino (Madrid: Iberoamericana;

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Frankfurt: and Polemics Vervuert, 2004), 137-38; Adorno, ofPossession, zin," El Mexico Antiguo 9 (1961): 379-442; and Pasztory, Aztec Art, 149-52. 127-29. 44. Francisco Arte de la Edici?n del Pacheco, pintura: manuscrito original 56. James Lockhart, The Nahuas after theConquest: A Social and Cultural His acabado el 24 de enero de vols. 1638, 2 (Madrid: Instituto de Valencia de toryof theIndians of Central Mexico, Sixteenth throughEighteenth Centuries Don juan, 1956), vol. 2, 162. See also ibid., 387: "Hay otro crucifixo (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1992), 445; and idem, "Some el natural. ..." antiguo, mayor que Nahua Concepts in Postconquest Guise," History ofEuropean Ideas 6 (1985): 477. has described a historio 45. Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, vol. 1, 129, 188, 263, 458, vol. 2, 52, 80, Similarly, Anthony Pagden 344. graphie tendency in the literature of colonial encounters he calls "the principle of attachment." "What is familiar," he writes, "is employed to 46. Miguel de Cervantes Saavedral, El Don de la one ingenioso hidalgo (Quijote 'attach' unfamiliar action with a familiar one." Pagden, European Mancha, Primera ed. Vicente Gaos Editorial Parte, (Madrid: Gredos, Encounters with theNew World: From Renaissance toRomanticism (New 1987), 195: "Estaba en el al natural primero cartapacio pintada muy Haven: Yale University Press, 1994), 21. la batalla de don Quijote con el vizca?no, puestos en la mesma pos tura 57. The description of the picture's genesis and its final destination in que la historia cuenta: levantadas las espadas, el uno cubierto de su the texts by L?pez de G?mara and D?az, too, resonate with the econ rodela, el otro del la almohjada, y la mula del vizca?no tan al vivo, omy of portraiture in early modern Europe. Just as a lifelike image of que estaba mostrando ser de alquiler a tiro de ballesta." Cort?s was said to have been produced so that it could be sent to the 47. This is examined with to the of "naturalistic" passage respect concepts Aztec emperor, mimetic state portraits were painted and dispatched and "lifelike" inWilliam "The First Illustrator of Don images Worden, to places where European monarchs could not appear in person. See, de in in the ed. Quixote: Miguel Cervantes," Ekphrasis Age of Cervantes, for example, Serrera, "Alonso S?nchez Coello," 53; and Rosemarie Frederick A. de Armas Pa.: Bucknell (Lewisburg, University Press, Mulcahy, "Judging by Appearances: Portraiture at the Court of Philip and Frescoes: Cervantes and Italian Renais 2005), 144-55; idem, Quixotic II and Philip III," in Philip II of Spain, Patron of theArts (Dublin: Four sance Art (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2006), 138. This way Courts Press, 2004), 265-308. of describing visual imagery is studied in the context of Renaissance 58. Cummins, "From Lies to Truth," 152-53, 172, suggests that Spaniards Italy in Fredrika Jacobs, The Living Image inRenaissance Art (Cam in the colonial Americas conceived of visual imagery as "a mutually bridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). recognized and transparent site for crosscultural translation" and as 48. The in inventories of cited phrase appears paintings by Serrera, sumed an "unproblematic relationship between image and its object "Alonso S?nchez Coello," 38, 44. It also appears in an inventory of of imitation." This idea is reiterated in Boone and Cummins, "Colo paintings sent to Luis de Haro by the count of Fuensalida, cited in nial Foundations," 11-21. Jonathan Brown and John Elliott, eds., The Sale of theCentury: Artistic 59. Peter Martyr, "The Fourth Decade," in De Orbe Novo, 41. Relations betweenSpain and Great Britain, 1604-1655 (New Haven: Yale 60. Comentarios de la 342-43: un University