A Profile of Internal Migration in Timor-Leste

OBSERVATORY ON MIGRATION OBSERVATOIRE ACP SUR LES MIGRATIONS OBSERVATÓRIO ACP DAS MIGRAÇÕES

A COUNTRY ON THE MOVE: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Aurelio Guterres, UNTL/Timor-Leste (coordinator) Benjamim Corte Real, UNTL/Timor-Leste (researcher and reporter) Teresa Coelho (researcher and reporter) Fernando de Sousa Jr. (researcher and reporter) Rui Marques (researcher) Pedro Gois, CES/Univ. Coimbra & Univ. Porto (researcher and reporter)

Research

Timor Autauro, 2009 - © Sara Moreira, used under CC BY-NC-SA 2.0 with cropped image Report

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An Initiative of the ACP Secretariat, V S

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S AP S O S IE ITA NTIA ET VER L ACPOBS/2014/PUB04 I

D R Funded by the European Union, A O D M E I T 2000 N L A A Implemented by IOM and with the Financial Support of Switzerland, C I O N IOM, the IOM Development Fund and UNFPA

International Organization for Migration (IOM) Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) Organização Internacional para as Migrações (OIM) 2014 ACP Observatory on Migration The ACP Observatory on Migration is an initiative of the Secretariat of the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) Group of States, funded by the European Union, implemented by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in a Consortium with 15 partners and with the financial support of Switzerland, IOM, the IOM Development Fund and UNFPA. Established in 2010, the ACP Observatory is an institution designed to produce data on South–South ACP migration for migrants, civil society and policymakers and enhance research capacities in ACP countries for the improvement of the situation of migrants and the strengthening of the migration–development nexus. The Observatory was established to facilitate the creation of a network of research institutions and experts on migration research. Activities are starting in 12 pilot countries and willbe progressively extended to other interested ACP countries. The 12 pilot countries are: Angola, Cameroon, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Haiti, Kenya, Lesotho, Nigeria, Papua New Guinea, Senegal, Timor‐Leste, Trinidad and Tobago and the United Republic of Tanzania. The Observatory has launched research and capacity‐building activities on South–South migration and development issues. Through these activities, the ACP Observatory aims to address many issues that are becoming increasingly important for the ACP Group as part of the migration- development nexus. Documents and other research outputs and capacity‐building manuals can be accessed and downloaded free of charge through the Observatory’s website (www. acpmigration‐obs.org). Other upcoming publications and information on the Observatory’s activities will be posted online.

Document prepared by Aurelio Guterres, UNTL/Timor-Leste (coordinator), Benjamim Corte Real, UNTL/Timor-Leste (researcher and reporter), Teresa Coelho (researcher and reporter), Fernando de Sousa Jr. (researcher and reporter), Rui Marques (researcher) e Pedro Gois, CES/ Univ. Coimbra & Univ. Porto (researcher and reporter). This publication has been produced with the financial assistance of the European Union. The contents of this publication are the sole responsibility of the authors and can in no way be taken to reflect the views of the Secretariat of the ACP Group of States, the European Union, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and other members of the Consortium of the ACP Observatory on Migration, the Swiss Federation or UNFPA. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior written permission of the publisher. Layout by Pablo Escribano Miralles, ACP Observatory on Migration.

ACPOBS/2014/PUB04 OBSERVATORY ON MIGRATION OBSERVATOI RE ACP SUR LES M I GRATI ONS OBSERVATÓRIOO ACP DAS MIGRAÇÕES

A COUNTRY ON THE MOVE: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Foreword

This study aims to contribute to the improvement of the programmatic and policy framework on internal migration in Timor-Leste, by analysing the impact of internal mobility on human development in the country with a specific focus on urban planning. Highlighting that internal migration dynamics create real opportunities for development, this study considers their economic, social and cultural impacts as well as their vital importance in terms of national policymaking and planning. I would like to thank the ACP Observatory on Migration and the Universidade Nacional de Timor Lorosa’e, which led the research and the coordinators of the study from the School of Economics and Management of the Technical University of Lisbon (Portugal) for the importance given to this matter, based on the needs identified by the National Consultative Committee of -Timor Leste. Considering the previous lack of data and studies on internal migration in Timor-Leste, this study promises to be a necessary contribution to the understanding of the issue and will be of great interest to relevant national stakeholders.

Luis da C. Pereira Chair, National Consultative Committee (NCC) Chief of Documents Visa Section Migration Service

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Authors’ note

The research project “Impacto da Migração Interna sobre o Desenvolvimento Humano para além das remessas em Timor-Leste” (Impact of Internal Migration on Human Development in Timor-Leste, over and above remittances) was undertaken by the authors within the terms defined in the contract signed by the OIM and the UNTL (as the leader of the informal consortium put together for this purpose. A team of students and researchers from the UNTL (listed in annexes 1 and 2) provided support and collaboration. The authors would like to thank the students and researchers from the UNTL for their work on the project, along with the UNTL services who handled the logistic and protocol procedures essential for the proposed objectives to be reached. The authors would also like to thank all the others in Timor-Leste who gave the team fundamental support in the field and made it possible to conclude the project. We would like to pick out in particular the support provided by Rosalina Dias, Ermegina Alves (Gina), Filomeno Dias and Isidoro Viana da Costa.

Table of contents

List of acronyms...... ix List of tables and figures...... xi Executive summary...... xiii Sumário executivo...... xvii Résumé executif ...... xxi 1. Introduction...... 1 2. Methodology...... 3 3. Linking internal migration and human development: from theory to Timor-Leste...... 5 3.1 Migration: drivers and effects ...... 5 3.2 Linking migration and human development: from concept to analysis...... 8 4. Internal migration and human development: Timor-Leste...... 11 4.1 The Portuguese colonial period (1900–1975)...... 11 4.2 The Indonesian occupation (1975–1999)...... 14 4.3 The post-referendum period (1999–2006)...... 19 4.4 The 2006 crisis and its effect on internal migration...... 22 5. Internal migration and development: what we know...... 25 5.1 The current situation...... 25 5.2 A statistical analysis of the Census in post-independence Timor ��29 5.3 Results from a 2013 survey showing likely trends...... 33 5.4 Analysis of the perception of Sucos in Dili based on the 2013 survey...... 39 5.5 A typology of internal migration in Timor-Leste...... 42 6. Conclusions and recommendations...... 47 7. Bibliography...... 53 8. Annexes...... 61

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List of acronyms

ACP African, Caribbean, and Pacific Group of States HDI Human Development Index NGO Non-Governmental Organization UNTL Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e

List of tables and figures

Tables Table 1: Population Distribution (residence), covering two years or more, in 2004 and 2010, using Census information Table 2: In-migration, out-migration and net migration of the population aged 5 or more in 2010 Table 3: Internal migration by district: District of birth versus District of current residence Table 4: Approximation to a phasing of internal migrations in Timor-Leste broken down into typology Table 5: Place of birth versus Place of residence by District Table 6: District of current residence versus previous District of residence (recent migration) Table 7: International immigrants by District

Figures Figure 1: Net migration per district Figure 2: Net migration to Dili Figure 3: Reasons for first migration Figure 4: Reasons for most recent migration

A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Executive summary

This study analyses the impact of internal migration on human development in Timor-Leste and, in accordance with the initial objectives, provides: i) a typology of internal migration in Timor-Leste; ii) a map of internal migration patterns in the country, briefly characterizing the factors (economic and non-economic) that motivate migratory movements; iii) a summary of the impact of migratory flows whether on the regions of origin or on the regions of destination, at various levels of human development; iv) a collection of recommendations, with the aim of defining strategic policies in respect of internal migration. In terms of methodology, theories of migration intersect with theories of development, presenting a conceptual state of the art. Timor-Leste’s recent history is approached as an explanatory basis demonstrating the existence of different phases in recent internal migration, namely: a) up until 1975; b) 1975–1999; c) 1999–2006; d) after 2006. Presenting phases of different types of internal migration enables the development of a typology that shows the complex nature of this phenomenon and identifies recommendations for the definition of differentiated public policies. It is recognized that, in Timor-Leste, and apart from purely economic aspects associated with the expected growth in productivity (due to employment within the labour market, even though informal), migration is also explained by other factors – such as education opportunities and access to essential social services, forced migration (such as post-conflict migration) or induced migration such as migration due to barlaque1 or marriage – and is encouraged by extended social networks and by support from the Church and from the State2. It is clear that the decision to migrate is not always taken freely and rationally by the individual (at a micro level), or even by the household, as this decision is often inextricably linked to the context of the social group or community to which the individual belongs. This aspect must not be ignored when analysing migratory flows in Timor-Leste. The typology referred to can be summarized as the following types: 1) A first type of internal migration is that resulting from subordinate labour migration or independent labour migration; 2) A second type of migration is directly

1 Barlaque ( barlake in tetum) is a Timorese tradition consisting on offering good or money as a dowry before marriage. Barlaque is paid by the family of the future husband to the family of the future wife. Husband and wife are normally not involved in these negotiations. 2 For example, the Timorese State encourages or favors internal migration through a centralization policy attacting students towards Dili. xiii ACP Observatory on Migration correlated to the gender of the migrants. In other words, it is a type of internal or interregional migration (of variable distance) linked to gender (as a result of marriage); 3) A third type is that of migrants based on family reunification resulting from migration of family members following the previous migration of a relative (usually the man). This type includes children and other members of the nuclear family, but also members of the extended family (parents-in-law, cousins, siblings-in-law, nephews and nieces, etc.); 4) A fourth type, linked to the recent development of Timor-Leste, is that of internal migration of students and their displacement to the main education centres in the country; 5) A fifth distinct type is the result of temporary migratory flows in the past and involves a flow of former internal migrants and refugees. At various points in the past they have caused a combination of migratory flows as revealed by the statistics and and the history of Timor-Leste. The recommendations made by the authors include the following: 1. The importance of creating an integrated monitoring, screening and information system for internal and international migration of Timorese seems to emerge as the first recommendation. Information systems must be established that focus on migrants, both their origin and destination, migration processes, programmes aimed at migrants and the difficulties experienced within the migratory process. Without a migration monitoring centre, it is impossible to anticipate solutions to potential conflicts or difficulties. Charting the development of migration must be considered a political priority in terms of the demographics of Timor-Leste. 2. Another recommendation must be made in relation to the need to create research and training structures for students and technical staff. The interlinking of knowledge already gained with the training of more capable experts and policy-makers must be a priority in the development of Timor-Leste. This project represents an excellent pilot project for gauging the potential capacity that already exists in Timor-Leste and that now needs to be sustained in the medium term. The creation of development structures for an infrastructure of research and of research and development can be achieved in conjunction with international institutions. 3. It is recommended that a development strategy is implemented for training projects - in both the migrants’ regions of destination and regions of origin – in a way that promotes immigrants’ ability to be autonomous and their ability to develop their own projects, and/or that improves their employability. The target audience must be broad, but the empowerment of young people should be a priority. xiv A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

4. The creation of an entity that facilitates, in a first phase, the mapping of existing structures and, in a second phase, the building of mechanisms for planning synergies and for reducing the duplication of costs associated with these populations should be a public policy priority. The recommendation we are making here is to combine State, local authorities and civil society (e.g. non-governmental organizations or the Catholic Church) in order to promote development based on effective networks capable of empowering those who are able to realise projects at a local level more effectively. 5. The implementation of integrated regional development programmes (health, education, housing, environmental development, etc.), based on encouraging populations to settle in their territories of origin, should be pursued as a national strategy. The creation of multiannual integrated development programmes, with precisely measurable objectives, will make it possible to respond to regional imbalances and to lessen the attraction of Dili as the key destination for internal migrants, thus addressing the current imbalance in social and territorial cohesion.

A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Sumário executivo

Este estudo procede a uma análise do impacto da migração interna no desenvolvimento humano em Timor-Leste e, de acordo com os objetivos iniciais, fornece: i) uma tipologia das migrações internas em Timor-Leste; ii) um mapeamento com padrões de migrações internas no país, caracterizando de forma breve os fatores (económicos e não económicos) que motivam os movimentos migratórios; iii) a síntese dos impactos dos fluxos migratórios, quer nas regiões de origem, quer nas de destino, a diferentes níveis do desenvolvimento humano; iv) um conjunto de recomendações, visando a definição de políticas estratégicas sobre migrações internas. Em termos de abordagem cruzam-se as teorias das migrações com as teorias do desenvolvimento, apresentando um estado da arte concetual. Aborda-se a recente história de Timor-Leste como premissa explicativa demonstrando a existência de diferentes fases nas migrações internas contemporâneas, a saber: a) até 1975; b) 1975–1999; c) 1999–2006; d) pós 2006. A apresentação de um faseamento de distintas formas de migrações internas permite construir uma tipologia que apresenta a natureza complexa deste fenómeno e identifica recomendações para a definição de políticas públicas diferenciadas. Admite-se que, em Timor-Leste, e para além dos aspetos puramente económicos, associados à expetativa de aumento dos rendimentos (pelo emprego no mercado de trabalho, mesmo que informal), as migrações encontram também explicação noutros fatores – como as oportunidades de educação e o acesso a serviços sociais essenciais, causas forçadas (como as migrações pós-conflito) ou induzidas como as migrações derivadas do barlaque3 ou de casamentos – e são incentivadas pelas redes sociais alargadas e pelo apoio da Igreja e do Estado4. Conclui-se que a decisão de migrar nem sempre é tomada livre e racionalmente pelo indivíduo (a nível micro), ou mesmo pelo agregado familiar, sendo essa decisão muitas vezes indissociável do contexto do grupo social ou da comunidade a que o indivíduo pertence. Este aspeto não deve ser negligenciado na análise dos fluxos migratórios em Timor-Leste. A tipologia enunciada pode ser sintetizada nos seguintes tipos: 1)Um primeiro tipo de migração interna é o que decorre de uma migração laboral

3 O Barlaque (ou Barlake, em tétum) é uma tradição timorense que consiste na entrega de um dote (em bens ou dinheiro) prévio ao matrimónio. O Barlque é pago pela família do noivo à família da mulher e, nesta negociação, por norma os noivos não intervêem. 4 Por exemplo, o Estado timorense promove (ou induz) migrações internas através de políticas de centralização que induzem os estudantes a migrar para Díli. xvii ACP Observatory on Migration subordinada ou de uma migração laboral independente; 2) Um segundo tipo de migração tem uma correlação direta com o género dos migrantes. Dito de outro modo, trata-se de um tipo de migração interna ou inter-regional (de distância variável) ligada ao género (por consequência do casamento); 3) Um terceiro tipo é o dos migrantes por via do reagrupamento familiar que resulta de migrações de membros da família que se seguem à migração prévia de um familiar (normalmente o homem). Estão incluídos neste tipo os filhos e outros membros da família nuclear mas também membros de família mais alargada (sogros, primos, cunhados, sobrinhos, etc.); 4) Um quarto tipo, ligado ao desenvolvimento recente de Timor-Leste, é o da migração interna de estudantes e a sua deslocação para os principais centros educativos do país; 5) Um quinto tipo distinto resulta de fluxos migratórios temporários do passado e constitui um fluxo de ex-migrantes/ex-refugiados internos. Em diferentes vagas no passado provocaram um conjunto de fluxos migratórios que a estatística e a história de Timor-Leste permitem revelar. No que concerne a recomendações os autores propõem, entre outras, as seguintes: 1. A importância de ser criado um sistema integrado de observação, rastreio e informação das migrações internas e internacionais dos timorenses parece emergir como a primeira das recomendações. Importa criar dispositivos de informação relativa aos migrantes, tanto na origem como no destino, relativo aos processos de migração, a programas destinados aos migrantes ou às dificuldades sentidas no processo migratório. Sem um observatório das migrações não é possível antecipar soluções para potenciais conflitos ou dificuldades. Mapear a evolução das migrações deve ser considerada uma das prioridades políticas na demografia timorense. 2. Outra recomendação deve ser feita a nível da necessidade de criação de estruturas de investigação e formação de estudantes e quadros técnicos. A interligação de conhecimento já realizado com a capacitação de técnicos e decisores políticos mais capazes e informados deve ser uma prioridade no desenvolvimento de Timor-Leste. Este projeto afigura-se como um bom projeto-piloto na aferição das capacidades potenciais já existentes em Timor-Leste e que necessitam agora de ser sustentadas num processo de médio prazo. A criação de estruturas de desenvolvimento de uma infra-estrutura de investigação e de investigação e desenvolvimento poderá ser feita em articulação com instituições internacionais. 3. Recomenda-se a implementação de uma estratégia de desenvolvimento de projetos de formação - tanto nas regiões de destino como de origem xviii A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

dos migrantes – de forma a promover a capacitação dos imigrantes na sua autonomização e possibilidade de desenvolvimento de projetos próprios e/ou maior possibilidade de inserção profissional. O público alvo deve ser amplo mas a capacitação dos jovens deve ser uma prioridade. 4. A criação de uma entidade que permita, numa primeira fase, um mapeamento das estruturas existentes e, numa segunda fase, a construção de mecanismos de planificação de sinergias e de redução da duplicação de custos associados a estas populações deve constituir uma prioridade das politicas públicas. A recomendação que aqui fazemos vai no sentido de agregar Estado, poder local e sociedade civil (e.g. organizações não governamentais ou Igreja Católica) no sentido de promover um desenvolvimento baseado em redes eficazes capazes de empoderar aqueles que mais eficazmente possam concretizar projetos ao nível local. 5. A implementação de programas de desenvolvimento regional integrados (saúde, educação, habitação, desenvolvimento ambiental, etc.), numa lógica de promoção da fixação de populações nos seus territórios de origem, deve ser prosseguida como estratégia nacional. A criação de programas integrados de desenvolvimento plurianuais, com objetivos que possam ser medidos com rigor, permitirá responder aos desequilíbrios regionais e atenuar a tendência de atratividade que Díli gera sobre todo o território nacional, atenuando o atual desequilíbrio na coesão social e territorial.

