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Canada Sanctions Zimbabwe
Canadian Sanctions and Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe: Be Very Careful! By Mark Blumberg (January 7, 2009) Canadian charities operating in Zimbabwe need to be extremely careful. It is not the place for a new and inexperienced charity to begin foreign operations. In fact, only Canadian charities with substantial experience in difficult international operations should even consider operating in Zimbabwe. It is one of the most difficult countries to carry out charitable operations by virtue of the very difficult political, security, human rights and economic situation and the resultant Canadian and international sanctions. This article will set out some information on the Zimbabwe Sanctions including the full text of the Act and Regulations governing the sanctions. It is not a bad idea when dealing with difficult legal issues to consult knowledgeable legal advisors. Summary On September 4, 2008, the Special Economic Measures (Zimbabwe) Regulations (SOR/2008-248) (the “Regulations”) came into force pursuant to subsections 4(1) to (3) of the Special Economic Measures Act. The Canadian sanctions against Zimbabwe are targeted sanctions dealing with weapons, technical support for weapons, assets of designated persons, and Zimbabwean aircraft landing in Canada. There is no humanitarian exception to these targeted sanctions. There are tremendous practical difficulties working in Zimbabwe and if a Canadian charity decides to continue operating in Zimbabwe it is important that the Canadian charity and its intermediaries (eg. Agents, contractor, partners) avoid providing any benefits, “directly or indirectly”, to a “designated person”. Canadian charities need to undertake rigorous due diligence and risk management to ensure that a “designated person” does not financially benefit from the program. -
China and Zimbabwe: the Context and Contents of a Complex Relationship
CHINA & ZIMBABWE: CONTEXT & CONTENTS OF A COMPLEX RELATIONSHIP OCCASIONAL PAPER 202 Global Powers and Africa Programme October 2014 China and Zimbabwe: The Context and Contents of a Complex Relationship Abiodun Alao s ir a f f A l a n o ti a rn e nt f I o te tu sti n In rica . th Af hts Sou sig al in Glob African perspectives. ABOUT SAIIA The South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) has a long and proud record as South Africa’s premier research institute on international issues. It is an independent, non-government think tank whose key strategic objectives are to make effective input into public policy, and to encourage wider and more informed debate on international affairs, with particular emphasis on African issues and concerns. It is both a centre for research excellence and a home for stimulating public engagement. SAIIA’s occasional papers present topical, incisive analyses, offering a variety of perspectives on key policy issues in Africa and beyond. Core public policy research themes covered by SAIIA include good governance and democracy; economic policymaking; international security and peace; and new global challenges such as food security, global governance reform and the environment. Please consult our website http://www.saiia.org.za for further information about SAIIA’s work. ABOUT THE GLOBA L POWERS A ND A FRICA PROGRA MME The Global Powers and Africa (GPA) Programme, formerly Emerging Powers and Africa, focuses on the emerging global players China, India, Brazil, Russia and South Africa as well as the advanced industrial powers such as Japan, the EU and the US, and assesses their engagement with African countries. -
Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland
IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) Volume 19, Issue 4, Ver. III (Apr. 2014), PP 137-149 e-ISSN: 2279-0837, p-ISSN: 2279-0845. www.iosrjournals.org Ethnicity, Development and the Dynamics of Political Domination in Southern Matabeleland Clifford Mabhena Institute of Development Studies- National University of Science and Technology-Bulawayo, Zimbabwe Abstract: This article argues that the hegemony of the Shona people in Zimbabwe has been largely influenced by ethnicity and the quest to dominate Matabeleland politically, socially and economically. Development marginalisation of Matabeleland region, I argue has been influenced by ethnicity and politics of revenge. The study used ethnography to collect data and hence in-depth interviews were used as data collection tools. The results of the study indicate that Matabeleland has been largely dominated by the Shona ethnic group, and arguments advanced by scholars for this dominance, it is argued, Ndebele dominated the Shona people in the 19th and 20th centuries. This was due to conquest by the marauding Ndebele warriors under the leadership of King Mzilikazi and latter on King Lobhengula. The ascendance of the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANUPF) in the 1980 independence elections opened the gates for the ascendancy of the Shona people as the party was pre-dominantly Shona speaking. The march to state house by the ZANUPF dominated party created a lot of tension between the two ethnic groups; Ndebele and Shona, and hence the lashing out of the fifth brigade in 1983 and 1984 in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces of the country. Key words: Hegemony, ethnicity, internal colonisation, marginalisation I. -
Dismantling the System of Mugabeism
Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means electronic or mechanical including photocopy, recording or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing from the author. ISBN 978-3-00-059482-3 First Edition © 2018 1 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Dedication. To my fellow Zimbabweans, we defeated Mugabe the person but Mugabeism is still intact. We must dismantle this system and bring total democratization of our country Zimbabwe. My children Lilly, Tanaka and Nkosilathi,Jr you don’t deserve to grow up in such a collapsed country which is now a shadow of itself. This is the little contribution I can make towards challenging a regime which is putting your future at stake. ‘This is the history of a failure’ (Che Guevara, The African Dream) 2 Dismantling The System Of Mugabeism Foreword. I feel refreshed and motivated to write this book in this new-old political dispensation. New in the sense that, this is the first time ever since I was born to see this country having another President who is not Robert Gabriel Mugabe and old in the sense that those who are now in power are the same people who have been in charge of this country for the past four decades working alongside Mugabe. Yes Mugabe has gone but the system he created is still intact. Are the Mnangagwas of this world going to reform and become ambassadors of peace, tolerance, democracy and respect of the rule of law? Or they will simply pick up the sjamboks from where Mugabe left them and perpetuate his legacy of brutality? Is corruption going to end considering that a few former Ministers who were arrested by Mnangagwa’s administration were being used as scapegoats, most of the criminals and kleptocrats who committed serious crimes against humanity and corruption are still serving in the post-Mugabe ZANU PF government? The same old people who bled Zimbabwe dry serving in the kleptocratic regime of Robert Mugabe are the same people who are serving under Mnangagwa. -
An Analysis of the Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi Conflict in Zimbabwe Between 1983 and 1986
Representing Conflict: An Analysis of The Chronicle's Coverage of the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1983 and 1986 A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements of the Master of Arts Degree in Journalism and Media Studies Rhodes University By Phillip Santos Supervisor: Professor Lynette Steenveld October 2011 Acknowledgements I am forever in the debt of my very critical, incisive, and insightful supervisor Professor Lynette Steenveld whose encyclopaedic knowledge of social theory, generous advice, and guidance gave me more tban a fair share of epiphanic moments. I certainly would not have made it this far without the love and unstinting support of my dear wife Ellen, and daughter, . Thandiswa. For unparalleled teamwork and dependable friendship, thank you Sharon. My friends Stanley, Jolly, Sthembiso, Ntombomzi and Carolyne, tbank you for all the critical conversations and for keeping me sane throughout those tumultuous moments. I also owe particular debt of gratitude to tbe Journalism Department and UNESCO for enabling my studies at Rhodes University. Abstract This research is premised on the understanding that media texts are discourses and that all discourses are functional, that is, they refer to things, issues and events, in meaningful and goal oriented ways. Nine articles are analysed to explicate the sorts of discourses that were promoted by The Chronicle during the Gukurahundi conflict in Zimbabwe between 1982 and 1986. It is argued that discourses in the news media are shaped by the role(s), the type(s) of journalism assumed by such media, and by the political environment in which the news media operate. The interplay between the ro les, types of journalism practised, and the effect the political environment has on news discourses is assessed within the context of conflictual situations. -
MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi
Refugee Review Tribunal AUSTRALIA RRT RESEARCH RESPONSE Research Response Number: ZWE31570 Country: Zimbabwe Date: 20 April 2007 Keywords: Zimbabwe – MDC – Harare – Bulawayo – Council Elections 2006 – Gukurahundi This response was prepared by the Country Research Section of the Refugee Review Tribunal (RRT) after researching publicly accessible information currently available to the RRT within time constraints. This response is not, and does not purport to be, conclusive as to the merit of any particular claim to refugee status or asylum. Questions 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? 2. How many branches are there in the province of Bulawayo? 3. How many wards are there? 4. Can you provide information on the leaders of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo? 5. Can you provide information on the activities of the MDC in the province of Bulawayo in 2006? 6. Can you provide information on council elections in Bulawayo around October 2006? 7. Did Zanu PF lose seats in the council elections in Bulawayo in October 2006? 8. Can you provide information about Gukurahunde? RESPONSE 1. Does the MDC have an office in Harare? The MDC headquarters are located in Harvest House, the corner of Angwa Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue in Harare. Angwa Street is parallel to First Street. Attached is a map of Harare, showing Angwa Street, First Street and Nelson Mandela Avenue (Africa South of the Sahara 2003 2003, Europa Publications, 32nd edition, London, p.1190 – Attachment 1; Mawarire, Matseliso 2007, ‘Police left a trail of destruction at Harvest House’, Zimdaily.com website, 29 March http://zimdaily.com/news/117/ARTICLE/1480/2007-03-29.html – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 2; ‘Harare’ 1998, Hotels-Tours-Safaris.com website http://www.hotels-tours-safaris.com/zimbabwe/harare/images/citymap.gif – Accessed 30 March 2007 – Attachment 3). -