Press, 2002), 296. See also Luke Syson, introduction to The Guevara, pintura, "Queriendo Cazique mandar ? tierra de sus s?bditos le acudan con Image of theIndividual: Portraits in theRenaissance, ed. Nicholas Mann alguna quatrocientos hombres de un hombre con las armas en la mano, el and Syson (London: British Museum Press, 1998), 9, 185 n. 3; and guerra, pintan un adelante caminar, encima de la cabeza de este hombre Joanna Woods-Marsden, "Ritratto al naturale: Questions of Realism and pie para y un c?rculo, dentro del Idealism in Early Renaissance Portraiture," Art Journal 46, no. 3 ponen qual ponen quatro puntos que signifi can a as? tiene en las (1987): 209-16. quatrocientos; figuradas pintura Jornadas que los vasallos de V.M. y ellos hicieron en la conquista de M?xico y otras 49. See, for example, Georges Didi-Huberman, "The Molding Image: Ge partes." nealogy and the Truth of Resemblance in Pliny's Natural History, Book 61. Guevara, Comentarios de la 343: creo cierto si la imita 35, 1-7," in Law and theImage: The Authority ofArt and theAesthetics of pintura, que tiva no tan que el h?bito de la continua vista de Law, ed. Costas Douzinas and Lynda Nead (Chicago: University of imaginaria, pulida, sus cosas les acarrea, no lo se adelantar?an en esta arte Chicago Press, 1999), 71-88; and Jacobs, The Living Image inRenais impidiese, que con facilidad sance Art, esp. 16-60. y aprovechamiento grande." 62. See, for Keen, The Aztec inWestern Thought 50. Leon Battista Alberti, "On Painting," in On Painting and On Sculpture, example, Benjamin Image (New Brunswick, Press, 1971), 49-172; Hum trans, and ed. Cecil Grayson (London: Phaidon, 1972), 73. N.J.: Rutgers University berto E. Robles, "The First Voyage around theWorld: From Pigafetta 51. he writes, "aims to seen." Ibid., 67. "Painting," represent things to Garc?a M?rquez," History ofEuropean Ideas 6, no. 4 (1985): 405-20; Peter America: theOther 52. On Felipe de Guevara, see Jos? Miguel Collantes Ter?n, "Felipe de Mason, Deconstructing Representations of (Lon Guevara, humanista: Ostentador de sobrados t?tulos para ocupar un don: Routledge, Chapman and Hall, 1990); Stephen Greenblatt: Mar velous Possessions: The Wonder theNew World of lugar de privilegio' en la cultura hispana del siglo XVI," Anales deHis of (Chicago: University Michael Mimesis and A Particu toria del Arte 10 (2000): 55-70; and Juan Allende-Salazar, "Don Felipe Chicago Press, 1991); Taussig, Alterity: lar theSenses Darker de Guevara, coleccionista y escritor de arte del siglo XVI," Archivo Es History of (London: Routledge, 1993); Mignolo, Side the and Barbara Mimesis and The New pa?ol de Arte e Arqueolog?a 1 (1925): 189-92. of Renaissance; Fuchs, Empire: World, Islam, and European Identities (Cambridge: Cambridge University 53. This sixteenth-century text was first published with a prologue and Press, 2001). notes by Antonio Ponz inMadrid in 1788. A second edition of that 63. Historia 33-34: "Acaso vi lo escriven e work was published with revisions and a preface by Rafael Benet as D?az, verdadera, que G?mara, en las de M?xico ... desde el Felipe de Guevara, Comentarios de la pintura (Barcelona: Ediciones Bib Illecas, y Giovio, conquistas y principio y no en li?filas, 1948). medio ni cabo hablan lo que pas? la Nueva Espa?a." Excerpts from the different versions of this chapter that appear in the various 54. Guevara, Comentarios de la pintura, 154-55: "La pintura es imitaci?n, manuscripts of the Historia verdadera are compared in Guillermo como en lo principio habernos dicho, de alguna cosa natural que es, Ser?s, "La cr?nica de un testigo de vista: Bernal D?az del Castillo," in ? que ser." Painting is also defined thisway in Pacheco, Arte de puede Arellano and del Pino, Lecturas y ediciones de cr?nicas de Indias, 129-35. la pintura, vol. 1, 12-13, 16. 