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A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Résumé executif

Cette étude analyse l’impact des migrations internes sur le développement humain du Timor-Oriental, et, conformément aux objectifs initiaux, elle fournit i) une typologie des migrations internes du Timor-Oriental, ii) une cartographie des modèles de migrations internes caractérisant brièvement les facteurs (économiques et autres) qui motivent les mouvements migratoires, iii) la synthèse de limpact des flux migratoires tant dans les régions de départ que dans les régions de destination, à différents niveaux de développement humain, iv) un ensemble de recommandations visant à définir des stratégies politiques en matière de migrations internes. En termes de méthodologiques, les théories sur la migration sont croisées avec celles du développement dans une présentation conceptuelle novatrice. L’histoire récente du Timor-Leste sert de base explicative permettant de démontrer l’existence de différentes phases au sein du phénomène migratoire interne contemporain, soit : a) jusqu’en 1975, b) de 1975 à 1999, c) de 1999 à 2006 et d) après 2006. La division en phases des différentes formes de migrations internes permet de construire une typologie migratoire qui exprime la nature complexe de ce phénomène, et qui permet d’inférer des recommandations de politiques publiques différenciées. Il est admis qu’au Timor-Leste, au-delà des aspects purement économiques, associés à une tendance prévisible d’augmentation des revenus tant salariés qu’informels, le phénomène migratoire s’explique également par d’autres facteurs, comme l’accès à l’éducation et à d’autres services sociaux essentiels, mais aussi des facteurs de contraintes (migrations à la suite de conflits) ou encore des facteurs tels que le « barlaque »5 ou le mariage, lesquels sont encouragés par le milieu social élargi et appuyés par l’Église ou l’État6. En conclusion, la décision de migrer n’est pas toujours prise librement et rationnellement par l’individu (au niveau micro) ni même par la cellule familiale, dans la mesure où cette décision est souvent indissociable du groupe social ou de la communauté d’appartenance du migrant. Cet aspect ne peut être négligé dans l’analyse des flux migratoires au Timor-Leste.

5 Le barlaque (ou barlake en tétum) est une tradition timoraise qui consiste en une dotation offerte sous la forme de biens ou d’argent avant le mariage. Le barlaque est payé par la famille du marié à celle de l’épouse. Les futurs mariés n’interviennent normalement pas dans ces négociations. 6 Par exemple, l’état timorais encourage ou favorise les migrations internes par le biais d’une politique de centralisation qui attire les flux d’étudiants vers la capitale Dili. xxi ACP Observatory on Migration

La typologie précédente peut être synthétisée de la façon suivante : 1) le premier type de migration interne est celui qui découle des migrations de travail salarié ou indépendant. 2) Le second type de flux migratoire est directement corrélé au sexe des migrants. En d’autres termes, il s’agit de migrations intérieures ou interrégionales de distance variable et liées au sexe car relatives au mariage. 3) Le troisième type de migration interne est dû au regroupement familial consécutif à la migration de l’un des membres dela famille (généralement un homme) qui est rejoint par les siens. Les enfants et les autres membres du noyau familial, mais également les membres de la famille élargie (beaux-parents, cousins, beaux-frères, neveux, etc.) sont inclus dans cette catégorie. 4) En quatrième lieu, corrélées au développement récent du Timor-Oriental, se trouvent les migrations internes d’étudiants vers les principaux centres d’éducation du pays. 5) Un cinquième type est celui des flux migratoires temporaires du passé, constitués d’ex-migrants et d’ex-réfugiés internes. Ces derniers ont migré par vagues et leurs mouvements peuvent aujourd’hui être reconstitués grâce aux statistiques et à l’histoire. En ce qui concerne les recommandations, les auteurs proposent notamment les mesures suivantes : 1. En premier lieu, la création d’un système intégré d’observation, de comptage et d’information concernant les migrations internes et internationales des populations timoraises semble s’imposer. Il est nécessaire de créer des dispositifs d’information concernant les migrants, tant au départ qu’à l’arrivée, mais également relative aux processus de migration, aux programmes destinés aux migrants ou aux difficultés rencontrées au cours du processus migratoire. En l’absence d’un observatoire des migrations, il est impossible d’anticiper des solutions en cas de conflits ou de difficultés. La cartographie de l’évolution du mouvement migratoire doit être considérée comme l’une des priorités de la politique démographique timoraise. 2. La seconde recommandation concerne la nécessité de créer des structures de recherche et de formation d’étudiants et de cadres techniques. L’échange de connaissances, déjà réalisé par le renforcement des compétences de certains techniciens et décideurs politiques désormais plus compétents et mieux informés, doit être une priorité pour le développement du pays. Il s’agit d’un projet pilote de qualité qui permet de développer le potentiel existant et qui doit à présent s’inscrire dans une perspective de consolidation à moyen terme. La mise en place d’un projet de développement d’infrastructures de recherche et d’information pourra s’effectuer en partenariat avec des institutions internationales. xxii A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

3. Il est recommandé de déployer une stratégie de développement de projets de formation, tant dans les régions de départ que dans les régions d’installation des migrants, de façon à promouvoir leur autonomie, àla fois sur le plan de la réalisation d’objectifs personnels que sur celui de l’insertion professionnelle. Le public visé doit être large, mais les jeunes doivent constituer une priorité. 4. La création d’une entité qui permette, au cours d’une phase initiale, de cartographier les structures existantes et, dans un second temps, de renforcer les synergies et de réduire les coûts de double emploi associés à ces populations, doit figurer parmi les priorités des politiques publiques. Cette recommandation va dans le sens d’une meilleure intégration des pouvoirs de l’État, des collectivités et de la société civile (entre autres, les organisations non gouvernementales ou l’Église catholique), de manière à promouvoir l’efficacité des réseaux les plus à même de réaliser les projets au niveau local. 5. La mise en place de programmes de développement régional intégrés (santé, éducation, logement, environnement, etc.) destinés à encourager les populations à rester sur leur territoire d’origine doit faire l’objet d’un projet national. La création de programmes de développement intégrés pluriannuels, dont les objectifs seront rigoureusement évalués, permettra de répondre aux déséquilibres régionaux et d’atténuer l’attractivité que Dili exerce sur l’ensemble du territoire national, en remédiant aux problèmes actuels qui affectent l’équilibre et la cohésion sociale et spatiale.

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A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

1. Introduction

Population movements have been the subject of study for a long time. The appeal lies in the impact migration has on economies and social interaction, with migration being a natural focus of planning policy designed to minimize the more detrimental effects of the trend at the local, regional and even national levels. The empirical information gathered from a wide range of contexts seems to point to the fact that internal migration, from rural to urban areas, represent, in many cases, the first step by individuals to adapt to urban surroundings before they take the plunge to a more adventurous migration overseas (Saracoglu and Roe, 2004). This is not always the rule; however, neither is the point that because many internal migrations are not the subject of more in-depth investigation, they are not very important in contemporary migration studies. The relevance of internal migrations has been well documented, along with their effects and consequences in a number of situations where well-grounded information is available. It is worth noting that in the available literature on internal migration, the focus on the perspective of population demographics and its analysis underlines the fact that migrations in themselves, when seen in conjunction with birth and mortality rates, are vital components that affect population growth in different parts of a country. Hence the structural importance of having an in-depth knowledge in this sphere. Without knowledge of the real situation, there can be no appropriate public policy, and without accurate and up-to-date knowledge of the changes to this situation (through shifts in populations for example) there can be no planning capacity nor optimized public policies. Research provides the groundwork for decisions, and we believe there is reason to highlight the fact that the Universidade Nacional Timor Lorosa’e (UNTL) can and must play a vital role in creating the technical and scientific support for this research, given its status as the only publically-funded university in the country. For the purposes of this study, which focuses on the likely patterns of future internal migrations in Timor-Leste and their links with human development, the authors have chosen to highlight observable trends (rather than primary source data – which for the most part are either non-existent or not complete enough for any meaningful comparative time series). These trends allow us to categorize the different types of internal migration and the challenges and implications facing Timor-Leste from both internal and international migrations. For Timor-Leste, “traditional” internal migrations are linked to a number of factors: the effects of a recent post-conflict situation; the impact ofa 1 ACP Observatory on Migration restructuring and centralizing policy in a State in the process of redefining itself; and the consequences of a development approach that is still very much tied to the State, with little room for private sector initiatives and a lack of clarity around the medium and longer-term development plans for the country. These plans remain, so far at least, very centralized on the capital Dili. The challenges ahead are immense and some of the responses by internal migrants indicate that there is still a general lack of awareness of the country’s national development strategy. For the purposes of this report, the definition of ‘internal migration’ is the movement of people or groups of people from one location to another within the same country with the aim or having the result of establishing a new place of residence. This migration can be either short-term or permanent, with varying migration distances (for example, moving from one village to a neighbouring one, from one suco7 to another, or from one district to another). It is taken, however, that the individuals that are a part of this kind of migration remain in their country of origin, and are not, as far as this research goes, considered to be international migrants (as per IOM, 2011a). This is a study of likely future trends and should be taken as an initial diagnosis. The aim of the report is to start to build a picture of the types of internal migration present in Timor-Leste, but it is not, nor could it be, a representative study that covers all of the country’s internal migrations in all their complexity. It is envisaged that this preliminary study will be followed by a broader research project, of a more quantitative nature, to complement, to deepen and to create a space to develop more effective policies. The characteristics, causes and consequences of the migration processes described here will form the basis for a set of recommendations that are presented at the end of the study and shared with donors, financial institutions and governmental authorities of Timor-Leste. That said, this study is a preliminary one, requiring more in-depth research. Great caution must be used if assuming that the conclusions are immutable and unquestionable. The point therefore is that this analysis does not aim to be a basis for taking decisions, but rather an advocacy tool to bring this issue centre stage as a vital part of the decision-making process in the formulation and design of development policies and the furthering of Timor-Leste’s human development.

7 A suco (or suko, in Tétum) is the smallest administrative area in Timor-Leste, and there are 442 sucos across the country. 2 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

2. Methodology

Both quantitative and qualitative methods were employed in a hybrid model in order to reach a more accurate interpretation and consistent picture of the phenomenon of internal migration and its links with human development and the prevailing trends of the past decade of Timor-Leste’s history. In addition to a thematic review of the literature, twelve semi-structured interviews were undertaken with key individuals who understand Timorese migration patterns extremely well. Interviewees included state officials, national and regional authorities, and international organizations including the International Organization for Migration (IOM) and representatives from the Catholic Church and from established NGOs in Timor-Leste (Asian Foundation). In terms of the quantitative methods chosen, the survey covered 400 Timorese with experience of internal migration. The questionnaire covered the profile, contacts, reasons for migrating, trends and status of the migrants in their respectivesuco /district (at point of origin and final destination), family situation, professional situation, future plans and mobility, and the causes and results of their migration experience. The questionnaire was worked on and developed by the project’s team members, and was provided in both Tétum and Portuguese. It comprised 49 questions, given to 400 Timorese located in 68 of the country’s 442 sucos, covering 41 of the 65 sub-districts of Timor-Leste (see annex 3). In addition, a study composed of 18 questions, provided in Tetum and Portuguese, was given to 24 of the 31 Heads of Suco in the Dili district (representing coverage of 87% of the population of Dili district). Theaim of the study was to learn about the way local authorities in the districts perceived the profiles of migrants and their reasons for migrating, along with recommendations that we consider to be of benefit to the sucos (see annex 4). The choice of interviewees took into account: a) the respondent’s exposure to and experience of migration; b) the need for a wide range of interviewees selected according to the composition of their family; c) the bias in a snowball effect with referral and prior selection on the part of the Headsof suco themselves. The sample was not intended to be a representative one, but a diverse one nonetheless to allow for a qualitative assessment of the types of internal migrants, rather than a quantitative evaluation of Timor-Leste internal migrations made by the respondents. The number of surveys completed is enough to ensure an effective coverage of the Timorese population but is not a structured representation. 3 ACP Observatory on Migration

An initial study was carried out to examine existing data on the different types of internal migrants in post-independence Timor. The authors were able to create a network of contacts based on the literature review exercise, drawing on material and human resources made available by UNTL, contact with governmental and non-governmental institutions, or with the Catholic Church in Timor. This was important for carrying out the questionnaires in Timor-Leste. The decision to work with a group of students selected by UNTL for their prior experience with handling and using population surveys proved to be an extremely successful approach. On the one hand, it allowed the authors to reach their objectives in relation to trying out a prospective (pilot) questionnaire targeted at internal migrants in Timor-Leste. On the other, this approach led to a small team of researchers being ready to be mobilized in the future. The authors would like to see these researchers remaining in contact with each other, potentially leading to more joint studies on this issue in the future. This approach resulted in the successful collection of previously untreated data. The scientific basis for the data collection is sound, but it should not be considered a comprehensive representation of the migrant population of Timor-Leste. Initially, the minimum sample size was determined atbe around 384 valid questionnaires (using the formula of infinite population with a confidence interval of 95% and a margin of error of 5%). The minimum number of questionnaires that were not completed (there was a total of 318 surveys administered to Timorese with experience of migration and 82 surveys administered to Timorese without such experience), their unequal distribution in terms of primary variables (compared with the results from the Census) and the implicit regional disparity means that this survey cannot be viewed as representing the entire population. In this sense, the results should be viewed as non-representative, or rather, as merely an approximate interpretation of the characteristics of the population studied.

4 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

3. Linking internal migration and human development: from theory to Timor-Leste

Migrations have been studied for a long time. There are several theories, models and concepts to explain the phenomenon of migration, both in terms of the reasons for moving, and the processes behind the decisions linked to these moves, besides their consequences either at the point of departure or arrival. The direction migrations take and their intensity are also linked to the dynamics of development itself. Currently, the definition of human development is characterized by the search for economic growth, combined with securing a higher standard of living and well-being for populations. Migrations play an important role in this process.

