The Dawoodi Bohras and Agendas of ‘Reform’ in India, C
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CORE Metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk Provided by ScholarBank@NUS BETWEEN COMMUNITY AND SECULARISM: THE DAWOODI BOHRAS AND AGENDAS OF ‘REFORM’ IN INDIA, C. 1915-1985 SHABBIR HUSSAIN MUSTAFA (B.A. (Hons.), NUS) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS SOUTH ASIAN STUDIES PROGRAMME NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2011 TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements.............................................................................................ii Summary............................................................................................................iii Glossary...........................................................................................................vii List of Illustrations...........................................................................................xii CHAPTER 1. Introduction………………………………………..………………………………..1 ‘Who are these Dawoodi Bohras?’ The Dawoodi Bohras: A Historiographical Survey ‘Apolitical Quietism’ in the Dawoodi Bohra Tradition Methodology and Sources Structure of the Thesis 2. ‘In The Colonial Public Sphere’: Syedna Taher Saifuddin And The Early Reformists…………...………........……35 Fatimid Solidarity and Modern Belonging Sir Adamji Peerbhai: ‘The Difficult Philanthropist’ An Initial ‘Intrusion’: The Chandabhai Gulla Case ‘Angry Men’: Anjuman-i-Dawoodi and the Young Men’s Bohra Association The ‘Politics’ of the Mussalman Wakf Act, 1923 Summing up 3. ‘In Defence Of The Community’: Syedna Taher Saifuddin And The Reassertion Of Authority……………………..60 The ‘Archetypal’ Prodigy Communion with the Bohras in Yemen The Treasured Academy: Al-Jamea-tus-Safiyah Spiritual Assembly of Zikra: Fatimid Blueprints, Indian Contexts Summing up 4. ‘At The Heart Of Secularism’: Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin And The Print Reformists…………………….84 A Resolution for ‘Change’: al-Multaqa al-Fatimi al-Ilmi, 1979 The Udaipur ‘Revolt’ and Measures of ‘Progress’ ‘Clandestine Femininity’: The Yasmin Contractor Case The Challenge of the Nathwani Commission Summing up ii 5. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………..……115 Between Community and Secularism Writing the Dawoodi Bohra Past Transnational Convergence, Colombo, Sri Lanka, 1428H ‘A Token of Remembrance’: Ashura, 1428/2007 Electronic ‘Pastiche’: www.malumaat.com Bibliography...............................................................................................................133 iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This thesis could not have been written without the support and suggestions of many teachers, friends and colleagues. I must single out those who made valuable suggestions at various stages, helped me understand specific issues in a different light, and helped me in the research and editing. Let me begin with teachers. First and foremost, I remain indebted to my Supervisor A/P Gyanesh Kudaisya. He not only read many different versions of this work and offered critical advice that guided me towards clarity, but also taught me that optimism is the faith that leads to achievement, and nothing can be done without hope and confidence. His continued encouragement and immense patience has been more than just inspiring. I must also record my deep gratitude to A/P Medha Kudaisya from whose kindness and guidance I have greatly benefited from. My pursuit of this topic and interest in the history of mercantile communities goes back to interactions with her as a teacher and as her research assistant. A special thank you to Prof. Sandria Freitag and Dr. Renu Gupta, who read drafts and provided timely comments that guided me through various debates in modern history. At the South Asian Studies Programme (SASP), A/P Rahul Mukherjee and Dr Rajesh Rai always kept their doors open for random questions I would have on the study of Political Economy and Diaspora. I owe special gratitude to Ms. Nur Jannah Mohamed from the SASP who has been an indispensable source of help and guidance. Thank you, Jannah. At the NUS Central Library, thank you to Kannagi Rajamanickam for facilitating all my requests for Inter-Library Loans. Amongst graduate student friends, Taberez Ahmed Neyazi, Sujoy Dutta, Priya Maholay Jaradi and Deen Mohammad for all those engaging discussions on this topic and all the laughs we shared as each one of us moved on to different stages of our lives. It is because of them that I shall remember my life as a postgraduate student with great fondness. As always, my close friends have been unfailingly supportive. Teren Sevea has been an ever-ready source of support. Falak Sufi encouraged me to embark on this topic and although she is not with us any longer, she left fond memories I will cherish for the rest of my life. Kizher Buhary Shahjahan, Shamindri