1 Zimbabwe – Researched and Compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 19 October 2016 1.Please Provide Inform
Zimbabwe – Researched and compiled by the Refugee Documentation Centre of Ireland on 19 October 2016 1.Please provide information on the treatment of PDP members in Zimbabwe. 2. What is the relationship between the PDP party and the MDC party? 3. What is the relationship between the PDP party and the Zanu PF party? A report published by the International Crisis Group, in a section titled “The Shifting Political Landscape” (paragraph headed “Opposition Doldrums”), states: “The main opposition MDC-T remains fragmented. Its former secretary general, Tendai Biti, and treasurer general, Elton Mangoma, broke ranks with Tsvangirai to form MDC Renewal in August 2014. Mangoma split from that party in June 2015 to establish the Renewal Democrats of Zimbabwe. That September, MDC Renewal relaunched itself as the People’s Democratic Party.” (International Crisis Group (29 February 2016) Zimbabwe: Stranded in Stasis, p.10) An article from Africa Confidential, in a paragraph headed “'Mob-ocracy'”, states: “The PDP is led by Tendai Biti, former MDC Secretary General and respected Finance Minister in the coalition government with ZANU-PF before he broke away in 2014. Its Deputy Secretary General, Tongai Matutu, reacted angrily to the MDC-T's new attitude towards a coalition and called its protests a form of 'mob-ocracy'. The PDP has abandoned rallies after small turnouts but has been busy producing weekly policy briefs for journalists and the public via email. Much like the breakaway MDC formation led by Welshman Ncube, its impact on the political arena has been marginal.” (Africa Confidential (29 April 2016) Despite mobilising thousands against the government, the opposition is failing to exploit the ruling party's weakness and division) A report from Voice of America Zimbabwe states: “Five opposition parties formed a coalition on Tuesday that will challenge President Robert Mugabe and his Zanu PF party in the 2018 general elections. -
Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of This in the 2008 Election
Matabeleland: Its Struggle for National Legitimacy, and the Relevance of this in the 2008 Election By Shari Eppel Matabeleland consists of three western provinces of Zimbabwe, namely Matabeleland North, Matabeleland South and Bulawayo. This region, stereotyped as marginalised and underdeveloped, and also as a hotbed of political opposition both historically and currently, is once more poised to play a strategic role in the forthcoming elections. After Independence in 1980, Matabeleland and parts of the Midlands were subjected to a brutal and hidden period of oppression, in which an estimated 20,000 civilians were massacred and tens of thousands more were tortured by the Fifth Brigade, which answered ultimately to Robert Mugabe. Hundreds disappeared and thousands lost homes and livestock, as Mugabe relentlessly moved to effectively establish a one-party state in Zimbabwe. The 1980s violence was without any doubt far in excess of anything that happened in affected regions during the 1970s war of liberation.1 While the “dissidents” of Matabeleland can be blamed for some of the atrocities, all evidence points to government forces, in particular the Fifth Brigade and the Central Intelligence Organisation (CIO) being responsible for over 90% of violations.2 It is fair to say that few people in Matabeleland claim not to have been affected by these events. Most people in the region – more than 70% - seem able to justify their claim to be primary victims of Fifth Brigade atrocities.3 The fact that to date these events remain largely unacknowledged at an official level, combined with continued perceived regional under-development, has had a lasting impact in terms of political outlook. -
ZANU-PF's Use of Ethnic Conflict As a Means of Maintaining Political
S TRATEGY OF D OMINATION ZANU-PF’S USE OF ETHNIC CONFLICT AS A MEANS OF MAINTAINING POLITICAL CONTROL IN ZIMBABWE, 1982-2006 Master of Arts in Law and Diplomacy Thesis Submitted by Brian Eric Abrams 25 April 2006 © 2006 Brian Eric Abrams http://fletcher.tufts.edu Abstract Zimbabwe is currently a country in crisis politically and economically. President Robert Mugabe’s extreme policies against the opposition have led to Zimbabwe’s international isolation. Within Africa, however, Mugabe has largely been shielded from criticism. The framing of his campaign against the opposition within the rhetoric of anti- colonialism has created a veil of legitimacy behind which Mugabe has been free to act. This paper argues that Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF party have habitually used ethnic conflict as a self-serving political weapon in Zimbabwe. It first develops a two- tiered theoretical framework within which the case of Zimbabwe can analyzed. It then analyzes three case studies in which Mugabe utilized ethnic conflict to neutralize political opposition: the campaign against the Zimbabwe African People’s Union (1982-1987); the legitimization of the seizure of white-owned farms by ex-combatants (1998-2005); and the repression of the Movement for Democratic Change (2000-2006). 2 3 Table of Contents I. Introduction ...........................................................................................................................5 II. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................................................9 -