3.1 Migration: drivers and effects The UN 2009 Human Development Index Report highlighted the significance of migratory trends in the broader context of human migrations and development, and estimated that there were 740 million internal migrants. This figure is almost four times the number for international migrants (UHDP, 2009:21). In China alone, in 2001, there were an estimated 120 million internal migrants, and this figure jumped to 278 million in 2011 (and the number is seen as multiplying several times over the next few decades). By contrast, the same year saw the number of people who migrated from China to seek work was estimated to be in the order of 458 thousand. This level of migration has remained more or less constant (IOM, 2005:10; Peilin and Roulleau-Berger, 2013). There are many authors that focus on the study of migrations (see for example Massey et al., 1998). The complexity of this issue and its multidimensional nature, however, mean that there is no single theory capable of covering all the diverse types of population movements. In the case of the current study, there are several migration theories that have allowed the authors to classify the internal migrations of Timor-Leste. In our view, the most relevant theories for their analytical possibilities, though there are others, derive from the push-pull theory, the theory of rational choice, and neoclassical theory as applied to the labour market. In the theory of rational choice, the explanation given for migration lies in the fact that individuals only move when the costs of moving are lower than the expected benefits. With a rational decision, variables are not limited solely to economic drivers, as the reasons behind the 5 ACP Observatory on Migration decision may be influenced more specifically by sociological factors. These are varied and wide-ranging: the difficulty of leaving behind not only the place they come from but also the community they belong to; the need to adapt to different eating and cultural habits; and the uncertainty felt with having to fit into a new social context with different structures and values from their own. Another point worth raising in the case of Timor-Leste, is that the decision to migrate is not taken in isolation but involves the family unit, and this brings the advantage of spreading the responsibility for taking the risks associated with such a decision. Several members of the community will shoulder the burden that would otherwise fall solely on the shoulders of the individual (Guterres, 2003: 23–26). Following this logic, social networks of individuals already living in the destination (the diaspora) take on a particular importance and they help migrants to integrate more easily. The social networks of migrants are a sort of social capital that establishes a link between individuals who already reside at the intended destination and those who remain in the places of origin. Although this is a micro-structure, it is extremely significant as it serves to help newly-arrived migrants to settle in. The existence of these networks can also explain the different factors influencing migration, as well as the sustainable nature of the flows. Put another way, these networks might even make it more probable for migration to be between two distinct places. In recent decades, and foremost during the decade of the 1980s, new contributions to theories of migrations emerged, and we believe they are important to take into account for this study of internal migrations in Timor-Leste. These contributions present a theoretical approach that is different from a logic based on a micro level. This approach sees migrations as not being initiated by an individual acting in isolation. These authors consider that the difference in potential earnings between regions isnot a good enough reason in and of itself to explain migration trends, not least because migration still occurs when salary disparity is no longer an issue. The idea that employment drives mobility has to be considered against a backdrop of unequal developments in available space deriving from the accumulation of wealth in the private sector (Peixoto, 2004: 24–28). So it is that the progressive fragmentation of traditional structures and the changes to them brought about by the modernization of society are both the cause and the effect of economic growth (Estevão, 2004: 2; 13–21). A particularly apposite reference to our case study is the role of the State as a body responsible for the definition and implementation of policies that regulate migration, as well as the role it takes in reforming institutions through ‘developmental’ action. This hinders the polarization of migrations and over-urbanization in certain areas, 6 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste with the resulting depopulation in the places of origin. According tosome authors, the rise in migration towards more modern and more industrialized areas slows down once there is seen to be some modernization in the places of origin, allied above all to cases where people have higher incomes. This phenomenon is called the migration hump (Castles, 2008: 5) and the discovery of its existence and subsequent take up of development policies comes from the aim of deterring excessive internal migrations. It is also important to note the factors that block or slow down internal migrations in traditional societies. These include, in particular, the prevalence of traditional values, a lack of formal education, entrenched semi-feudal farming methods, and the lack of improvements in road infrastructure and connections to markets (in the broad capitalist sense). In these kinds of societies there is little or no movement of farming labour to the industrial sector or work in the tertiary sector (Kundu, 2008:68-70). In other words, there are fewer factors precipitating migration. In this study, we explore the different reasons that may affect the decision to migrate within a country. The reasons for moving may change over time, but taken generically, they can be grouped within a small number of factors: a) socioeconomic; b) political or relating to infrastructure; c) climatic and environmental d) relating to safety and security; and e) ethnic and cultural. All these reasons are subsequently shaped by the hurdles which may arise. These then affect a decision to migrate that is taken by an individual or the family or (at very specific times such as natural disasters or wars) by large groups. For the most part, the decision to migrate is a voluntary one, taken by individuals or their families wishing to move on. In certain cases, however, migrations, despite their voluntary nature, are pre-determined by the context in which individuals find themselves, and go beyond their own decision for leaving. Put another way, there is a cluster of decisions taken that are caused by the situation that individuals are already in, even though these factors may develop slowly over time and are sometimes hard to see. With regards to the consequences of migration, the relocation of people from one geographical area to another produces its own cluster of effects, among which are: a) regional socioeconomic changes at both the point of origin and destination; b) demographic imbalances between regions; c) disparities between different parts of the country, either created by the migration or increased by it; d) a shift in the balance of social cohesion. As a rule, when it comes to places of origin, we see a drop in numbers among the younger and economically active population, since for the most part it is the working age individuals who leave, and this in turn results in a progressive aging of the population. 7 ACP Observatory on Migration

Another consequence includes the spread and retention of new ideas and customs brought by the people who have left their place of origin (for example, the use of mobile phones, computers and the internet). The sending of remittances by migrating population and a growing monetization of local economies can lead to social imbalance. On the other hand, populations at the point of destination are becoming younger and the increase in the workforce available translates into an increase in wealth, and also more labour that will either slow down or suspend any potential salary increases. These changes often lead to better standards of living, and this in turn can lead to higher birth rates, more young people in the areas of destination and an increase in the gap with the places of origin, which in turn keep emptying out. The consequences of the improvement in human development speed up when it comes to such factors as urbanization or better basic sanitation. This can either impact positively on all society (with improvements to the quality of life) or negatively. When migrations are intense and cumulative over time, they can result in the creation of informal settlements and shanty towns or slums, with a resulting increase in security risk, health hazards, and a fall in living conditions. The reaction to this situation tends to lead to social cohesion issues or even feelings of racism and xenophobia, or an aversion for the ‘foreigner’, and this might be a ‘foreigner’ from another country, or a ‘foreigner’ from another town or city in the same country.

3.2 Linking migration and human development: from concept to analysis Although the concept of human development is relatively recent, it has in fact emerged from several associated theories over the centuries (see for example Amaro, 2003; Amin 1978; Estevão, 2004; Furtado, 1976; Meier, 2004.) The initial concept was based on the notion of accumulating wealth but this gradually transformed into something that presupposed a change in the economy, society and individuals. This then led to the perception of a link between economic growth and an increased sense of well-being. In the last years of the twentieth century and the start of the twenty-first century, the issue became more focused on the quality of life in a broader sense. Currently, it is generally accepted that any rise or fall in the performance of a country’s economy is inextricably linked to the capacity of its people. This is because if there are enough financial resources available, this will add to a country’s knowledge and competences, and give it the potential to increase its productive capacity, either through innovation or greater efficiency. 8 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

From the 1990s onwards, the concept of development came to embrace many more issues, with new approaches seen through a multi-dimensional lens. The theory of human capacity (and freedom) outlined by Amartya Sen undoubtedly contributed to the change in approach – development is seen as an increae in people’s freedom and skills, enabling them to cut down what they cannot have (and this has a multi-dimensional nature), and to meet their most basic needs in order to achieve well-being (Sen, 1999). Along similar lines, Mahbub ul Haq asserts that the idea of development is founded for the most part on the broadening of choices an individual has. This relates specifically to a greater access to knowledge, food security, improved nutrition and health care, safety from crime and physical violence, as well as cultural and political freedoms, all of which contribute to a feeling that you are playing a part in your community. These authors proposed, therefore, a new indicator, the Human Development Index (HDI), as a new way to measure development, given that is such a complex and multi-dimensional issue. Still in the 1990s, a new unorthodox way of explaining the process of development from a multi-dimensional perspective was put forward (Hodgson, 1994; Torres, 1996). In this new way of thinking about this issue, development comes about through the efforts of several actors, including the State, the market and institutions (formal and informal). Yet the developing countries of Africa and Asia are currently experiencing the highest levels of urbanization (Greenwood, 2009: 2–6) and this seems to show that development is being fostered in very different ways, as diverse as the countries themselves, where governments have adopted different measures and policies to promote it. Regional interventions have for the most part been aimed at creating development zones, where population migration flows can be channelled. In Timor-Leste, the link between migration and development has been clear throughout the country’s history. In particular, there were migrations during the Portuguese colonial period (only during the twentieth century) and during the Indonesian occupation. Furthermore, this link is apparent in internal migrations, ensuing as a consequence of both voluntary and forced migrations (Guterres, 2003; Coelho, 2003).

A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

4. Internal migration and human development: Timor-Leste

The issues of migration and development are closely intertwined, as we explored in the previous chapter. Historically, migration and development are causes and effects of each other: migration can be viewed as a process driven by development policies that are intentional – in the sense thay they are put in place with the aim of promoting development and are led by the State. Developemnt, however, can be triggered autonomously, without any direct intervention, so migration can also be a factor influencing development. This is because migration can be used as a tool in planned development operations, but the development itself can influence migration trends, both natural and forced, and these migrations have an impact on internal development, in many different ways both at point of origin and the destination (Skeldon, 2011). The link between migration and development can be seen throughout the country’s history. This chapter gives a brief overview of the process of this development and its links to migration (with a focus on internal migrations), covering the Portuguese colonization (with a focus solely on the twentieth century) and the Indonesian occupation.8 The chapter continues with a snapshot of the situation today in post-independence Timor-Leste, both in terms of development and of population movements, seen in the light of currently available key indicators. Without this background information, it is difficult to understand the main drivers behind internal migration trends within the country. Timor-Leste is, after all, a relatively young country, in an early post-conflict phase, working towards establishing a democratic process. It is also a country that has only recently emerged from a centuries-old colonization period and this means that the modern nature of democratic institutions lives hand in hand with age-old traditions that have popular and traditional roots. Woven together, this mosaic forms the human fabric that is Timor-Leste.

4.1 The Portuguese colonial period (1900–1975) Although the Portuguese first arrived in Timor-Leste between 1512 and 1522, in practice Portugal only became the de facto ruler over the territory in the early twentieth century when it started to put development policies into place (Guterres, 2003).

8 Points 1 and 2 of this chapter are heavily indebted to the PhD of Aurélio Guterres, a member of this research team (vide Guterres, 2003) and following this, in terms of the development of the economic context, indebted to the Master’s dissertation of Teresa Coelho, also a member of this team (Coelho, 2003). 11 ACP Observatory on Migration

Therefore, the period from 1900 to 1960 – when the economy was structured around the plantations9 – was characterized by the Portuguese colonial authorities investing in the farming sector and involving the local people as a development strategy. The aim was to focus on the production and commercialization (through exports) of a handful of agricultural commodities most likely to generate healthy profits for the colonial authorities. These cash crops included sandalwood,10 coffee, rubber, copra (coconut) and hardwoods, particularly teak, rosewood and ironwood (Cinatti, 1950; Felgas, 1956; Agência Geral do Ultramar, 1965; Saldanha, 1994; Saldanha and Costa, 1999; Sequeira, 1999; Guterres, 2003; Coelho, 2003). Despite these efforts, however, subsistence farming remained the mainstay of the economy. Most of the population lived in rural areas and worked the land to ensure food security and self-sufficiency. What is more, the exploitation of plantations, and the profit they made (primarily from exports) only benefited the colonial administration and Chinese traders. (UNDP, 2002; Coelho, 2003). The Timorese merely received meals and tax-free exemptions as recompense for their labour which was both forced and unpaid. In addition to plantation operations, the development strategy ofthe Portuguese also went through a phase where the farming economy was based on foodstuff, particularly from the 1960s onwards – a period of “ethical economy” – (Saldanha e Costa, 1999). The measures taken included, among other things, the introduction of new crops and seeds, opening up new farming areas and the development of irrigation systems. In addition, there were infrastructures built or improved, particularly access roads to rural areas and public buildings (including schools and health units) (Saldanha and Costa, 1999, Guterres, 2003, Coelho, 2003). Subsistence farming remained widespread, however, and most of the population lived in rural areas. The public social and economic infrastructures were in the education and health sectors, concentrated in Dili, under the total control of the Portuguese authorities. They were not accessible to most people who lived in rural areas, where business was conducted through a bartering system and people relied heavily on family networks for their well-being. The Timorese

9 Saldanha and Costa (1999) divide Timor-Leste’s economic history over the course of the twentieth century up to the August 1999 Referendum into four distinct periods which they style: plantation economy period (1900-1960), ethical period (1960-1975), war economy period (1975-1980) and uncertainty development period (1980-1999). 10 Up to 1925, the exploitation and export of sandalwood was so rapid, it led to an official embargo, in a very short period of time, in order to protect existing reservations (Cinatti, 1950). After this, coffee became the main commodity to be exported from Timor-Leste. 12 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste lacked access to basic social services, such as health and education. This access was also limited by the fact that a generically poor and rural population could hardly afford the inherent costs of these services. Although there was some evidence of development in both of these sectors under Portuguese colonial rule, extreme poverty was still entrenched.11 Of course, the real reason behind the Portuguese administration’s investment in these planned developmental efforts was more than simply promoting the real development of the territory and fostering the local population’s well-being. It was also a case of serving its own interests, controlling the population, preventing uprisings, and keeping any unrest12 firmly in rural areas (UNDP, 2002; Guterres, 2003). The intent, therefore, was also to control population movements, forestalling the migration of Timorese people from rural areas to the capital Dili, which was patently the centre of administrative and economic power. In order to control the flow of people from rural to urban areas, the colonial authorities built military outposts in rural areas and took specific measures to control population movements. These included making it compulsory to carry a ”travel document” and carrying out a census of the population. Both of these measures forced the Timorese to disclose certain information about their identity which allowed the colonial authorities to exert a greater control over the population and to restrict people’s movements. Those who did not comply with these regulations could end up facing serious consequences (Guterres, 2003). Freedom of movement was restricted to a very select group of closely vetted individuals, including members of the Timorese elite and foreigners. Furthermore, even after the Second World War, when migration to Dili was encouraged, this was very tightly controlled and only really applicable to officials and those working for the colonial administration.

11 It is estimated that when the Portuguese left Timor-Leste in 1975, the literacy rate in the territory was around 5% (UNDP, 2002: 50). 12 In spite of this, there were a number of popular uprisings during the period of Portuguese colonial rule, among the Manufahi (1911-1912). This revolt was led by Dom Boaventura da Costa (the Manufahi chief, or liurai em Tetum). It led to the death of the Portuguese commander of Same, Tenente Luís Álvares da Silva. There were several reasons for the uprising. These related to nationalist issues (connected with the change of regime in Portugal following the declaration of a Republic in 1910 and the fear among local chiefs that they would lose their rights and their power) and economic issues (connected with an unexpected rise in taxes). All of these reasons together led to feelings of discontent towards the Portuguese authorities. This was the first major revolt against Portugal and its colonial domination in Timor-Leste. 13 ACP Observatory on Migration

The result was that the development policies put in place by the Portuguese colonial authorities kept most of the population confined to rural areas.It must be said, however, that during Portuguese colonial rule, and most of all after 1960, there were signs of capitalism spreading, inevitable with the rise in commercial trading and monetization of the economy. In this context, and also in light of the policies introduced by the ruling colonial power, such as the payment of taxes, the Timorese rural population turned to finding other ways of making money. They did this, for example, by purchasing goods that they did not produce (like imported goods sold in Dili) to pay for the education of their children and to pay taxes. This way, despite all the restrictions on population movements imposed by the Portuguese authorities, the autonomous development linked to capitalism spurred population movements into Dili. People wanted to sell their surplus agricultural produce for cash, and rural markets were predominately based on a bartering system (Guterres, 2003). In addition to these temporary moves, there were also migration trends of rural populations in search of opportunities for paid work in the city, a situation that was non-existent in the rural areas. Either that or to start a small business somewhere with demand and purchasing power (factors that did not exist in the countryside). That said, in Timor-Leste during the period of Portuguese colonial rule, development on the whole in remained very limited, across all sectors, and the colonial administration was successful in keeping most of the population confined to rural areas. Any migration that did occur from the rural areas to the cities was therefore relatively minor and urbanization was generally extremely slow.