64. For Rolena Adorno, Law and the Pro 55. Thomas Cummins characterizes this difference in terms of mnemon example, "History, Eyewitness: tocols of Authority in Bernal D?az del Castillo's Historia verdadera de la ics (in Aztec art) versus mimesis (in early modern European art). conquista de laNueva Espa?a," in The Project ofProse inEarly Modem Eu That is,while Aztec paintings inmanuscripts and on lienzos func rope and theNew World, ed. Elizabeth Fowler and Roland Greene tioned as cues to narratives recited or performed by knowledgeable (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 170. Other possible readers, most European paintings in early modernity instead aimed to motivations are discussed by Adorno in "Discourses on Colonialism: their and the three-dimensional space of their sur reproduce subjects Bernal D?az, Las Casas, and the Twentieth-Century Reader," MLN103, in a way that human vision. See Cummins, roundings approximated no. 2 (March 1988): 239-58; Polemics ofPossession, 149-52, 154-58; "The Madonna and the Horse: Colonial in New and Becoming Spain and "Bernal D?az del Castillo: Soldier, Eyewitness, and Polemicist," in Peru," Phoebus 7 (1995): 67-68; and idem, "From Lies to Truth," 172. Carrasco, History of theConquest, 389-98. This is not to say, however, that Aztec art was never mimetic. Some a 65. D?az, Historia verdadera, 34: "Diremos los que en aquellos tienpos nos Aztec sculptures represented the forms of the natural world in way hallamos como de vista ser verdad." that could be described in such terms. But here I am suggesting that testigos the kind of realism indicated in Diaz's account is incompatible with 66. Ibid., 63. "Aqu? es donde dize Francisco L?pez de G?mara, que sali? what is known about the representations of human beings in Aztec Francisco de Mor?a en un caballo ru?io picado, antes que llegase eran santos and early colonial painting. It is noteworthy with respect to this issue Cort?s con los de cavallo, y que los ap?stoles se?or a o ... ser that the term "portrait" has been used to describe stone relief sculp Santiago, se?or San Pedro. y pudiera que los que dize el o ture of Moctezuma I in Chapultepec Park, Mexico City. It is likely, G?mara fueron los gloriosos ap?stoles se?or Santiago se?or San e como no ver. Los however, that the figure's identity was signaled by his regalia and hi Pedro, yo, pecador, fuese di[g]no de lo que yo name vi conosci fu? a Francisco de Mor?a en un cavallo cas eroglyphic rather than by the features of his face. See H. B. Ni entonces y ven?a con me cholson, "The Chapultepec Cliff Sculpture of Motecuhzoma Xocoyot ta?o, que juntamente Cort?s, que pares?e que agora

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lo escriviendo se me estos que estoy representa por ojos pecadores the helmet, D?az continued, the Aztec emperor confirmed its resem toda la guerra. ..." blance to that worn the Aztecs' ancestors. See Historia ver ' by D?az, 67. Ibid., 63-64. dadera, 73: pares?e ser, un soldado ten?a un caxco medio dorado, ... aunque mohoso. E bi?le Tendile y dixo que le quer?a ver, que 68. Guillermo Seres, "Cr?nica de un testigo de vista," 104-10. See also pares?ia a uno que ellos ten?an, les avian dexado sus Rolena Adorno, "The Discursive Encounter of and America: que antepasados Spain e donde ven?an, lo ten?an a sus dioses The of in the of linage qual puesto Huychilo Authority Eyewitness Testimony Writing History," Wil e su ... bos, que se?or Moctezuma se holgar? de lo ver. E diz que el liam and Mary Quarterly, 3rd. ser., 49 (1992): 210-28. gran Moctezuma, desque lo vio, qued? admirado y res?ibi? por otra 69. Sebasti?n de Covarrubias Orozco, Tesoro de la castellana o es mucho vi? caxco su y lengua parte contento, y desque el y el que ten?a Huy Madrid: Ediciones una pa?ola (1611; reprint, Turner, 1984), 692: "Es chilobos, tuvo por cierto que ?ramos de los que les avian dicho sus narraci?n de acontecimientos