453996 1 En Bookbackmatter 219..266
Appendix A For Restricted Circulation For The Eyes of the Shona Elite Only, Please Pass To Most Trusted Person! Progress Review on the 1979 Grand Plan (Unedited) Gift Never before has history given us the majority Shona people, such a precious present than it has done with Robert Gabriel Mugabe. R.G. is simply a perfect embodiment of all our cultural norms and values, our aspirations and expectations, our wants, desires and interests. In his whole life R G has not failed to demonstrate that incredible consciousness of who we are as people. The most vivid imagination of what an ideal Shona person should look like in appearance as well as how he should behave or present himself to the public, finds an exact match in R.G. His presence among us as a leader with and an abundant and compelling inspiration towards the establishment of Shona Nationhood deserves to be honoured and celebrated as a memorable great occasion in the life histories of all the generations of our people. Acknowledgement We do not as a matter of obligation, fail to appreciate and acknowledge wonderful achievements, the great valour and the spirit of stubborn resistance against for- midable adversaries of all those other great Shona men and women who led our people before. However, without prejudicing fair comparison, it is inarguable though that R.G. stands out distinctly as a cut above the rest among both the dead and the living Shona leaders. © Springer International Publishing AG 2018 219 D. Ngwenya, Healing the Wounds of Gukurahundi in Zimbabwe, The Anthropocene: Politik—Economics—Society—Science 19, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66818-5 220 Appendix A Consistency Countless incidents in R.G.’s decorated and exuberant political career testify to the conviction most of us have that the man is a visionary of rare gifts. -
Dissertation CM A
Copyright by Caitlin Tappin McClune 2017 The Dissertation Committee for Caitlin Tappin McClune Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: ‘DIGITAL UNHU’ IN ZIMBABWE: CRITICAL DIGITAL STUDIES FROM THE GLOBAL SOUTH Committee: Karin Gwinn Wilkins, Supervisor Joseph D. Straubhaar Ben Carrington Kathleen Tyner ‘Digital Unhu’ in Zimbabwe: Critical Digital Studies from the Global South by Caitlin Tappin McClune Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin December 2017 Dedication For Daryl T. Carr. I love you and miss you. Acknowledgements I would like to extend my gratitude to Karin Wilkins and Kathy Fuller for their helpfulness and consideration, and for modeling generosity and kindheartedness in academia. I especially appreciate the help of Karin Wilkins who aided me through the last stages of this process with consistent, clear, and useful guidance. I would like to thank Joe Straubhaar who has been an approachable and resourceful presence throughout the years of my work. Additionally, in my first years of graduate school, I took Ben Carrington’s course on critical race theory, which sent me on a trajectory of research for the next seven years that often returned to the insights gained in his class. I'm especially grateful to Kathleen Tyner and Ben Carrington for agreeing to be on my committee very late in the game and for providing a final push across the finish line. I'm grateful to everyone that I worked with and who supported me during my travels in Zimbabwe. -
Thesis Capstone Project-Conflict Dynamics
Author: Willem Verdaasdonk Co-Authors: Wessel van Beelen and Ricardo Neefjes S1223194 Alister Reed Wednesday 24th August 2016 Total Word Count: 50025 Page Count: 152 Joint work Pages: 1-43, 112-152 Masters Thesis conflict Analysis Thesis capstone project-conflict dynamics 1 Abstract This capstone thesis aims to study what factors play a role before and during a conflict and how conflicts move from one conflict phase to the next. This particular thesis uses the case study of the Rhodesian Bush War a conflict waged from 1965 to 1980 in the now know republic of Zimbabwe. This thesis starts by giving a general overview of the entire conflict by looking at the role of the Rhodesian government, military as well as the political and military developments of both guerrilla movements (ZAPU/ZANU). After which an analysis will be done based on the criteria of the capstone project (context, state, and non-state) focusing on the factors that influenced the conflict, and coming to a general conclusion. After which a joint analysis and conclusion will be presented to see the similarities in two other case studies conducted for this capstone project, these being the Troubles in Northern Ireland and the Sendero in Peru. 2 Content 1. Joint introduction……………………………….……5 2. Literature review……………………………….…….7 • 2.1 Underlying theories……………………….…….7 • 2.2 General definitions…………………….………..8 • 2.3 Latent conflict…………………………………..12 • 2.4 Conflict emergence……………………….…….14 • 2.5 Conflict escalation……………………….……..19 • 2.6 Stalemate………………………………….…….20 • 2.7 Conflict De-escalation……………………….….22 • 2.8 Dispute settlement………………………………25 • 2.9 Peace building…………………………………..28 3. Research methodology……………………………….….31 • 3.1 Central research question……………………….31 • 3.2 Quantiative vs qualitative……………………….31 • 3.3 Historical research analysis……………………..32 • 3.4 Analytical Framework………………………..…33 • 3.5 Method of Data-gathering………………………40 4.