4.2 The Indonesian occupation (1975–1999) Timor-Leste entered another phase in 1975, with the invasion and occupation by Indonesia. This period was marked by conflict, military repression and destruction, and with the economy on a war footing (Saldanha and Costa, 1999). During this time, thousands of lives were lost, livestock was killed and a number of farming areas in the countryside were totally wiped out, leading to what was tantamount to starvation across the country (Coelho, 2003). During this time, many people simply abandoned their lands and sought refuge elsewhere. At the same time, under the pretext of helping the Timorese to overcome poverty, the Indonesian authorities implemented resettlement programmes as part of its planned development model, forcing thousands of individuals and 14 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste families to abandon their homes, both in the mountains and rural areas, and move to resettlement camps, controlled by military and political authorities. This was without a doubt a kind of forced migration, at the heart of Indonesia’s military strategy. The idea was to control the country and its population, and to isolate people from the resistance forces ensconced in the mountains. In these resettlement camps, the Timorese population intermingled with Indonesian families, who were in theory more ‘evolved’. In the name of development, they had been sent to specific areas in Timor-Leste, having been forced to leave their own lands, traditions and culture. From 1980 onwards, there was a period of “uncertain development” (Saldanha and Costa, 1999), at a juncture characterized on the global stage by a resurgence of neoclassical thinking and by a widespread “crisis” in development theories. The Indonesian government adopted new and planned development measures, put in place across the country, with a view to rebuilding infrastructure and promoting economic growth as a way to improve the government’s control over the territory and to reinforce the idea of integration (Neupert and Lopes, 2006). In effect, the country’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP) jumped dramatically (Saldanha, 1994) and infrastructures were built or renovated in a number of places, mainly those linked to communications (like road infrastructure), teaching institutions, health outposts, public administration buildings, farming and other social infrastructure. The Indonesian development model also included rural programmes (farming, husbandry and fishing), and this translated into the adoption of new technologies (such as irrigation systems, for example) and new agricultural practices (such as the use of fertilisers, pesticides and the introduction of new crops). These measures led to a real improvement in the socioeconomic situation in Timor-Leste, with an increase in the quantity and quality of public services, in sectors such as health and education, and with investment in economic infrastructure. This included the agricultural sector and road networks linking rural areas to the capital. Moreover, given the investment in the primary sector, there was a visible growth in internal production levels, and a move towards food self-sufficiency, fundamentally in rice and corn (Coelho, 2003). Once more, this development model was not equitable, however, and the authorities and the Indonesian population that had relocated to Timor-Leste were the main beneficiaries of these measures, leaving most of the Timorese living in poverty in the rural areas. In practice, the main economic activities 15 ACP Observatory on Migration were in the hands of the Indonesian authorities (who also dominated the public administration service and productive sectors) and of the Chinese (in the commercial sector). Furthermore, these very same groups benefited from improved public services, including health centres, schools and even housing provided by the State and allocated specifically to public officials and Indonesian military staff and their families (Guterres, 2003; Coelho, 2003). Most people had only limited access to health services, given the cost involved, or to publicly provided care. This provided benefits for State officials, and most of these were not Timorese citizens. There may well have been no repeats of the famines seen in the country before, but the diet for the ordinary Timorese, living mostly in the rural areas and with no means to buy food themselves, was meagre in the extreme. The country was simply not able to feed itself, despite all the investment in agriculture. What is more, all the development measures put in place were backed by force. This was evident, given that ordinary people were forced to accept all the rituals and cultural, ideological, bureaucratic and even linguistic traditions introduced by the authorities and the Indonesian administrative apparatus. The improvements seen in the road network certainly brought people closer to Dili, but this was not the real reason – the improvements were fundamentally a political ploy to make it easier for military operations and for the Indonesian authorities to exert their control over the population. The development programmes were also aimed at restricting and shaping migration flows, in particular the exodus from the rural to urban areas, ostensibly to maintain control over the country and, theoretically at least, to level out population distribution. The investment in agricultural and social infrastructure (health and education) in the rural areas did indeed lead to an improvement in living conditions in these areas, though there was a clear, intrinsic objective and this was to stop people moving to the cities, particularly to Dili. That said, the resettlement programmes resulted in the forced relocation of many Timorese, mixed in resettlement camps with Indonesian families. This allowed the authorities to hold sway over internal migration, blocking population surges towards Dili and encouraging relocation to less densely populated regions, while in tandem reinforcing their presence across the country. It goes without saying that the period of the Indonesian occupation was undoubtedly marked by very significant migration flows. These were induced and planned by Indonesian authorities under the guise of adopted development 16 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste programmes, moving people from densely populated zones to resettlement camps located in less densely populated areas. At the same time, and to restrict migration to Dili, the Indonesia authorities reinforced compliance with ‘travel documentation’. This was kept under tight military control, and the authorities implemented a census system to register family groups. Yet the Indonesian policy to restrict and control internal migration did not have the desired effects (Guterres, 2003). Firstly, the forced relocation of Timorese to resettlement camps in selected regions, where people were supposed to live alongside and be influenced by Indonesian families, did not really result in a proper integration of the Timorese into Indonesian society. Furthermore, the effects were not long-lasting. There were several reasons for this, one of them being the fact that some Timorese found it difficult to adopt to the new way of life and risked their lives to return home, and another being the fact that many of the Indonesian people brought in by the government to the resettlement camps ended up returning to Indonesia in 1999, even before conflict broke out in the country. Secondly, with the opening up of Timor-Leste to the outside world at the end of the 1980s, under the leadership of Mário Carrascalão, many people came into the country, adding to those Indonesians who were “hand-picked” and controlled by the authorities to populate the resettlement camps. These people were from poor backgrounds with very few skills, and they entered in a haphazard and disorganized manner, looking for work and economic opportunities (Guterres, 2003). This situation made integration that much more difficult and the alleged transfer of knowledge to the people of Timor, occurring at the same time that Dili was becoming more overcrowded, led to a series of consequences: rapid urbanization; increase in unemployment rates; degraded basic infrastructure unequipped to match the needs of a growing population; a shortage of housing, and so on. Thirdly, the investment in education, even under a coercive regime and the compulsory adoption of the Indonesian written language, led to a surge in graduates among the Timorese population. These young graduates, in addition to their aspirations for a better future, had also benefited from improved access to education, and had a deeper understanding of the repressive regime imposed by Indonesia in Timor-Leste. They wanted to find jobs and a better quality of life offered in Dili, and they became vocal opponents of any integration with Indonesia. Also, given the increase in literacy rates and school attendance, particularly among women, young people started to call 17 ACP Observatory on Migration into question the cultural traditions, still observed keenly in the villages, and looked to Dili to find a refuge from complying with traditional rituals, which almost always implied spending hard-earned economic resources. Fourthly, the actions of the government and of the Indonesian military extended right into the villages, where the political pressure and serious consequences for those activists openly opposed to the regime (particularly students) led to many young people fleeing to Dili. This was the only refuge where they could hope to find any protection, particularly that offered by the Catholic Church. So in fact the exact opposite of what was expected actually occurred, because the Indonesian authorities exerted such a tight control over the rural areas that Dili became the safest place in Timor-Leste for thousands of young people. Lastly, the improvements in the links between rural areas and Dili did in fact make military operations more effective, but they also made the capital more accessible than before. In effect, the very opposite of what had been witnessed during Portuguese colonial rule occurred under the Indonesian occupation: migration from rural to urban areas rose sharply. This took place despite the planned and targeted development programmes put in place by the Indonesian authorities with the aim of restricting precisely these migration flows. So, internal migration was the result of autonomous development, in this period at least. For the greater part, migration was associated with the advance of capitalism and all the economic and social changes that this brought with it. People generally, including many of the young, saw Dili as a centre of opportunity, where they could seek and receive training/education, where they could find jobs and business openings, and where they could strive to attain a higher sense of well-being. Dili gave young people all the benefits of developed infrastructure, so badly lacking in rural areas, despite all the investment made; there, it was scarce and often got no further than the early stages, with young people having extremely limited access to services. And Dili was also a safe haven for those who were seeking to break away from political repression and the traditional culture of village life. Without a doubt, these factors (albeit not economic in nature) became big incentives for migrating from rural to urban areas in Timor-Leste (Guterres, 2003).

18 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

4.3 The post-referendum period (1999–2006) The 1999 referendum was the first step towards Timor-Leste regaining independence, and it swept the country into a new era of violence and devastation. Economic growth plunged and infrastructures of all kinds were destroyed – economic, social, transport-related, communications, and public buildings were gone. In addition, thousands of lives were lost, and many people took refuge in the mountains in search of protection. It is estimated that at that time around 300 thousand people were displaced within the country’s borders and a further 200 thousand took refuge in West Timor (PNUD, 2002: 13). At this point the international community intervened (acting under the authority of the United Nations International Force for East Timor – INTERFET). The remit was to restore peace and re-establish security. A state of emergency was declared in the country, which came under the provisional leadership of the UNTAET –the United Nations Transitional Administration in East Timor. With the backing of many donors, Timor-Leste was rebuilt, with independence coming in May 2002. During this period (1999-2002), much of the basic infrastructure was rehabilitated, and many economic activities were re-established to try to stimulate capitalist-driven development, despite the fact that the economy was working, in many ways, in an artificial scenario, given the presence of so many non-Timorese. Many local people had taken refuge in the mountainous areas and in other countries (principally Indonesia), and they slowly returned to their lands (around 196 thousand came back, according to data from UNDP, 2002:13). In tandem however, came an increasingly strong flow into Dili. One of the influences that factored in here was the international presence on the ground. Financial flows, and the inward investment for development aid now entering the country came with a major focus on Dili, but there was another influence: the search for greater protection and security. During this phase, many Timorese who were returning from their places of refuge took over land and property abandoned by the Indonesian State or by other Timorese who had fled the country, in actions precipitated by the general lack of any laws or regulations concerning land and property (International Crisis Group, 2010). After Independence, the Timorese government adopted its own model of development – the National Development Plan (2002), founded on the participation and involvement of all sectors of society and with a focus on rural development programmes (Guterres, 2003; UNDP, 2011a). The plan sought to improve people’s quality of life and to promote well-being among them. Most 19 ACP Observatory on Migration still lived on the land (DNE, 2008),13 where they worked as farmers, and eked out a living in dire poverty. That said, the migration from rural areas to urban areas, particularly Dili, remained significant: in 2004, of the total number of people living in privately owned accommodation in urban areas, 50 per cent were internal migrants who had moved from rural areas. Furthermore, taking the urban population in 2004 living in privately-owned accommodation, 32 per cent lived in rural areas in 1999; and 28 per cent of the same urban population in 2004 lived in rural areas up until 2002 (DNE, 2008). These figures show that migration flows towards the cities keep occurring, even with the developmental measures targeting rural areas that were implemented by the government. An analysis of the 2004 Census shows that 40 per cent of the population living in the Dili district in that year came originally from other districts. This is an indication of the importance of Dili as a destination for internal migrants. The percentage of internal migrants living in Dili is particularly high in the segment of young adults aged between 25 and 34: more than 60 per cent of the population residing in Dili in this segment of the population were migrants (DNE, 2006). The data from the 2004 Census show further that around 41 per cent of the population older than five moved between 1999 and 2004, with the outbreak of violence cited as the main cause for the trend. In fact, nearly 40 per cent of population movements are caused by conflict, whilst the search for employment and better education opportunities account for a mere 13 per cent overall as drivers for migration in this period. From 2002 to 2004, population movements continued to occur, with 38 per cent of the population aged 2 or older relocating. With regards to Dili, the data indicate that internal migrants in this period accounted for 8.6 per cent of the city’s population (aged 2 years and older), with a greater number of young people. Once again, violence emerges as the main cause of these movements (28%), but now other reasons begin to play an important role in people’s decision to move. Among these there are family reasons (30% of families are now migrating because of a marriage). The search for employment andfor education opportunities account for 14 per cent of all migrations. In short, there were government development policies in place during the early years of independence, but this did not stop migration from the rural to

13 In effect, in accordance with the 2004 Census (the first to be carried out after Independence), 74 per cent of the population lived, in that year, in rural areas (DNE, 2008). On the other hand, farming employed 70 per cent of Timorese labourers (UNDP, 2006). 20 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste the urban area. It was driven by the visible signs of autonomous development in the town, and by the need to flee conflicts in the villages. Unrest ensued following independence, which had brought the expectation of tangible and immediate improvements in living conditions that had not materialized. In effect, despite the advances at the social and political levels, most of the important indicators (UNDP, 2006) showed Timor-Leste in 2004 to be at a worryingly low level in terms of human development: life expectancy was only 55.5 years; almost half of all adults (aged 15 years or more) were illiterate; 43.8 per cent of the population did not have access to safe water; 43 per cent of all children under five were malnourished and underweight; and the GDP per capita was only around USD 370; approximately 40 per cent of the population lived below the poverty line (estimated at 0.55 USD per person per day). This data showed that Timor-Leste was in a worse situation than all other Asian countries, with the lowest HDI figure in the entire region. These poverty and development indicators hide yet another level of inequality between urban areas (Dili, in particular) and rural areas. In the rural areas, the situation was even more serious: here the GDP per capita was only USD 150 and the poverty headcount ratio was 46 per cent (compared to 26% in urban areas in general and only 14% in Dili and Baucau) (UNDP, 2006). This state of affairs, worsened by the fact that the majority of the people live in rural areas, helps to explain why towns and cities are perceived to be a world of opportunity. In the post-independence period, the aspirations for a better quality of life, particularly in rural areas, were slow to translate into fact. This gradually led to a wide-ranging wave of unrest and instability. The high levels of unemployment among the younger generation (23.1% in 2004, according to data sourced from UNDP, 2006) also contributed to this scenario. So, between 1999 and 2006, Dili became the destination for thousands of internal migrants, including many young people. The population of the capital grew (2004) at a higher rate than the national average. This takes into account the natural birth rate, but also, and most of all, internal14 migration (Neupert and Lopes, 2006). In a mostly rural country, however, where subsistence farming is the main employment option, in Dili only 30 per cent of the labour force was employed in this sector. In the capital, the unemployed or those lacking motivation

14 Data show that the population of Dili grew at an annual rate of 10.9 per cent between 1999 and 2004, of which 43.6 per cent was down to the natural growth of the population and 56.4 per cent due to internal migration (Neupert and Lopes, 2006: 25-26). 21 ACP Observatory on Migration represented around 27 per cent of the labour force in 2004, whilst the national average was a mere 8.5 per cent . Among the younger generation, the rate of unemployment or those lacking motivation (that is, who are not looking actively for an occupation or employment) was even more dramatic in Dili: here the figure was 57.5 per cent of all young people aged between 15 and 19; and 39.5 per cent of those aged between 20 and 24. That said, and despite the signs of capitalist development becoming far more evident in Dili when compared to other parts of the country, the modern, formal sector of the economy employed in 2004 just 26.3 per cent of the capital’s labour force. This percentage was much lower in younger groups of people (7.1% in the group aged 15 to 19 and 19.6% in the group aged 20 to 24). Clearly, these factors combined left Dili increasingly vulnerable to social unrest (Neupert and Lopes, 2006). This situation created discontent in and of itself, and was probably one of the reasons that led to the social instability that gripped the country and particularly Dili in 2006.