en es de y exposici?n passados, y rigor antepasados que vern?an a se?orear aquella tierra." cosas el autor de la historia vi? sus da aquellas que por propios ojos y 81. The relation between Diaz's Historia verdadera and that of L?pez de fee d?lias, como testigo de vista." G?mara's Cr?nica has been examined by numerous scholars. See, for 70. "Discursive Mar?a E. Adorno, Encounter," 210-28; Mayer, "El detalle example, Ram?n Iglesia, "Las cr?ticas de Bernal D?az del Castillo a la de una 'historia verdadera': Don Bernal Cervantes 14 Historia de la Quijote y D?az," Conquista de M?xico de Francisco L?pez de G?mara," (1994): 93-118; and the in Dos estudios sobre el mismo tema Adorno, "History, Law, Eyewitness," 154-75; (Mexico City: Revista Tiempo, 1940), "Los Cort?nez, modelos," 456; Ochoa, "Paper Warrior," 343-44; Ser?s, 23-35; Robert Lewis, "Ret?rica y verdad: Los cargos de Bernal Diaz a "Cr?nica de un de vista" and testigo 104-10; G?mez, "Escritura y L?pez de G?mara," in De la cr?nica a la nueva narrativa mexicana, ed. 137-56. oralidad," Merlin H. Forster and Julio Ortega (Oaxaca, M?x.: Oasis, 1986), 37 on 47; Adorno, "Discourses on and War 71. Sources the meaning of the term ekphrasis and the history of the Colonialism"; Ochoa, "Paper rior," 341-56. tradition include Murray Krieger, Ekphrasis: The Illusion of theNatural Sign (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1992), 7-8; James 82. D?az, Historia verdadera, 35: "Se pare?e que el G?mora fu? aficionado A. W. The Museum Words: The Poetics a Heffernan, of ofEkphrasis from hablar tan loablemente del valeroso Cort?s. Y tenemos por cierto Homer to of untaron Ashbery (Chicago: University Chicago Press, 1993), 9-45; que le las manos, pues que a su hijo, el marques que agora and Frederick A. de from es Armas, "Simple Magic: Ekphrasis Antiquity le eligi? su cor?nica. ..." to the Age of Cervantes," in de Armas, in the Cervantes, Ekphrasis Age of 83. Giovio, o vidas breves de los cavalleros 196: "Entre los 13-31. to uses of the term inmodern Elogios antiguos, Objections many scholarship famoso el are espa?oles, q~ naueg?do por Oceano, y descubriendo voiced in Ruth Webb, "Ekphrasis, Ancient and Modern: The In nueuas tierras, an alc??ado nombre illustre, el mas famoso y nom vention of a Genre," Word and 15, no. 1 1999): Image (January-March brado a lo creo, fue este Hern?n Cort?s. ..." 7-18. que 84. Michel Foucault, The Order An theHuman Sci 72. See, for Svetlana and Aesthetic Attitudes of Things: Archaeology of example, Alpers, "Ekphrasis ences York: Random in (New House, 1970). Vasari's Lives," Journal of theWarburg and Courtauld Institutes 23 85. Arte de la vol. 356. (1960): 190-215; Emilie L. Bergmann, Art Inscribed: Essays on Ekphrasis Pacheco, pintura, 2, 353, in Golden Mass.: Harvard Spanish Age Poetry (Cambridge, University 86. Anthony Grafton, "Historia and Istoria: Alberti's Terminology in Con Museum de Press, 1979); Heffernan, ofWords, 47-90; Armas, Ekphrasis text," / Tatti Studies 8 (1999): 37-68; and idem, Leon Battista Alberti: in the Cervantes; and idem, Frescoes. Master Builder Age of Quixotic of theRenaissance (New York: Hill and Wang, 2000). 73. In Paulo Giovio's of a of Hern?n Cort?s, for ex On see description portrait 87. painting and deception (enga??), Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, he writes that see a a ample, "you him with gilded sword, gold neck vol. 1, 72. lace, [and] clothed in furs"; Giovio, o vidas breves de exquisite Elogios 88. Historia verdadera. los cavalleros en D?az, antiguos y mundos illustres valor de Guerra, trans. Gaspar 89. Antonio de de Baeza (Granada: H. de Mena, 1568), 196. Kubler, "Portrait of Her Sol?s, Historia de la conquista deM?xico (Madrid: Imprenta de nando Cort?s," believes the woodcut portrait of Cort?s that accompa Bernardo de Villa-Diego, 1684). On Sol?s and his Historia, see