Perera, Mizran Faizal, Vinay Pathak, Mohammad Fakhrudeen, Wang Zineng, Lim Qinyi and Liudmila Volkova have been a constant source of encouragement. I would like to thank my parents whose love and support have sustained me through this period. My father Esmailjee Shabbir Hussain and mother Duraiya, whose unconditional encouragement and syncretic outlook on life is the primary source of my inspiration and being. My baby sister, Sakina has helped me tremendously, always making me laugh and keeping an eye out for materials that may prove useful. And finally I owe my thanks to Leila Shirazi who has been an immense source of support. iv Each of them have devised their own ways to cope with the disruption caused by my writing, and in their own way, have kept me going. It is to them I dedicate this thesis. I take sole responsibility for the many imperfections in this work. None of the individuals whose assistance I have acknowledged is in any way liable. v SUMMARY The Dawoodi Bohras are a small Islamic community concentrated in the Indian subcontinent, with an increasing diaspora over the past three decades. An Ismaili group, the community traces its creed back to the 10th century Fatimids of Cairo and remains relatively undocumented. Located as a critical enquiry into the historical contingencies which have shaped Bohra self-identity in late-colonial and post-colonial India, this thesis focuses on internal debates within the community about agendas of ‘reform’ during the tenure of two High Priests of the community, namely, Syedna Taher Saifuddin (1915–1965) and his successor Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin (1965–present). It looks at the ideas and works of those individuals and groups who attempted to critique the authority of the High Priests over spiritual and temporal matters of the community by raising these agendas of ‘reform’. In doing so, the thesis problematises issues of theological authority embodied in the institution of the High Priest and engages with questions of jurisdiction over family and civil law matters and control over community resources and institutions. It focuses on the period c. 1915– 1985, during which the Reformists initially used lawsuits under newly introduced legislation by the colonial state to put pressure on Syedna Taher Saifuddin to recognise the need to ‘modernise’ the community. The High Priest responded with selective re-adaptation of Fatimid beliefs to legitimise his position. He also increasingly used modern technologies such as print, rail and air travel, as well as modern organisational systems to expound his ideas. In the context of Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin’s tenure as High Priest (post- 1965), taking advantage of the post-colonial ‘secular’ state, the Reformists harnessed print media and civil society institutions in an attempt to undermine the authority of the High Priest. Syedna Mohammad Burhanuddin responded by embracing secularism, eschewing Islamic extremism and reasserting the ideals of self-reliance. The landmark 1979 Conference of Fatimi Knowledge (al-Multaqa al-Fatimi al-Ilmi) symbolised these measures, which were aimed at achieving greater cohesion within the community. In overall terms, the High Priest succeeded in re-invoking bonds of culture, traditions and the past embodied in community institutions. He also addressed many of the issues raised by the Reformists, while never acknowledging their locus standi. In a wider sense, the thesis ends with a discussion about the community’s contemporary identity mix and how ideas of devotion to the High Priest operate trans- nationally, reinforced by the annual Ashura commemorations, which take place at different locations around the world. vi GLOSSARY Aga Khan The leader of Nizari Ismailis. While Dawoodi Bohras believe that the Imam is in concealment and represented by the Dai-al-mutlaq, the Khojas believe that the Aga khan is the hazir (‘present’) Imam. Ahl al-bayt People of the household. Refers to the family of Prophet Muhammad, especially his descendents through his daughter Fathema and son-in-law Ali. Aisaheba Title given to the wife of Dai-al-mutlaq Ajlaf/Ashraf Two broad categories of Indian Muslims. Ajlaf communities (the overwhelming majority, a group that includes the Bohras) are descendents of indigenous converts. Whereas Ashraf communities are descendents of Afghans, Persians, Arabs, or other Muslim ruling elites from outside the subcontinent. Amilsaheb Assistant cleric in the Bohra hierarchy who serves as the Dai’s personal representative in a given locality. The title is often translated as ‘priest’, a term that would be out of place in almost any Islamic context other than an Ismaili one. Ashura The tenth day of the Islamic month of Muharram, which commemorates the martyrdom of the grandson of Prophet Mohammad, Imam Husain and his 72 faithful followers in Karbala in 61H/680AD. Ayatollah The