4.4 The 2006 crisis and its effect on internal migration The 2006 crisis was triggered by this instability and by the difficulties inherent in a recently formed country (Auweraert, 2012:14). The first step came with a protest in Dili, and the dishonourable discharge of a military group known as “peticionários” (petitioners) who had abandoned their barracks and were resentful of their economic and social reality and of a supposed internal discrimination policy within the armed forces’ ranks. There followed a period of serious violence and social and political unrest, escalating at a later point with the involvement of armed gangs of young people. At the root of the crisis, however, there were more deeply ingrained causes. These included the repercussions of internal historical rivalries (manifested at a political level15); the usual turn to violence to resolve the issues faced by a country scarred by centuries of colonial rule, foreign occupation and civil war; the way in which the transition to independence had been handled; the size of defence and security forces; still unresolved land ownership issues; and the intense disappointment when the people’s hope for the country’s development did not bear fruit, particularly in relation to solving the challenges of poverty and unemployment (Neupert e Lopes, 2006; Auweraert, 2012). In addition there

15 Apart from references to the political issues, there are frequent mentions of the differences and rivalries between the Timorese from the East (Lorosae) and those from the west (Loromonu). This is, however, a controversial issue and there is no consensus on the existence, nature and causes of these conflicts, nor whether this a new phenomenon or one dating back to times gone by. On this subject, see Auweraert (2012). 22 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste was unchecked migration of youth to Dili after 1999, and during the first years of independence – spurred on by conflicts in rural areas and autonomous, capitalist development centered in Dili. This was another important factor in the surge of new conflicts emanating from Dili, leading in turn to further population displacement. Put another way, the high levels of migration to Dili between 1999 and 2006 also goes some way to explain the crisis that broke out in 2006. The result was that thousands of Timorese, an estimated figure of around 150 thousand in fact, were internally displaced and fled their homes, either due to real security threats, or due to panic and inescapable fear (Auweraert, 2012: 16). This was particularly true among those Timorese who lived in Dili but had originally come from the east of the country (Neupert e Lopes, 2006: 7). Some houses and personal effects were set on fire and destroyed, and once again, the process of State-led development was postponed. For now, getting aid to internally displaced persons (IDPs) and achieving conflict resolution naturally became an absolute priority. Improvised camps were set up to support those displaced by the violence that flared across Dili. Even after the arrival of international troops, called in to restore peace and order at the behest of the government of Timor-Leste, thousands of people remained in the camps. The IDPs stayed either because they were too frightened to return home, or because their homes had been razed (Neupert and Lopes, 2006: 9). In 2007, the grip of fear was exacerbated by the instability caused by the rebel leader, Alfredo Reinado, of the Forças Defesa Timor Lorosae/Forças de Defesa de Timor-Leste (F-FDTL, the Timor-Leste Defence Forces), who had avoided capture by Australian troops. The new wave of violence that followed the announcement of a new government of Timor-Leste (2007) caused even further instability. The camps remained, holding thousands of internally displaced people, mostly in Dili and surroundings, but also in Baucau (Auweraert, 2012: 18). In response to what was happening, the government and the international community provided humanitarian assistance to the internally displaced living in these camps, including free food. This support, in addition to creating a certain feeling of unfairness16, also made the IDP camps more attractive to other groups, including people living outside Dili. This then led to greater numbers of internally displaced persons (International Crisis Group, 2008: Auweraert,

16 This feeling of injustice stermmed from two situations: the fact that the aid was only for those in the camps and not for those living with family or friends, and the fact that the benefits went to IDPs, who were after all not substantially more vulnerable than others in Dili when it came to food (International Crisis Group, 2008; Auweraert, 2012). 23 ACP Observatory on Migration

2012). Initial attempts failed to resolve the problems linked to IDPs living in improvised camps. This was because, in reality, many people were still too scared to return home, or did not have a way to do so (because some IDPs did not have a home, or land, to go back to). In fact, in the case of IDPs who came originally from other parts of the country, the reality was that life in Dili, even in IDPs camps, was more attractive than returning home, and came with the possibility of new economic opportunities (International Crisis Group, 2008). Subsequently, the government of Timor-Leste adopted a new strategy – the National Recovery Strategy – which was more far-reaching,17 and was able to resolve the situation. It stopped distributing food to the camps and instead supported IDPs financially to help them return to their homes and communities once this became viable. It also supported the rehabilitation/construction of new houses where former housing was either totally or partially destroyed/ burned or had since become occupied by others. In some cases, it simply was not safe enough for IDPs to return to the community where they were from.18 Finally, once the last IDP camp was closed, the government of Timor-Leste was able to turn its attention again to putting development programmes in place.

17 In addition to the strategy adopted by the Government, the death of Alfredo Reinado and the surrender of his men contributed to reducing the climate of fear, and eased the return home for many internally displaced persons. 18 It is important to highlight the support of IOM Timor-Leste to the Government of Timor-Leste during this period, in helping resolve the issues surrounding the IDPs (IOM, 2011b: 12-13). 24 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

5. Internal migration and development: what we know

5.1 The current situation The Timorese government set out an array of annual national priorities from 2008 onwards, the aims being to guarantee safety, fight poverty and stimulate the country’s development. In 2009, one of the salient points was the priority given to supporting the internally displaced: “to ensure the sustainable reintegration of people internally displaced from their communities, through social assistance and packages to bolster recovery; with programmes of cash transfers for vulnerable families, the handicapped, veterans and the families of those internally displaced, with the focus on providing housing; and with greater provision of health services within the communities” (PNUD, 2011a). Moreover, rural development and food security appear on the list of national priorities from 2009, an unmistakable emphasis on support for rural areas, which is where the majority of the population lives. Other measures with the same thrust were the decentralization of public services and the roll-out of development programmes for the districts. Social welfare, especially directed to more vulnerable groups (through social transfers which did not depend on the individual’s contribution) and job creation (particularly in rural areas, through the “cash for work”19 programmes) were also taken on as priorities. After the negative effects of the 2006 crisis, the country returned to positive economic results, reflected in GDP growth rates consistently above 5 per cent, stimulated in a major way by public investment (PNUD, 2011a). Growth per capita reached 805 USD ppc (PNUD, 2011b). These results were clearly visible in the agricultural sector, with substantial rises in the total area cultivated and in production of the main crops, among them rice and corn. Even so, productivity is still very low, in a sector that employs more than half the working population (SEFOPE and DNE, 2010: 34). The Direcção Nacional de Estatística (National Statistical Office – DNE)and the office of the Secretary of State for Professional Training and Employment (SEFOPE) carried out a survey of the labour force in Timor-Leste in 2010. The results indicated that 71 per cent worked in rural areas and that agriculture

19 The Timorese government is aware that employment is a decisive factor in development and the fight against poverty, so it has be putting in place a raft of measures and programmes to boost employment, above all in rural areas. Among these is the “cash for work” programme. This began in 2007, and consists of offering paid temporary employment (lasting no more than six months), involving public work (repairs to roads and bridges, cleaning, renovation/ construction of small community infrastructures and so on). 25 ACP Observatory on Migration and fishing were the main sources of income for 51 per cent of households. In fact, the data are not really reliable, and the fact that 17 per cent of households state that they have “other sources” of income (unspecified) suggests that the percentage could be much higher (SEFOPE and DNE, 2010: 23–26). The study also reveals that 42 per cent of around the one million one hundred thousand inhabitants are under 15 years; and that 5 per cent of the population are 65 years old or more. There has been progress made in various aspects of human development, in particular in education,20 but the indicators point to a long road ahead (PNUD, 2011b): almost 50 per cent of adults (aged 15 years or more) are illiterate; around 41 per cent of children under 5 are malnourished; 61.1 per cent of the population are in a state of multidimensional poverty; 38.7 per cent are seriously impovererished and almost a half (49.9%) are below the threshold of poverty measured by income (seen in terms of the poverty line in the country, estimated in 2007 to be 0.88 USD per person/day). Unemployment among young people, and above all precarious employment21 is at worrying levels (SEFOPE and DNE, 2010; Ministry of Finance, 2011b). These are factors that explain in many ways why the country is still in a negative economic and social situation. Timor-Leste also has a low HDI and is in 147th place out of 187 countries (PNUD, 2011b). In terms of health, the birth rate index in the country has been one of the highest in the world, with around 7.4 births per woman, in particular in the period following Independence (PNUD, 2011a: 23). More recently there has been a fall to 5.7 births per woman, this still being one of the highest levels in South East Asia, above all in rural areas (DNE, 2010). The population continues to grow22, above all in urban areas, and this is due in large part to the continuing migration from rural to urban areas. Although a majority of the population

20 Currently Timor-Leste is one of the countries which spends most on education (12.3% of GDP) and this is reflected in primary and secondary schooling, where the gross rates are very positive (PNUD, 2011b). 21 According to Census 2010 (Ministry of Finance, 2011b) the unemployment rate in that year was 10.38 per cent and was particularly higher among younger age groups (33.2% for those under 15 and 23.9% for those aged 15-24). However, the term “unemployed” includes “(…) not only worked in the formal, paid sector, but all those who work, formally or informaly, pai dor unpaid, including, for example,individual agricultural labourers in susbsistence farming. It can therefore be seen that the unemployment rate is relatively low”. (SEFOPE, 2012). This is why precarious work is so importante in Timor-Leste, (more than the unemployment rate) and this is 70 per cent of the labour force, according to the sample treated in the survey of the labour force in Timor-Leste in 2010 (SEFOPE and DNE, 2010). 22 According to Census 2010, the population in that year grew at an average annual rate of 2.41 per cent (Ministry of Finance, 2011a). 26 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste live in rural areas (70% of the population and 74% of households), it should be noted that in 2010 in Dili – the only district where most of the population lives in an urban environment – there were 22 per cent of the country’s total inhabitants and, more important still, 27 per cent of the people between 17 and 64, that is those who are of working age (Ministry of Finance, 2001a). Almost 41 per cent of the total population of Dili are internal migrants who were born elsewhere in the country (Ministry of Finance, 2001a). This figure is similar to the 2004 percentage (Census 2004) and it shows that the migration from the countryside into Dili continues to be very significant, in spite of the programmes for rural development put in place and the solution that was found for migrants during the crisis of 2006. Moreover, the vast majority of those born in Dili (around 93%) have not left the town. In terms of the current population of Dili (Ministry of Finance, 2011a), 53 per cent had not moved out, and among those that had, 30 per cent went in search of education (representing 14% of the town’s current population) and 21 per cent to find work (around 10% of the town’s population). Only 4 per cent moved because of conflict (2% of the town’s population), in contrast with what was seen in previous periods. A further relevant point (Ministry of Finance, 2011a) is that 43 per cent of the population of Dili who moved did so for family reasons (following the family or because of a marriage). This indicates that among the issues not related to the economy, those related above all to family ties apparently have a crucial importance in the country’s current migration patterns. In fact, looking at the situation across the country, almost half of those who moved (49%) did so for these reasons, with education (25%) in second place, followed by employment (18%). As a final point, conflicts are less important as a cause for internal movement (a mere 6%), as a consequence of the greater political and social stability in the country. In short, internal migration, fundamentally into Dili, is still an important cause underlying the growth of the country’s urban population. These migratory flows can be explained above all by reasons associated with family ties, in a context where a family is the main source of basic social protection. Issues relating to education and employment appear in second place. Even so, this shows the importance of development in the near future, associated above all with capitalist structures in urban areas (and above all in Dili), as a cause of the migratory flows. This is all the more true because, although a large part of the population which moves does so to follow the family, it is still true that the 27 ACP Observatory on Migration family member who goes first does so in order to find better living conditions in Dili. So, after a number of different phases over the past when internal migration flows were closely associated among other factors with conflicts and were temporary by nature, today there are reasons for migration that have less weight. In any case, the development programmes (intentionally) put in place by the State have had, at least to date, a relatively minor influence on the migration process. As noted by Guterres (2003), there are no indications that the development measures undertaken with a view to greater investment in rural areas have had any decisive effect on slowing the migratory flows into urban areas, above all into Dili. Timor-Leste is similar to other countries with low income levels in that it faces major challenges in terms of the environment. There are issues related to the supply of water and basic sanitation that are associated with pollution in closed spaces and the on-going deforestation in some areas of the country. These are relevant points that should be taken into account (PNUD, 2011a: 24–25). It is estimated that there has already been a loss in forest cover of around 40 per cent, caused by intensive felling of trees along with burn-off so that land can then be used for agriculture. This also plays a part in drying up and eroding the soil. Moreover, there are roads where the conditions at many times make it impossible for them to be used regularly – and to this can be added places where access to water for irrigation is difficult because of silting or lack of drinking water. All of these factors have a profound implication in the falling off of productivity in agriculture, possibly leading to migration from the land to the town. The problem of solid waste is another feature that has been identified as having repercussions on the environment. According to the PNUD, Timor-Leste has no adequate collection or treatment, a fact which contributes to contamination of water courses (PNUD, 2011a: 24). This has naturally pushed up the spread of diseases through the population. Pollution of the air in closed spaces stemming from wood-burning while meals are being prepared is also an issue that warrants attention. It should also be highlighted too that- Timor Leste, like other islands in the Pacific region, is very exposed to sudden and often devastating changes in the climate, among them cyclones, monsoons and strong winds. These changes have an impact not only because of the amount of destruction caused but they can also lead to situations where food security is at risk (PNUD, 2011a: 24–25). Electricity is also in short supply, above all in households living in rural areas, where the average availability is no more than six hours per day. Less than 28 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

10 per cent of households in rural districts have electricity in their dwellings (PNUD, 2011a: 23). As a result of this there is very significant expenditure on other ways of producing energy. Only Dili and Baucau are fully able to take advantage of a daily supply of electricity over the 24 hours and even here the reality is that there is no maintenance of some equipment such as diesel generators and this means that an unbroken supply is impossible.

5.2 A statistical analysis of the Census in post-independence Timor All issues related to the past count on the reliability of individual memory. From this point of view it would seem that as time goes on there is an under-assessment of the situation under eview, so a comparison of migratory flows based on two distinct moments is the best way to assess trends and relative intensities. The number of areas used also changes the number of moves: the smaller the area not covered, the more changes in residence there will be (for example from village, suco or district23). Strictly in theoretical terms, migration involves geographical movement and this means a cut in the links with the socioeconomic milieu at the point of origin. From the point of view of basic statistical information, the option to move residence while maintaining one’s place of work (for example) cannot be easily isolated. So, geographical movements which cause later movements in an opposite direction are not distinguished from other permanent internal migrations. Another point to note, often mentioned in this kind of analysis, is linked with the fact that information is derived from the Census information, and this is a snapshot picturing exclusively the distinction between a point of residence at two specific moments. It does not allow for other changes of residence during those intervals of time. Internal migrations are treated here from the statistical point of view, as they reveal changes in the occupation of space and associated functions. The aim of this approach is not to cover every aspect of such an important phenomenon but rather to use macro analysis to trace the main population flows which overlap in Timor-Leste, using the information available in the Recenseamento Geral da População de 2010, while using retrospective questions relating to residence in 2004 and in 2010.

23 For a better understanding of the analysis made, a map of Timor-Leste is provided in annex 6. 29 ACP Observatory on Migration 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Unknown 0.3 1.3 1.2 0.7 0.4 0.6 0.4 3.3 1.4 1.3 0.8 0.3 0.1 0.2 Abroad 2010 2.8 1.4 6.3 2.4 5.4 3.2 4.5 4.2 4.4 3.1 12.9 44.1 12.3 13.9 District Another 96.9 97.2 85.9 93.0 97.1 93.9 96.4 52.6 84.8 94.1 95.0 95.3 87.6 96.7 Same District 43.5 15.9 50.6 18.5 17.4 15.8 63.3 13.4 27.4 14.5 44.2 21.6 15.6 15.0 Unknown 0.2 0.4 0.3 2.7 1.3 0.3 3.2 7.6 1.5 0.2 0.9 2.6 2.8 19.3 Abroad 2004 2.3 1.2 2.0 3.4 0.9 8.4 1.0 8.3 3.5 3.7 0.8 1.4 5.2 2.2 District Another 53.9 82.6 47.0 75.4 80.4 56.5 35.4 75.2 66.3 74.3 53.4 76.8 78.3 80.2 Same District Population distribution (residence), covering two yearsinformation or more, in 2004 and 2010, using Census Census Timor-Leste 2004, table 9.07 and Census Timor-Leste 2010, table 7.1. Timor-Leste 2004, table 9.07 and Census Timor-Leste Census é m Total Viqueque Oecusse Manatuto Manufahi Laut Liquiçá Ermera Díli Covalima Bobonaro Baucau Aileu District Ainaro Table 1: Table Source :

30 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

From this information from the last Census, we can put together a raft of evidence pointing to the preponderance or the tendency to migrate into Dili. Between 2004 and 2010, the country’s capital became the main reception point for internal (and international) migrants. This resulted from a historical process already explained, but also from social, economic and even sociological dynamics which we will describe hereafter. These data are also confirmed by an analysis of table 2, where we see that Dili comes out as the only district with positive net migration, that is, where the difference between the number of those coming in and the number of those leaving leads to a significant increase in the population (83,382 individuals according to the 2010 Census data). It should be noted that internal migratory flows affect the whole country, and there are noticeable movements of internal migration outgoing (out migration) and incoming (in migration) in every district.

Table 2: In-migration, out-migration and net migration of the population aged 5 or more in 2010

(incoming) (outgoing) Total Non Net Distrito Internal Internal population migrants migration immigrants emigrants Ainaro 58,148 45,001 1,578 10,296 -8,718 Aileu 43,665 31,756 4,655 6,936 -2,281 Baucau 110,160 86,963 4,116 17,398 -13,282 Bobonaro 91,200 70,945 3,265 15,615 -12,350 Covalima 59,047 46,421 2,360 6,412 -4,052 Díli 228,564 95,143 90,756 7,374 83,382 Ermera 116,937 91,882 3,241 11,581 -8,340 Liquiçá 63,172 48,724 2,969 6,100 -3,131 Lautém 59,776 47,554 1,192 8,995 -7,803 Manufahi 48,614 37,190 2,657 5,797 -3,140 Manatuto 41,709 32,460 1,796 6,666 -4,870 Oecusse 63,514 49,225 748 4,366 -3,618 Viqueque 69,476 55,096 1,636 13,433 -11,797 Total de 1,053,982 738,360 120,969 120,969 residentes Source: DNE, 2012 (adapted).

31 ACP Observatory on Migration

In spite of this fact, the only district where a positive migratory balance has held steady is Dili, which comes in as the final destination for nearly three in every four internal migrants in Timor-Leste.