Fr? d?ric Serrai nied the 1575 publication of Giovio's Elogios was derived at least in ta, "Nueva biograf?a de Antonio de Sol?s y Rivadeneyra," a sent Critic?n 34 51-157. part from lost 1547 portrait to the author by the conquistador (1986): himself. He argues that the Yale 6) is a copy of that lost portrait (Fig. 90. Sol?s, Historia de la conquista, 76: "Andavan a este tiempo algunos Pin original. tores Mexicanos, que vinieron entre el acompa?amiento de los dos 74. This con effect demonstrates the concept of enargeia, which Krieger Governadores, copiando gran diligencia (sobre lienzos de alg {Ekphrasis, 68) defines as "the capacity of words to describe with a viv od?n, que tra?an prevenidos, y emprimados para este ministerio) las . . idness that. reproduces an object before our very eyes." Naves, los Soldados, las Armas, la Artiller?a, y los Cavallos, con todo lo se dem?s que hazia reparable a sus ojos: de cuya variedad de 75. Giorgio Vasari, The Lives of theArtists, trans. Julia Bondanella objetos, Conaway formavan diferentes de no colorido. and Peter E. Bondanella (Oxford: Oxford Press, Payses despreciable dibujo, y University 1998), Nuestro Bernal se en In Diaz alarga demasiado la habilidad de estos Pin 317-18. Philostratus the Elder's Imagines, the author praises the tores: dize, retrataron a todos los iban naturalism of a of a boar hunt, that "I was deluded pues que Capitanes, y que muy painting noting by a the parecido la verdad, porque dado que posseyessen con fundamento painting into thinking that the figures were not painted but were . . el Arte de la Pintura, tuvieron poco tiempo, para deternerse a las pro real beings. ."; Philostratus the Elder, Imagines, trans. Arthur Fair lixidades, o primores de la imitaci?n." banks (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931), 108-9. An 91. other example of thismotif in Vasari's Lives is an episode in which Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, vol. 1, 237-53. On this treatise, see to on nose a Giotto is said have painted the of figure a fly that Jonathan Brown, Images and Ideas in Seventeenth-CenturyPainting . . "looked so natural that. his master [Cimabue] tried more than (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1978), 44-62. once to drive it away with his hand, convinced that itwas real"; Vasari, 92. Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, vol. 1, 241: 'Y esto baste al primer estado Lives, trans. Bondanella, 35. de los que comienzan, que ordinariamente encierra en s? el mayor 76. Diaz's assertion of the verisimilitude of the portrait of Cort?s, how n?mero de pintores. ..." ever, relies not on his own but rather on that of a third judgment 93. Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, vol. 1, 247: "Se viene a inventar y disponer party?Moctezuma?whose encounter with the image is cited in sup o se . . . la figura historia que les pide con solo su ingenio y mano." port of its naturalism. As such, it parallels a number of similarly struc 94. Pacheco, Arte de la vol. 1, 237-53. tured passages in Vasari's Lives. See, for example, his account of an pintura, ambassador who some to took portraits by Giovanni Bellini the Grand 95. On the training of painters in seventeenth-century Spain, see Juan Turk. so "They caused the emperor much wonder and amazement Jos? Mart?n Gonz?lez, El artista en la sociedad espa?ola del sigloXVII . . man that. [he] endlessly praised the who made them and the mas (Madrid: C?tedra, 1984); Peter Cherry, "Artistic Training and the he trans. tery displayed"; Giorgio Vasari, Lives of theArtists, George Painters' Guild in Seville," in Vel?zquez in Seville (Edinburgh: National Bull (London: Penguin Books, 1987), vol. 2, 66. Gallery of Scotland, 1996), 67-75; and Zahira V?liz, "Becoming an Artist in in The to 77. Vasari, Lives, trans. Bondanella, 211. Seventeenth-Century Spain," Cambridge Companion Vel?zquez, ed. Suzanne L. Stratton-Pruitt (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni 78. Alberti, "On 101. Painting," versity Press, 2002), 11-29. 