Figure 1: Net migration per district

LAUTEM BAUCAU DILI LIQUICA AILEU MANATUTO VIQUEQUE ERMERA BOBONARO MANUFAHI AINARO

14,000 Net migration, lifetime 10,000 -13,735 - -12,103 COVALIMA 8,000 -12,102 - -8,953 OECUSSI 6,000 4,000 -8,952 - -8,005 2,000 -8,004 - -2,000 1,000 Steam under 500 not shown in the map 500 -1,999 - -85,194

Source: DNE, 2012.

Figure 2: Net migration to Dili

LAUTEM DILI BAUCAU LIQUICA AILEU MANATUTO

ERMERA VIQUEQUE BOBONARO MANUFAHI

Migration AINARO Net migration In Out -13,735 - -12,103 2,000 6,000 COVALIMA 4,000 8,000 -12,102 - -8,953 OECUSSI 6,000 12,000 -8,952 - -8,005 14,000 -8,004 - -2,000 19,000 -1,999 - -85,194

Source: DNE, 2012.

32 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

5.3 Results from a 2013 survey showing likely trends A pilot survey was made with a view to getting clearer data than obtained in the Census of 2010 (see annex 3). The aims, among other objectives, were: a) To detail current internal migrants in Timor-Leste (with a breakdown by gender, age, academic qualifications, marital status, religion and size of current household) and migratory flows (points of origin and destination); b) To understand the reasons for internal migratory flows; c) To discover if the migrants find at their destination the support they need and whether their expectations are or are not met; d) To understand the effects/consequences of these migrations for the points of origin, specifically to find out if the migrants stay in touch with the places they come from and if they support these places through remittances. This was a pilot survey, looking at likely scenarios, and it does not represent the universe being studied. The results, therefore, should be read with these conditioning factors in mind, since they merely serve as the basis for more detailed future analyses. The questionnaire took in 400 Timorese, of which: 63 per cent are women; 52 per cent are young adults between 20 and 25; 73 per cent are married and 26 per cent single; 99 per cent are Catholic. The sample was selected on the basis of a quota of interviewees per geographical area (divided up into districts and sucos). The standard procedure was to start with the head of a suco as the first contact and then move forward through a snowball effect (each interviewee indicating a potential interviewee to follow). More than half of the interviewees (55%) currently reside in households with four to six members but there are 10 per cent where the household is 10 or more members. In terms of academic qualifications, 14.5 per cent of the 400 Timorese covered by the survey stated that they could neither read nor write, while 81 per cent had completed one level of learning. The majority completed secondary 33 ACP Observatory on Migration education (39%), 27 per cent primary education and 15 per cent further education (to university degree level). An overview of the individuals surveyed indicates that they are mainly young adults, female, Catholic and married, with secondary education and living in households with an average of four to six individuals. The questionnaire covered all 13 districts in the country, with a greater proportion in Dili (27%), since this was the district with the greatest number of internal migrants, as can be seen from an analysis of the data published in Census 2010. As a further point, 17 per cent of those surveyed (37% of women and 11% of men) are currently resident in the Baucau district and 18 per cent in Ermera. This means that the questionnaire covered the three most populated districts in Timor-Leste, which account for 43.4 per cent of the population (Census 2010). The results showed that 79.5 per cent of the people surveyed had already had a previous migratory experience (the minimum being a change in suco). Having lived in more than one suco is relevant information in the analysis of Timorese migratory dynamics. In addition, of the 318 interviewees who had changed from one suco to another during their life, we found that 96.2 per cent currently live in a suco different from their original one and only 3.8 per cent live in the suco where they were born. The majority of those who migrate, therefore, whatever their gender, do not return to their original suco. This is an important result, showing the migratory potential and the structural trend of internal migrations in Timor-Leste. An analysis of the migration process of individuals in terms of districts (table 3) shows that in all of them there are internal migrants incoming (individuals who currently live in one district but were born in another). Dili, however, is the district where most of those who move internally find their destination. In spite of this, in all the districts, including Dili, there is outgoing migration to other places (internal emigration). This is a result which is also revealed in the data from the 2010 Census. According to the data found in this questionnaire, people from every district in the country move to Dili, especially from Bobonaro (in the western part of Timor-Leste) and Baucau (the eastern part of the country). This information is also confirmed by Census 2010. From the group of those surveyed who stated that they had already had a migratory experience (those who said they had not always lived in the same 34 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste suco), 62 per cent are women, 53 per cent are young adults who are at present aged between 20 and 35, and 37 per cent are adults aged between 36 and 60. In other words, there is a considerable portion of these migrants who are currently of working age. In terms of marital status, as many single as married people migrate, with the remaining groups (separated/widowed, in civil partnership or others) of no major importance. According to the results, and admitting the possibility of multiple responses, the majority of individuals stated that they had first moved from their original suco for economic reasons or because of work (above all the men), and study comes in second place as a reason for moving (especially among the women). It should be noted that economic reasons or employment come up as essential fundamentally with men (see figure 3). Among the women the main reasons for the first migration are study or marriage.

Figure 3: Reasons for first migration 100 %

90 %

80 % Others

70 % Ethical/social reasons

60 % Political reasons Marriage 50 % Accompanying the family 40 % Studies 30 % Economic reasons/work 20 %

10 %

Female Male Total

Source: Elaborated by the authors, based on the 2013 survey.

35 ACP Observatory on Migration 11 10 10 10 10 11 70 10 61 10 68 10 400 109 Total 0 0 4 1 4 3 5 1 4 2 85 33 12 16 N.A. 8 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 19 10 que Vique- 0 0 0 0 0 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 se 13 10 Oecus- 0 7 0 2 0 0 0 0 2 1 0 1 0 1 fahi Manu- 1 0 1 5 0 0 0 1 0 0 2 0 0 10 tuto Mana- 0 0 0 0 2 0 8 0 0 0 0 1 29 18 çá Liqui- 0 0 0 0 1 6 0 2 0 0 5 0 0 14 Lautém 0 0 0 0 0 0 6 0 0 1 1 1 District of birth District ra 20 11 Erme- 0 3 0 0 0 0 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 Dili 0 0 0 0 1 1 1 8 0 2 1 0 1 15 lima Cova- 0 0 1 2 1 0 3 1 0 2 1 50 42 103 naro Bobo- 2 0 0 1 0 1 1 0 1 0 0 62 12 44 cau Bau- 0 0 2 0 1 0 0 3 3 0 0 6 0 ro 15 Aina- 5 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 1 0 0 0 0 2 Aileu Internal migration by district: District of birth versus District of current residence of current District versus of birth District by district: migration Internal Viqueque Oecusse Manufahi Manatuto Liquiçá Lautém Ermera Dili Covalima Baucau Bobonaro Ainaro Aileu Elaborated by the authors, based on 2013 survey. Total District of District current residence Source : Table 3: Table

36 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Figure 4: Reasons for most recent migration 100 %

90 %

80 % Others 70 % Ethical/social reasons

60 % Political reasons Marriage 50 % Accompanying the family 40 % Studies 30 % Economic reasons/work 20 %

10 %

Female Male Total

Source: Elaborated by the authors, based on the 2013 survey.

In addition, most of the individuals who migrate more than once state that the most recent migration is fundamentally for economic reasons and to accompany family members (see figure 4). Going with the family is, in fact, the main cause given by women for the most recent migration, while men say that economic reasons or work are the main reasons for the latest migration. This means that economic reasons and work are, as might have been expected, and as happens in many developing countries, the reasons for most of the internal migrations in Timor-Leste, both for men and for women. Given this, it can be understood why the majority of migrants are individuals of working age and why they go to Dili, the main city and economic hub. Marriage and study are also important reasons for a first migration, above all where women are concerned. When individuals migrate again, and the reasons are more than just economic or work related, it is above all to stay with the family. The data in Census 2010 indicate economic reasons, staying with the family and study as the fundamental reasons for internal migration in Timor-Leste. This study provides information on likely future reasons for migration, but it shows, as does the Census 2010, that it would appear that nowadays there is little evidence of movements related to conflict or potential flashpoints. 37 ACP Observatory on Migration

The majority of migrants normally aspire to better living conditions, whatever the trigger that causes the migration. The expectations may or may not be fulfilled, and this of course influences the way the migration experience is seen, and the way individual and social well-being is perceived (including subjective well-being, and this is close to the concept of happiness). In the case of Timor-Leste, and in line with the data from this survey of likely trends, the vast majority of those who lived through migration experiences (99%) state that they feel at home in the suco where they are, and say that they have found the living conditions that they considered to be important. Improvements to living standards are in fact felt or perceived by most internal migrants at various levels of well-being (see figure 5), with 85.5 per cent of those who move within the country stating that they have found better access to health services in the current suco; 83 per cent better access to public transport; 81 per cent better access to education and 79 per cent better economic conditions and employment. In the light of this, we can state that the data seem to indicate that migration was positive for the migrants’ living standards, given that economic reasons and studies continue to be important as reasons for internal moves. Even though this is a matter of perception, it is an important consequence to be drawn from this study, since subjective/ perceived well-being is a crucial element in the concept of well-being and the quality of life. Furthermore, in spite of being integrated in the current society, 91 per cent of the migrants surveyed stated that they maintain contact with the suco where they dwelled previously and 74 per cent of them visit it from time to time. When questioned on the support that they give to the suco where they were living previously, half of those surveyed stated that they sent remittances in cash and in kind even though most of them only do this sporadically. The remittances could well represent an important support for development in the regions they came from because it provides the communities with extra income (even though this at times is in kind) and this can be used to satisfy basic needs.

38 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Figure 5: Improvement in living standards (the perception of individuals)

Participation/social insertion

Safety

Access to information and culture

Economic conditions and employment

Housing conditions

Access to public transport

Access to education

Access to health

Access to cloathing

Access to basic essentials

0 % 20 % 40 % 60 % 80 % 100 % Better Worse The same Doesn't know or don't reply

Source: Elaborated by the authors, based on the 2013 survey.

5.4 Analysis of the perception of Sucos in Dili based on the 2013 survey Since Dili is the district with the biggest number of migrants, it was decided to do another survey, this one for the heads of sucos in the district. The aim was to find whether or not the results obtained through the survey used for the population could be corroborated or not, as well as to understand the perceptions of those who run the sucos and are therefore close to the population. With this in mind, there were questions on how migrants were categorized and the facts deemed to be motivational for migration. The aim was to see if the responses of the heads of sucos were along the lines of the conclusions drawn from the questionnaire undertaken with the population (essentially migrants). Moreover, there were questions on what they considered the main consequences of the arrival of migrants at the suco which they lead. The aim was to get to know the perceptions of these local leaders regarding the results of migration to “their” suco, regarding the different ways that the migration affected local development and the standard of living. 39 ACP Observatory on Migration

The questionnaire covered 24 of the 31 heads ofsucos in the Dili district. There were 5 sucos excluded for logistical reasons (from the sub-district of Ataúro) and two others where it was not possible to contact the head person. The sucos of the heads that were surveyed represented overall around 80 per cent of the population of the Dili district. Results of the survey make it possible to perceive that the Dili district is relatively well served with essential infrastructures such as schools (58%of the heads stated that there was playschool available in their suco; 79% said there was basic education up to the second cycle; 33% said they had secondary schooling; 25% had a university; and 54% had technical/professional schools and /or centres geared to training in short courses), a health centre or hospital (54%), drinking water (58%), sewers (71%), electricity (88%), a telephone line (100%), a market for foodstuff and / or other products (75%), cafés / restaurants (54%), church/chapel (100%). This fact clearly helps to explain the attraction that Dili has for the people of other districts in the country. The heads were also questioned on their perception of the growth in population of the suco and the majority of them said that the population grew from 1975 (above all between 1975 and 1999, but also in the periods 2000 and 2006 and after 2007). There were however large number of heads who did not know or did not reply to these questions. Even so, 83 per cent of the heads stated that in their perception thesuco they represented had taken in migrants since 2007. In terms of the origin of migrants, 46 per cent stated that the suco had taken in people from other sucos in Dili, 63 per cent from other countries (immigrants) and 83 per cent (among them those who are heads of the most densely populated sucos in Dili) stated that the suco had taken in individuals from other districts in the country. There are individuals arriving the various sucos in Dili from all the districts in Timor-Leste though, when asked about the regions where the migrants came from, 50 per cent of the heads indicated Aileu, 46 per cent Baucau and Viqueque and 42 per cent Bobonaro. These responses confirm the results of Census 2010 and our survey of the population where there is recognition of Dili as a district attracting many internal migrants from every district in the country. The migrants arriving in the sucos are, according to the responses of the heads, above all children, young people and adults of working age, with 79 per cent of the heads stating that the incoming migrants are adults of working age. This matches the result from our questionnaire. 40 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

In terms of the reasons for migration, a large majority of the heads stated that the migrants come in order to study (79%) to look for work (79%) and to join their family (71%). However it is also significant that some heads (25%) also pointed to the search for safety as a reason for migration. Some heads (46%, including the heads of the two most densely populated sucos) consider that migrants move to Dili without any very specific reason for choosing one particularsuco , their objective being rather just to live in the Dili district. However, other heads (25%) consider that the choice is for a specific suco, while others do not know or do not reply (29%). In actual fact a significant portion of the heads who consider that the choice of the migrants is the district itself and not a specific suco, nonetheless find justifications for the decision to migrate to the suco that they represent. So overall, the heads found strong reasons for migrants to choose a specific suco in the district of Dili for reasons connected with the geographical situation (its central nature – 67%) and the fact that their families were living there (63%). Moreover, the majority of local leaders consider that safety in the suco (54%) and the existence of infrastructures (42%) are also important factors of attraction. The existence of land and property to buy or rent is mentioned as an attraction by 33 per cent of the heads, and the low price of houses and land is only indicated by 8 per cent of them. There results demonstrate the importance that the family has in Timor-Leste society, though they also reveal that infrastructures, safety and the existence of land or housing are fundamental factors in the choices made by migrants. In terms of the consequences of the migration process, half of the heads (50%) consider that this move has had negative effects on the suco where they are the head. Among these effects the most frequently pointed out were problems with sewers, (63%) and unemployment (58%) though also the illegal occupation of land and property (46%). It should be noted however that 38 per cent of the heads answering this survey stated that the migration has had positive effects on “their” suco. Among the positive consequences is the increase in important services such as schools (42%) and markets / shops (42%). Only one head mentioned the increase in insecurity/violence as an effect deriving from the increase of migrants into the suco. It is interesting to note that the survey of the population, as has been noted, indicates that apparently the migration has been positive for the majority of the migrants in terms of improvement to their living standards and well-being, but the perception of the heads of the main places which were the destination 41 ACP Observatory on Migration of migrants stated that there were some serious effects on these regions. This fact leads us to suggest that the situation of the sucos in Dili should be very carefully analyses with an attempt to provide a response to some of the problems highlighted, using public measures and policies specifically in reference to investment in basic infrastructures (sanitation, water and sewers, improvement to the state of schools and health centres) or incentives for investment and very small businesses so that the number of jobs is increased. These are in fact the recommendations made by the heads ofsucos themselves. On this subject, it should be mentioned that some of these local leaders pointed also to the need for a focus on training and providing occupation for young people, while others stated that it was essential to raise awareness and involve the communities so that they would work together with public authorities on specific measures targeting improvements in infrastructures of sucos and the bolstering of social peace.

5.5 A typology of internal migration in Timor-Leste A typology is a multidimensional classification. Taking a limited set of descriptors that are firmed up from the synthesis of a real situation only makes sense in a context where logic demands that they are taken as entities that are not real, or in other words, they are taken to be “ideal types” in a typology which has, as its main function, is to reduce their complexity so as to make them analytical objectives. Our aim is to take the first steps towards building the typologies of internal migrations. This will be followed in a second phase by international typologies in Timor-Leste, though the work is not, and indeed could never be construed as a representative study of all the country’s internal migrations in all their complexity. The identification of this typology in- Timor Leste has made it possible not only to perceive the complex nature of this phenomenon, but also to identify recommendations for the definition of a raft of public policies. In particular, it became clear that there are social groups with a range of different vulnerabilities that stem from distinct migratory causes and for which targeted public policies need to be drawn up. 1. A first type of internal migration is that which stems from a migration for work as an employee or as a freelance. The search for paid employment or for an opening in a specific profession acts as a spur for individuals to migrate internally and move from one suco or one district to another. This type of migration can be rural-rural or rural-urban. The first of these 42 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

(rural-rural migration) can be found throughout the country, while the second type (rural-urban migration) tends to occur mainly in moves into the main centres, salient among them Dili, which is the urban centre that receives the overwhelming majority of these migrants. We will use the term labour migrants for this type. 2. There is a second type of migrant with direct correlation to gender. In other words this is a type of internal or inter-regional migration (whatever the distance) linked to gender (as a result of marriage). This in the main involved women who get married and then leave their original family and village and go to live in the husband’s village. There are cases where this migration involved the man but the vast majority are the newly-wed women. The distance may be short (for example to a neighbouring village) or longer (for example to another suco or district). More recently, there is also involved here a rural-urban migration when the marriage is followed by a move to Dili. We will use the term post-matrimonial migrants for this type. 3. A third type involves migrants moving for reasons of family regrouping. This results when there is migration of members of a family following an initial move (normally by the man). In this type there are the children and other members of the nuclear family but also members of the extended family (in-laws, cousins, bothers-in-law, nephews and nieces, and so on). These are different from post-matrimonial migrations because they can occur at any moment of the life cycle and not just immediately after the wedding. This is because they involve other family members and not just the husband or wife. This is not a sub-type of post-matrimonial migrations but a specific type of internal migration that may be triggered by the first migrants from each family. 4. There is a fourth type linked to the recent development of Timor-Leste, and that is the internal migration of students heading for the country’s main education centres. Migration for study purposes has accelerated and become an important conditioning factor of internal migration as a result of the increase in the number of students enrolled in the Timorese educational system at all levels. Given that training opportunities beyond basic education are only available in some parts of the country (for example districts) means that children and adolescents must go to urban centres. The human landscape of the towns has changed, becoming more diverse and putting major challenges on the Timorese education system. We will use the term student migrants for this type. 43 ACP Observatory on Migration

5. A fifth distinct type results from temporary migratory flows from the past and it is important to mention this group for statistical purposes or because of real persistence. We will use the term ex-migrants/ex-internal refugees for this flow of migrants. Different waves in the past led to a seriesof migratory flows which have become clear through statistics and the history of Timor. Migrants of type 1 (labour migrants) are obviously the majority type now. This can be explained through a theoretical view point which sees rural/ urban migration, described succinctly as a process of re-distributing human resources, reducing over-supply of labour in rural areas and bolstering it in urban areas. Migrations appear implicitly as elements with a potential to “smooth out” inequalities between geographical areas. This concept is deeply rooted in contemporary neoclassical theoretical economics where migrations are understood as a reality corresponding to the “geographical mobility of labour”. This arises from the imbalances in space among so-called producing factors (land, capital and natural resources). And it has a positive role to play in smoothing out these imbalances. In neoclassic theories there are basic assumptions such as the existence of salary differentials and job opportunities between different areas and individual reasoning which calculated the costs of staying and changing. There is also a perception of migration as a result of the sum total of individual decisions. This type of migration has an equivalent in international migrations. From a sociological viewpoint, one of the most obvious approaches to the phenomenon uses as a starting point for its analysis the economist hypothesis that relates migrations to economic structures describing the way it occurs in terms of spatial agglomeration caused by the process of economic development (for example with industrialization or service sector developments). The main factors explained for this are the need to use the same infrastructure of specialist services and the possibility of benefitting from “outsider economies” stemming from the complementary nature of the establishments (industrial or tertiary). Following the logic of this it can be seen that the opening up of a process of economic development brings in its strain an influx of people into the region. This leads to major demographic growth which, in its turn, brings with it an increase in consumption of goods and services, attracting new productive activities. This reasoning sees migrations as a mechanism for spatial re-distribution of the population which adapts to the re-structuring of economic activities. 44 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Seen in this way, economic development is not, however, a spontaneous process and becomes viable through institutional re-organization which makes it possible on the one hand to speed up the accumulation of capital and on the other hand to channel this surplus into new investment which multiplies and sustains previous investment. Such re-organization is different depending on the historical context and is brought about by the intervention of institutional structures that favour the concentration of capital and the spatial concentration of economic activities and sometimes this happens in an unbalanced way between regions. This can back or stimulated the development of some regions more than others and in an extreme scenario, it can causes regional inequalities to such an extent that some areas are depopulated completely and others become overpopulated. Could this be the case of Dili compared with all the other districts in the country? These regional disparities are key elements in the migratory process that is characteristic of economic development. The populations in impoverished regions where there are no economic opportunities are subject to a backwards move in their standards of living and this brings about the right conditions for large demographic contingent to move. As far as migrations are concerned there are two factors underlying this outward move: factors of change stemming from the introduction of capitalist relationships in the field and factors of stagnation, relating to the limitations on availability of land either because of the physical lack of land that can be cultivated or by possession of land in the hands of monopolistic owners or the State. Could this be the case of Timor-Leste? In the case of Timor-Leste we need to introduce an historical vision in our analysis. We need to note the specific features of internal migration at different points in time and in different places (for example to explain the predominance of Dili as an internal destination for migrations), and by an understanding of the structure that stems from this process in social, economic or political terms. It is not possible to ignore that this is a country re-building, a country coming out of a period of conflict, a country that has lived through a series of internal revolts over the last decade. In all of this the only institutional structures that remain are the central State, traditional powers and the Catholic Church. There needs to be much re-balancing and the work is difficult and implies choices negotiated at great length and therefore no immediate effects. In table 4 there is a summary of the analysis of the migratory flows that occurred in the periods already identified (up to 1975; 1975 to 1999; 1999 to 2006; 2006 to 2013), in line with the intensity of types of internal migrants suggested in this study. 45 ACP Observatory on Migration

Table 4: Approximation to a phasing of internal migration in Timor-Leste broken down into typology

Typology of internal Up to 1975– 1999– 2006– migration 1975 1999 2006 2013 1 Employment (employee 3 3 3 3 or independent) 2 Following marriage 2 2 2 2 3 Family re-grouping 1 5 4 1 4 Students 1 2 2 3 5 Ex-migrants/ex-internally displaced people (for 2 1 5 3 example temporary migratory flows)

Key: 1: Low intensity 5: High intensity

Source: Elaborated by the authors.

46 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

6. Conclusions and recommendations

Conclusions 1. The analysis from the literature in the first chapter of this work made it clear that various authors have identified a vast and diversified array of theories connected with migrations, internal migrations, theories of human development and links between theories migrations and development which are only partially applicable to Timor-Leste. The country is unique in the international panorama due to a specific set of factors: the situation of post-conflict, post-independence, stabilization of governing structures and the (double) shift in the country from being under domination by foreign powers over many years to being an independent State. An interpretation of internal migratory movements cannot be made only through the analysis of a centrifugal force in the capital, Dili (because major population movements have occurred through the length and breadth of the country). Nor can it be analysed simply in the light of post-conflict movements (since the assisted movement back to the origins since 2006 has been highly successful in the country); nor can it be analysed simply in the light of development-oriented policies focusing on the capital (since some migration of the labour or family types cannot be explained in these terms). In our view an explanation for internal migration in Timor-Leste can therefore only be found in a complex group of questions sourced in history, the Timorese culture and political analysis. In the light of this, the causes for migration are many and varied. 2. A large number of authors (see for example Mazumdar, 1987; Nabi, 1981) have shown that the trend towards rural/urban migration stems in part from the existence of unequal levels of economic development in a given country or region. This process of attraction coming from urban areas usually occurs in concentrated form in a short space of time (stimulating a boom in urban growth) but its consequences are difficult to solve in the short-term and in some cases become permanent. It would seem that a solution has to be found ex ante, avoiding or mitigating the problem through suitable development-oriented policies. These must be rolled out proportionately across the territory and must target the population as a whole. The trap underlying the concept of migration hump (Martin and Taylor, 1996) shows that low incomes among rural populations pushes them towards internal migration and in tandem hinders international migration (it isnever the poorest who migrate away from their own country). Only integrated development and a proportional increase in income levels across the country 47 ACP Observatory on Migration

will stop major population flows towards better developed regions or those with higher income. In this case, as with others, the economic pressure on the income differential between populations in the two distinct regions will boost the flow of human beings and cause demographic imbalances with consequences for cohesion across the land (Ziesemer, 2011). 3. It is clear from this study that any attempt to establish a nexus between migration and development cannot be definitively obtained but there are indicators that seem to demonstrate that the work-related/economic migration that attracts populations to urban areas and takes them away from less developed areas are among the main causes of migration in our day and age. However, this is not the only factor that speared internal migrations in Timor-Leste. As demonstrated above, there are multiple causes underlying the typology of migrations since these exist in every district (from and to every district), showing evidence of population dynamics which are intrinsic to the Timorese. It is indeed certain that nothing indicates that regional development policies will see the end of migrations but it is however probable that having no such policies will tend to funnel growth at regional level and concentrate some regions as a destination with consequences on human development indexes both at the origin and the destination (De Haas, 2007). 4. The adoption of a systemic approach can be justified if it means capturing the dynamics and complexity of contemporary migratory flows and its integration with logical complements of human development. Such an approach could not be formalized for this study since it was at a very early stage and only an approximation to the theme through the construction of mechanisms and the initial logic of research. However, the adoption of a systemic approach through using a multidisciplinary team to systematize the available indicators and build a strategy of integrated human development for Timor-Leste seems to be the next step in building on the analysis started here. There are various connections which could be established from the starting point of the nexus formed from internal migration andhuman development: the connection between internal migrations and questions of gender (through family/post-matrimonial migrations); between migrations and human rights (for example the case of the barlaque); between migrations and the creation of human capital (migrations of students); between migrations and post-conflict situations (the case of internal dislocated persons); between migrations and the remaining complex- post conflict situations (for example dislocation in Kupang); between migrations and 48 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

investment (for example the regional concentration of investment by the State); between migrations and land use (for example a project for local power decentralization), and so on. 5. Most of the institutions involved in the migratory process between areas in Timor-Leste have not collected or treated information (or perhaps have collected but not treated) in such a way that this could lead to studies interpreting the processes. If there is to be a deeper analysis and assessment of public policies targeting migrants, it is important to recommend better integration between the institutions involved as well as a systematic collection of data which is made public and therefore can be submitted to an analytic process. There needs to be an alignment between this study and its results and the conclusion of the study on the assessment of the capacity to manage data on migrations in Timor-Leste. This would make it possible to put forward a strategy involving the collation of information and its dissemination among researchers and interested political decision-makers. 6. The district of Dili has been the magnet for more migrants than any other and therefore the demographic pressure and the lack of proper infrastructures in specificsucos or villages could play a part in the appearance of flashpoints or even the rapid spread of diseases. The contacts made highlight the concern with the need for investment in infrastructures, specifically basic sanitation (water and sewers), the renovation of schools and health centres and the creation of conditions to build up micro-businesses.

Recommendations 1. The first recommendation would seem to be the importance of creating an integrated system of observing, screening and detailing information on internal and international migrations of the Timorese. It is important to create the means for getting information about migrants, at both the point of departure and the destination. This information must relate to the migration processes, the programmes targeting migrants or the problems that occur during the migration. Without an observatory for migrations, it is not possible to foresee solutions for potential conflicts or difficulties. 2. Another important recommendation relates to the creation of the apparatus for research and the training of students and specialist units in the field of migration and development. UNTL must look at capacity-building in human resources for the development of planning strategies and for firming up public policies. This should be through advanced programmes (Master’s 49 ACP Observatory on Migration

and Doctorates, but also technical training courses, thematic conferences and so on) designed to study phenomena such as internal and international migrations and their links with sustainability and with human development. One of the priorities in the development of Timor-Leste should be to mesh the knowledge already obtained with capacity-building among skilled personnel and political decision-makers. This project would seem to be a good pilot study for measuring potential skills that already exist in Timor-Leste and need now to be sustained over the medium term. 3. A further recommendation would be to develop strategies for putting together training projects in the regions where the migrants come from and where they are going. The aim would be to boost the capacity of immigrants both in terms of self-sufficiency and the possibility to set up their own projects and/or have a better chance at moving into a professional life. The target audience should be broadly conceived, but building skills among young people should be a priority. It will be possible to get people to put down roots in regions where this now seems impossible. This involves building skills in activities related to local development (for example connected with agriculture, fishing, handicraft or tourism), projects focused on entrepreneurship and social innovation. 4. One priority of public policy should be to create an entity that leads as a first phase to a mapping of existing structures and as a second to setting up mechanisms to plan synergies and reduce the duplication of costs associated to the groups in question. The recommendation we make here is to bring together the State, local power and civil society (for example NGOs or the Catholic church) so as to stimulate a form of development based on efficient networks that can empower those who are most capable of putting local projects in place. There should be the formation of a system of contacts in a network in such a way as to allow development of partnerships to help those returning and the reinsertion of Timorese migrants. This structure should bring in governmental and non-government institutions as well as bodies linked to the Catholic Church and is crucial for the short or medium term success of development and sustainability of Timor-Leste and its people. 5. There needs to be a national strategy to encourage people to put down roots in the region which they come from and this means putting in place integrated regional development programmes (health, education, housing, pro-environment schemes and so on). There are of course already results 50 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

from the decentralizing programme (Programa de Desenvolvimento Descentralizado) but there is still an acute imbalance between the social infrastructures available in Dili and those everywhere else, and between the urban area and the rural (fundamentally the mountains) in all the other districts outside Dili. If there are multi-annual integrated development programmes in place, with objectives that can be measured rigorously, it will be possible to find a response to regional imbalances and loosen the pull that comes from Dili with effects all across the country. The current imbalance affecting social cohesion and land use needs to be attenuated. 6. There needs to be a coherent plan for the district of Dili, covering construction and repair to basic infrastructures, dovetailing with specific vocational training courses and awareness-raising campaigns. This would help improve the living conditions on the outskirts of the district and would also create more job opportunities. It could, on the other hand, speed up the migratory flow towards the capital, so the development plan for Dili should be carried out in tandem with the development of every part of the land which is Timor-Leste.

A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

7. Bibliography

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Harris, J. R. and M. P. Todaro 1970 Migration, Unemployment and Development: A Two-Sector Analysis. The American Economic Review No. 60: 126–142. Hodgson, G. M. 1994 Economia e Instituições: Manifesto por uma economia institucionalista moderna. Celta Editora, Lisbon. Hugon, P. 1999 A Economia de África. Editora Vulgata, Lisbon. International Crisis Group 2008 Timor-Leste´s displacement crisis. Asia Report No. 148, March 2008. www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/asia/south-east-asia/timor- leste/148_timor_leste_displacement_crisis.pdf. 2010 Managing Land Conflict in Timor-Leste. Asia Briefing No.110, September 2010. www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/asia/south-east- asia/timor-leste/B110-managing-land-conflict-in-timor-leste.aspx. International Organization for Migration (IOM) 2011a Glossary on Migration. International Migration Law, nº 25,nd 2 edition. 2011b IOM Timor-Leste Strategic Plan 2011–2013. http://publications.iom. int/bookstore/free/timor_strategic_plan.pdf. King, R., R. Skeldon and J. Vullnetari 2008 Internal and International Migration: Bridging the Theoretical Divide. IMISCOE Theories of Migration and Social Change Conference, St. Anne’s College, 1–3 July 2008, Oxford. www.imi. ox.ac.uk/pdfs/russell-king-ron-skeldon-and-julie-vullnetari-internal- and-international-migration-bridging-the-theoretical-divide. Kundu, A. 2008 A Discussion Paper on State Policies towards Internal Migration and Development with Special Reference to Developing Countries. Em: Migration and Development: Future Directions for Research and Policy, SSRC Migration & Development Conference Papers No. 6, p. 66. New York. www.ssrc.org/workspace/images/crm/new_ publication_3/%7B12bf3577-2461-de11-bd80-001cc477ec70%7D. pdf. Lee, E. S. 1966 A Theory of Migration. Demography, 3(1): 47–57. www.students. uni-mainz.de/jkissel/Skripte/Lee.pdf.