79. D?az, Historia verdadera, 644, 649. 96. Cherry, "Artistic Training," 68-69. 80. The status as rhetoric is underscored in that it . passage's stylized paral 97. Guevara, Comentarios de la pintura, 343. See 61 above. lels another scene of recognition that Diaz says occurred at that same 98. Geronimo de Mendieta, in The Liv meeting between Cort?s and Tendile. The Indian governor, he wrote, quoted Alejandro Ca?eque, King's ing The Culture and Politics Power in Colonial Mexico noticed that the helmet worn by one of the Spaniards resembled that Image: of Viceregal (London: 2004), 189-90. worn by an illustrious ancestor of the Aztecs. As such, he sent it to Routledge, Moctezuma so that see was he, too, could it.When he presented with 99. On Miguel Gonz?lez and his brother (and collaborator) Juan Gonza

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see Guillermo Tovar de "Documentos sobre 'enconcha on some lez, Teresa, ventor" of the works he produced there. See Bargellini, dos' familia mexicana de los Cuadernos de Arte Colonial 1 y Gonz?lez," "Originality and Invention in the Painting of New Spain," in Painting "Los artistas las de incrustaciones de con a (1986): 97; idem, y pinturas New World: Mexican Art and Life, 1521-1821, by Donna Pierce et al. cha n?car en in La concha n?car enM?xico M?xico," (Mexico City: (Denver: Denver Art Museum, 2004), 83. On the use of faciebat and Gutsa, 106-34; and Mar?a Garc?a in Grupo 1990), Concepci?n Sa?z, fingebat early modern European painting, see Vladimir Juren, "Fecit "Precisiones al estudio de la obra de inManuel Miguel Gonz?lez," Faciebat" Revue de IArt 26 (1974): 27-30; Louisa C. Matthew, "The Toussaint: Su en la historia del arte mexicano In proyecci?n (Mexico City: Painter's Presence: Signatures in Venetian Renaissance Pictures," Art stituto de Est?ticas, Universidad Nacional Aut?noma no. 4 Investigaciones Bulletin 80, (December 1998): 616-48; Rona Goffen, "Signa de M?xico, 1992), 105-16. tures: Inscribing Identity in Italian Renaissance Art," Viator:Medieval and Renaissance Studies 100. This panel and the others in the set of twenty-four panels are often 32 (2001): 303-70; and Patricia Rubin, "Sign referred to in the scholarly literature as enconchados ("shell-encrusted posts of Invention: Artist's Signatures in Italian Renaissance Art," Art no. objects"), because their painted imagery is adorned in places with History 29, 4 (September 2006): 563-99. mother-of-pearl mosaic. For catalogs and of the analyses Conquest of 106. "Vi?ita el Capitan general Cortes, al Emperador Moctesuma en sus Mexico enconchados, see Mar?a Garc?a Sa?z, La colo Concepci?n pintura Reales pala?ios donde lo lleva por la mano i le ofrese sus a?ientos de nial en elMuseo de Am?rica, vol. 2, Los enconchados (Madrid: Ministerio oro, Mu?strale a sus antepa?ados los emperadores que tenia Retrata de Cultura, Marta La con incrustaciones de 1980); Dujovne, pinturas dos, i los Soldados Se admiran." n?car (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Aut?noma de M?xico, 107. This is also related to that of "assimilation" as discussed 1984), 117-218; Dujovne et al., Los enconchados de la Conquista deM?x phenomenon Fuchs inMimesis and 99-117. ico (Buenos Aires: Museo Nacional de Bellas Artes, 1998); Garc?a Sa?z, by Empire, "La militar los enconchados: Las de un conquista y peculiaridades pat 108. D?az, Historia verdadera, 182: "Tenemos por cierto que sois los que rocinio in El del reino de laNueva 1680-1750 indiano," origen Espa?a, nuestro antecesores nos dijeron que vendr?an de adonde sale el sol, e Museo Nacional de Universidad Nacional Au (Mexico City: Arte, a ese vuestro gran rey yo le soy en cargo, y le dar? lo que