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Lewis, W. A. 1954 Economic Development with Unlimited Supplies of Labor. Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies. Manchester. ftp://ftp-tei.uic.edu/pub/depts/econ/wpaper/cchis/old%20 docs533%20S07/Economic%20Development%20with%20 Unlimited%20Supplies%20of%20Labour%20-%20Arthur%20Lewis. pdf. Martin, P. L. and J. E. Taylor 1996 The anatomy of a migration hump. In Development strategy, employment, and migration: Insights from models (J.E. Taylor ed.). Edited by J. E. e. Taylor, pp. 43-62. OECD, Paris, p. 43. Massey, S.D., J. Arango, G. Hugo, A. Kouaouci, A. Pellegrino and J. E. Taylor 1998 Worlds in Motion: Understanding International Migration at the End of the Millennium. Claredon Press, Oxford. Mazumdar, D. 1987 Rural-urban migration in developing countries. EM: Handbook of Regional and Urban Economics (E. S. Mills ed.), Edition 1 2(2), Elsevier, p. 1097. Meier, G. M. 2004 Biography of a Subject. An Evolution of Development Economics. Oxford University Press, new York. Nabi, I. 1981 An empirical analysis of rural-urban migration in less developed economies. Economics Letters, 8(2): 193–199. www.sciencedirect. com/science/article/pii/0165176581900161. Neupert, R. and S. Lopes 2006 The Demographic Component of the Crisis in Timor-Leste. London School of Economics, Association for the Study of Ethnicity and Nationalism. www.sneps.net/RD/uploads/THE%20 DEMOGRAPHIC%20COMPONENT%20OF%20THE%20EAST%20 TIMORESE%20CRISIS%20-%20first%20complete%20draft.pdf. Peilin, L. and Roulleau-Berger, L. (Eds.) 2013 China’s Internal and International Migration. Routledge, New York- London. Peixoto, J. 2004 As Teorias Explicativas das Migrações: Teorias Micro e Macro- Sociológicas. SOCIUS Working Papers, No. 11/2004. http://pascal. iseg.utl.pt/~socius/publicacoes/wp/wp200411.pdf.

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Programa das Nações Unidas para o Desenvolvimento (PNUD) 2002 Relatório do Desenvolvimento Humano de Timor-Leste, 2002.O caminho à nossa frente. PNUD, Díli. http://pascal.iseg.utl.pt/~cesa/ rdhtl_final.pdf 2003 Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano de 2003 .Objetivos do Desenvolvimento do Milénio: um pacto entre Nações para eliminar a Pobreza Humana. Edição portuguesa, IPAD, Lisbon. 2006 Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano em Timor-Leste 2006.O caminho para sair da pobreza: Desenvolvimento rural integrado. PNUD, Díli. www.undp.org/content/dam/timorleste/docs/library/ NHDR_TL_2006_PTv.1.pdf. 2009 Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano de 2009. Ultrapassar barreiras: mobilidade e desenvolvimento humanos. Edição portuguesa, IPAD, Lisbon. 2011a Timor-Leste Human Development Report 2011.Managing Natural Resources for Human Development: Developing the non-oil economy to achieve the MDGs. PNUD, Díli. www.laohamutuk.org/econ/ HDI10/TLHDR2011En.pdf. 2011b Relatório de Desenvolvimento Humano de 2011. Sustentabilidade e Equidade: um futuro melhor para todos. Communication Development Incorporated, Washington D.C. www.pnud. org.br/HDR/Relatorios-Desenvolvimento-Humano-Globais. aspx?indiceAccordion=2&li=li_RDHGlobais. Ranis, G. 2004 Arthur Lewis’ contribution to development thinking and policy. The Manchester School 72(6): 712–723. www.econ.yale.edu/~granis/ papers/lewis-manchester-2004.pdf. 2008 Relationships between Migration and Development. Em: Migration and Development: Future Directions for Research and Policy, SSRC Migration & Development Conference Papers No. 3, p. 33–43. New York. www.ssrc.org/workspace/images/crm/new_ publication_3/%7B12bf3577-2461-de11-bd80-001cc477ec70%7D. pdf. Ravenstein, E.G. 1885 The Laws of Migration. Journal of the Statistical Society of London, Vol. 48(2): 167–235. http://blog.lib.umn.edu/globerem/main/ Ravenstein.pdf. República Portuguesa, Agência Geral do Ultramar 1965 Timor: Pequena monografia. Agência Geral do Ultramar, Lisbon.

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Saldanha, J. M. 1994 The political economy of East Timor development. Pustaka Sinar Harapan, Jakarta. Saldanha, J. M. and H. Costa 1999 Economic viability of East Timor revisited. Outlook for 21 st Century. Strategic Development Planning for East Timor Conference, Melbourne, Australia. Sachs, J. D. 2006 O Fim da Pobreza.Como consegui-lo na nossa geração. Casa das Letras, Alfragide. Saracoglu, S. and Roe, T. 2004 Rural-urban Migration and Economic Growth in Developing Countries. Society for Economic Dynamics. Meeting Papers No. 241, St. Louis. Secretaria de Estado da Formação Profissional e Emprego (SEFOPE) 2012 SEFOPE: Cinco anos na marcha com o povo, para o Desenvolvimento (2007-2012). SEFOPE, Díli. Secretaria de Estado da Formação Profissional e Emprego (SEFOPE) e Direcção Nacional de Estatística de Timor-Leste (DNE) 2010 Timor-Leste Labour Force Survey 2010. DEFOPE e DNE, Díli. www. ilo.org/wcmsp5/groups/public/---asia/---ro-bangkok/---ilo-jakarta/ documents/publication/wcms_152168.pdf. Sen, A. 1981 Pobreza e Fomes. Um ensaio sobre direitos e privações. Terramar, Lisbon. 1999 O Desenvolvimento como Liberdade. Gradiva, Lisbon. Sequeira, P. J. 1999 Timor-Leste - Contributo para o estudo dos sistemas agrícolas. Strategic Development Planning for East Timor Conference, Melbourne, Australia. Skeldon, R. 2011 Reinterpreting migration and development. Em: Migration in the Global Political Economy (N. Phillips ed.). International Political Economy Yearbook, Vol. 17, , Boulder Lynne Rienner, Boulder, p. 103. Stiglitz, J. 1998 Towards a new paradigma for development: strategies, policies and processes. UNCTAD, Geneva.

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Timor-Leste (Républica Démocratica de), Direcção Nacional de Estatística de Timor- Leste (DNE) 2006 Timor-Leste: Censo da População e Habitação 2004: Tabelas Prioritárias Nacionais. Díli. 2008 Total, Urban and Rural Population: Census 2004. DNE, Díli. 2010 Timor-Leste: Demographic and Health Survey 2009-10. ICF Macro, Calverton. www.measuredhs.com/pubs/pdf/FR235/FR235.pdf. 2012 Timor–Leste Population and Housing Census 2010: Analytical Report on Migration and Urbanization. Vol. 7, Díli. Timor-Leste (Républica Démocratica de), Ministério das Finanças 2011a Population and Housing Census 2010: Population Distribution by Administrative Areas.Vol. 2, Díli. 2011b Population and Housing Census 2010: Social and Economic Characteristics. Vol. 3, Díli. Torres, A. 1996 Economia do Desenvolvimento e a Interdisciplinariedade: da heterodoxia desenvolvimentista à ortodoxia neoclássica. Em: Ensaios de homenagem a Manuel Jacinto Nunes. ISEG/ UTL, Lisbon, p. 117. www.adelinotorres.com/trabalhos/ teoriasdesenvolvimentojacintonunes.pdf. Toye, J. 2003 Changing Perspectives in Development Economics. Em: Chang, Ha-Joon (ed.) Rethinking Development Economics (C. Ha-Joon ed.). Anthem Press, Londres, p. 21. United Kingdom, Department for International Development (DFID) 2000 Eliminação da Pobreza no Mundo: Fazer com que a Globalização Beneficie os Pobres.Livro Branco sobre Desenvolvimento Internacional. DFID, Norwich. Ziesemer, T. 2011 Growth with endogenous migration hump and the multiple, dynamically interacting effects of aid in poor developing countries. Applied Economics, Taylor and Francis Journals, 43(30):4865–4878.

A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

8. Annexes

Annex 1: List of students involved in collecting primary data

U N T L

U U

E E N N

V S

O E

R R

S AP S O S IE ITA NTIA ET VER L I

D R A O D M E I T 2000 N L A A C I O N

UNIVERSIDADE NACIONAL TIMOR LOROSA’E Avenida Cidade de Lisboa, Díli, Tel. +670-3321251, E-mail: [email protected]

No. Name 1 Abelito A. Viegas 2 Aida Maria da Costa 3 Anito Cardoso Ximenes 4 Aquino Pinto Vicente 5 Augusto Tavares 6 Eduardo Alves Rangel 7 Emelia Soares 8 Eusebio da Costa R. Alves 9 Isabel Soares 10 Marta Gusmão

61 ACP Observatory on Migration

Annex 2: List of researchers involved in collecting primary data

U N T L

U U

E E N N

V S

O E

R R

S AP S O S IE ITA NTIA ET VER L I

D R A O D M E I T 2000 N L A A C I O N

UNIVERSIDADE NACIONAL TIMOR LOROSA’E Avenida Cidade de Lisboa, Díli, Tel. +670-3321251, E-mail: [email protected] List of teachers

No Name Role 1 Benjamim de Araújo e Corte-Real, Ph.D Team leader 2 Flaviano S. Soares, Eng. Focal point 3 José António Lourenço da Costa, Dr., M.S. Member 4 Osório Fernandes Verdial Member 5 Fernando Baptista Anuno, M.Sc. Member 6 Jacinto H.S. Belo, Dr. Member

62 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Annex 3: Questionnaire

This questionnaire relates to the internal migration processes in Timor-Leste: causes and consequences for regional development and internal social cohesion. The consortium of consultants and researchers led by UNTL is undertaking a research project on the relationship between internal migrations and development. This study aims specifically to find out the causes for internal migrations seen over the past decade and what the consequences are for the development of Timor-Leste and the country’s social cohesion. The following objectives are among the most important: i) to provide a map with internal migration patterns, picking out the factors (economic and non-economic) which lead to migratory flows; ii) present the impact of migratory flows both in terms of the original region and the destination in term of different levels of human development. To carry out this study, we would like to count on your collaboration through the replies to questions in this questionnaire. We can assure you that your anonymity will be respected completely. The research work is absolutely confidential. Your replies will only be used for scientific purposes. We would also like to emphasize that there no correct or incorrect answers for each question, and you should only express your opinions. When you reply, mark in the box the answer that corresponds to your opinion or write your reply in the space provided. The questionnaire has 49 questions. See Portuguese and Tetum versions in the Portuguese study.

63 ACP Observatory on Migration

Annex 4: Questionnaire for the Heads of Sucos in the District of Dili Questionnaire for the Heads of Suco This questionnaire relates to the internal migration processes in Timor-Leste: causes and consequences for regional development and internal social cohesion. A consortium of consultants and researchers led by UNTL is undertaking a research project on the relationship between internal migrations and development. This study aims specifically to find out the causes for internal migrations seen over the past decade and what the consequences are for the development of Timor-Leste and the country’s social cohesion. The following objectives are among the most important: i) to provide a map with internal migration patterns, picking out the factors (economic and non-economic) which lead to migratory flows; ii) present the impact of migratory flows both in terms of the original region and the destination in term of different levels of human development. To carry out this study, we would like to count on your collaboration through the replies to questions in this questionnaire. We can assure you that your anonymity will be respected completely. The research work is absolutely confidential. Your replies will only be used for scientific purposes. We would also like to emphasize that there no correct or incorrect answers for each question, and you should only express your opinions. When you reply, mark in the box the answer that corresponds to your opinion or write your reply in the space provided. See Portuguese and Tetum versions in the Portuguese study.

64 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste 24 62 60 69 45 342 146 107 107 113 que 1,578 67,426 81,409 11,330 Vique - - 21 53 45 49 53 62 16 32 138 105 188 Oe 3,846 cusse 66,452 61,844 - 44 93 29 49 65 31 72 254 161 348 120 5,654 tuto 46,497 39,577 Mana - 58 79 51 40 45 61 73 468 112 214 176 fahi 4,674 51,459 45,408 Manu - 25 36 35 57 52 50 37 38 74 100 624 tem 8,304 Lau 67,531 58,099 - 28 28 39 81 76 95 38 30 168 113 735 ca 5,030 Liqui 65,996 59,535 39 42 49 75 46 141 499 120 929 101 739 9,17 Ermera 124,868 112,921 283 583 259 549 606 247 621 505 951 677 2,634 1,240 Díli Place of birth (District) 136,244 127,089 - 32 83 42 85 62 98 31 93 79 173 1,467 4,691 lima Cova 62,656 55,720 56 84 72 68 195 119 122 230 580 842 1,694 naro 86,828 12,291 Bobo- 103,181 72 76 96 59 341 749 349 108 135 358 125 15,904 Baucau 123,557 105,185 36 77 36 45 98 38 268 151 112 179 360 5,829 Aileu 45,603 38,374 - 53 33 78 40 957 151 111 169 959 102 413 Tables detailing the relevant results of the 2010 Census results detailing the relevant Tables ro Place of birth versus place of residence by District by place of residence Place of birth versus 7,629 Aina 56,297 66,992

DNE, 2012 (adapted).

Ainaro Aileu Total Total residence Viqueque Baucau Oecusse Bobonaro Manatuto Covalima Manufahi Liquiça Díli Lautem Ermera Table 5: Table Annex 5: Annex Source:

65 ACP Observatory on Migration 23 36 52 40 84 95 56 104 127 262 que 1,086 9,596 2,262 13,823 Vique - - 22 43 65 29 97 13 45 41 39 126 181 Oe 8,621 3,462 cusse 4,458 - 42 39 24 69 59 27 91 210 150 108 237 tuto 7,698 4,904 1,738 Mana 65 38 38 56 66 33 38 46 444 178 115 Ma - 6,944 4,075 1,752 nufahi - 21 23 37 36 29 49 40 48 36 93 503 tem Lau 7,211 4,453 12,579 - 81 28 71 22 15 37 73 28 27 149 465 ca 7,527 4,566 1,965 Liqui - 84 37 64 41 36 29 104 138 387 807 572 ra 8,174 3,947 Erme 14,420 253 697 249 707 986 655 579 556 320 619 Díli 1,497 1,168 24,224 15,938 - 35 66 55 70 21 99 60 42 23 Place of birth (District) 163 370 lima 8,296 3,123 4,169 Cova 81 69 65 74 61 180 105 537 487 187 4,527 1,361 naro Bobo- 18,896 11,162 - 55 61 81 33 84 70 118 124 338 307 666 cau 7,041 Bau 22,789 13,811 35 77 39 78 34 80 41 30 134 250 149 Aileu 7,486 1,383 5,156 69 78 85 25 58 22 37 729 136 341 828 1,328 6,682 10,418 Ainaro 2,928 7,546 4,454 5,924 7,327 5,207 6,132 4,549 3,589 5,951 4,198 District of current residence versus previous District of residence (recent migration) (recent of residence District previous versus residence of current District Total 11,330 174,612 105,477 DNE, 2012 (adapted).

District of District current residence Total Ainaro Bobonaro Aileu Baucau Covalima Díli Ermera Liquiça Lautem Manufahi Manatuto Oecusse Viqueque Table 6: Table Source:

66 A country on the move: A profile of internal migration in Timor-Leste

Table 7: International immigrants by District

District No % of total Ainaro 109 0.94 Aileu 62 0.54 Baucau 338 2.93 Bobonaro 664 5.75 Covalima 792 6.86 Díli 7,126 61.77 Ermera 402 3.48 Liquiça 371 3.22 Lautem 250 2.17 Manufahi 313 2.71 Manatuto 161 1.40 Oecusse 779 6.75 Viqueque 170 1.47 Total 11,537 99.99 Source: DNE, 2012 (adapted).

67 ACP Observatory on Migration

Annex 6: Map of Timor-Leste map

Fonte: United Nations.

What is the impact of internal migration on human development in Timor-Leste? This study includes a mapping of internal migration in Timor-Leste and presents the economic and non-economic factors motivating migration movements. It also shows the different impacts of migration flows on human development in regions of origin and destination. Beyond strict economic reasons, internal migration in Timor-Leste can be motivated by the access to education and basic social services, among other forced reasons (postconflict migration for instance) or induced flows (barlaque and marriages). Agents such as extended family ties and the State and Churches also play a role. Crossing migration and development theories, the study tackles the recent history of Timor-Leste and shows that internal contemporary migration can be divided in separate phases. This analysis allows the establishment of a typology revealing the complex nature of migration and facilitating the development of adequate policies. EastAfrica

Central database Africa

Caribbean

Senegal

health

labour

Haiti

Nigeria diasporas environment

Southern integration Africa training Timor-Leste

South-South Kenya

return development internal Democratic

migration Republic ObservatoryAngola of the Congo rights Cameroon

displacement trafficking Pacific Tanzania Lesotho statistics gender West Africa remittances urbanization Papua Trinidad and Tobago New Guinea irregular internal

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