tuviere." t?noma de Instituto de 108 M?xico, Investigaciones Est?ticas, 1999), See also Sol?s, Histo?a de la Conquista, 164-65; "Volvi? a referir a la 41; Marita Mart?nez del R?o de "La en una series de Redo, conquista dependencia y obligaci?n que ten?an los mexicanos al descendiente tablas enconchadas," in de los naturales en el arte de laNueva Im?genes de su primero rey, y se congratul? muy particularmente de que se XVI al XVIII, ed. Elisa (Mexico Fomento su Espa?a, siglos Vargaslugo City: hubiese cumplido en tiempo la profec?a de los extranjeros, que Cultural Banamex, 2005), 62-93; and Michael Schreffler, The Art of tantos siglos antes hab?an sido prometidos a sus mayores" (He re Visual Culture and Power in New (Uni Allegiance: Imperial Baroque Spain ferred again to the dependence and obligation that the Mexicans had Park: State Press, 2007), 81-105. versity Pennsylvania University to the descendant of their first king, and he congratulated them in 101. "Llega el Capitan Cortes con su ?rmada Al Puerto De San Juan de particular for having fulfilled the prophecy about the foreigners, who en Ulua. Salen Canoas ? Reconocerle los indios. Rec?bele El Embaja so many centuries ago had been promised to their elders). dor Tendile Con un pre?ente. Mandale Retratar a el y a su armada 109. Matthew Restali, Seven Myths of theSpanish Conquest (New York: Oxford Para llevarle a su Se?or. Come el Capitan Cortes Con los Emvaxa University Press, 2003), 108. See also Olivia Harris, "The Coming of dores Del gran Mocte?uma." theWhite People: Reflections on the Mythologisation of History," Bul In a canvas 102. its depiction of single depicting the Spaniards and their letin ofLatin American Research 14, no. 1 (1995): 9-24; and David the account more to those of de G? ships, corresponds closely L?pez Carrasco, "Spaniards as Gods: The Return of Quetzalcoatl," in mara and D?az than it does to that of who that the Sol?s, suggested Carrasco, History of theConquest, 466-73. Indian painters produced several images. 110. Carman, Rhetorical Conquests, 146-67. 103. Brown, Images and Ideas, 109; and idem, Vel?zquez, Painter and Courtier 111. This phenomenon is similar to one that occurred in the eighteenth (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), 261. century viceroyalty of Peru, where images of the Spanish kings were 104. van der Stock and Hollstein's Dutch and Jan Marjolein Leesberg, eds., appended to sequences of images of the Inca kings in order to create Flemish and Woodcuts vol. The a Etchings, Engravings, 1450-1700, 69, visual image of continuity from the Inca past into the Spanish colo Wierix Introduction and Guide to the Sound Family, Catalog (Rotterdam: nial present. See Teresa Gisbert, Iconograf?a y mitos ind?genas en el arte and Vision Amsterdam: xl. The Publishers; Rijksmuseum, 2004), xxiii, (La Paz: Gisbert y C?a, 1980), 117-24; Gustavo Buntinx and Luis Edu and Wierix are discussed in relation to each images by Vel?zquez ardo Wuffarden, "Incas y reyes espa?oles en la pintura colonial pe other in Millner Kahr, and Las Meninas," Art Bulle Madlyn "Vel?zquez ruana: La estela de Garcilaso," M?rgenes: Encuentro yDebate 4 (1991): tin no. 2 225-46. 57, (March 1975): 151-210; Thomas . F. Cummins, Toasts with theInca: Andean Abstrac on 105. The use of this terminology is discussed in Pacheco, Arte de la pintura, tion and Colonial Images Quero Vessels (Ann Arbor: University of vol. 2, 177. Clara Bargellini comments on the presence of such termi Michigan Press, 2002), 282-86; and Luis Eduardo Wuffarden, "La de nology in relation to other paintings in late-seventeenth-century Mex scendencia real y el 'renacimiento inca' en el virreinato," in Los incas, ico City, noting that Crist?bal de Villalpando described himself as "in reyesdel Per? (Lima: Banco de Cr?dito, 2005), 175-251.

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