The Key to Conflict Prevention
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Minority Rights
Fact Sheet No.18 (Rev.1), Minority Rights Contents: o Introduction o Provisions for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Persons belonging to Minorities o The Implementation of Special Rights and the Promotion of further Measures for the Protection of Minorities o Complaints Procedures o Early Warning Mechanisms o Role of Non-Governmental Organizations o The Way Ahead Annex I: Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (Adopted by General Assembly resolution 47/135 of 18 December 1992) Introduction "... The promotion and protection of the rights of persons belonging to national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities contribute to the political and social stability of States in which they live" (Preamble of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities) (1) Almost all States have one or more minority groups within their national territories, characterized by their own ethnic, linguistic or religious identity which differs from that of the majority population. Harmonious relations among minorities and between minorities and majorities and respect for each group's identity is a great asset to the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural diversity of our global society. Meeting the aspirations of national, ethnic, religious and linguistic groups and ensuring the rights of persons belonging to minorities acknowledges the dignity and equality of all individuals, furthers participatory development, and thus contributes to the lessening of tensions among groups and individuals. These factors are a major determinant etc. of stability and peace. The protection of minorities has not, until recently, attracted the same level of attention as that accorded other rights which the United Nations considered as having a greater urgency. -
Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case Liav Orgad
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Constitutional Commentary 2010 Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case Liav Orgad Theodore Ruthizer Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Orgad, Liav and Ruthizer, Theodore, "Race, Religion and Nationality in Immigration Selection: 120 Years After the Chinese Exclusion Case" (2010). Constitutional Commentary. 635. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/concomm/635 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Constitutional Commentary collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Article RACE, RELIGION AND NATIONALITY IN IMMIGRATION SELECTION: 120 YEARS AFTER THE CHINESE EXCLUSION CASE Liav Orgad* Theodore Ruthizer** INTRODUCTION 120 years ago, in May 1889, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled that "the power of exclusion of foreigners being an incident of sovereignty ... cannot be granted away or restrained. "1 Sixty years later, in January 1950, at the height of the Cold War, the U.S. Supreme Court reaffirmed the plenary power doctrine by holding that "it is not within the province of any court, unless expressly authorized by law, to review the determination of the political branch of the Government to exclude a given alien."2 Another sixty years have passed and more recently, in February 2009, the U.S. Court of Appeals for the D.C. Circuit held that "a nation-state has the inherent right to exclude or admit foreigners * Radzyner School of Law. -
RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL at PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; and REASONS for REJECTION by Shizuka
RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL AT PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; AND REASONS FOR REJECTION By Shizuka Imamoto B.A. (Hiroshima Jogakuin University, Japan), Graduate Diploma in Language Teaching (University of Technology Sydney, Australia) A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University. Japanese Studies, Department of Asian Languages, Division of Humanities, College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney Australia. 2006 DECLARATION I declare that the present research work embodied in the thesis entitled, Racial Equality Bill: Japanese Proposal At Paris Peace Conference: Diplomatic Manoeuvres; And Reasons For Rejection was carried out by the author at Macquarie Japanese Studies Centre of Macquarie University of Sydney, Australia during the period February 2003 to February 2006. This work has not been submitted for a higher degree to any other university or institution. Any published and unpublished materials of other writers and researchers have been given full acknowledgement in the text. Shizuka Imamoto ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii SUMMARY ix DEDICATION x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xi INTRODUCTION 1 1. Area Of Study 1 2. Theme, Principal Question, And Objective Of Research 5 3. Methodology For Research 5 4. Preview Of The Results Presented In The Thesis 6 End Notes 9 CHAPTER ONE ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS AND WORLD WAR ONE 11 Section One: Anglo-Japanese Alliance 12 1. Role Of Favourable Public Opinion In Britain And Japan 13 2. Background Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 15 3. Negotiations And Signing Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 16 4. Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance 17 5. Third Anglo-Japanese Alliance 18 Section Two: Japan’s Involvement In World War One 19 1. -
When Is a Country Multinational? Problems with Statistical and Subjective Approaches
Zurich Open Repository and Archive University of Zurich Main Library Strickhofstrasse 39 CH-8057 Zurich www.zora.uzh.ch Year: 2011 When is a country multinational? Problems with statistical and subjective approaches Stojanovic, N Abstract: Many authors have argued that we should make a clear conceptual distinction between monona- tional and multinational states. Yet the number of empirical examples they refer to is rather limited. France or Germany are usually seen as mononational, whereas Belgium, Canada, Spain and the UK are considered multinational. How should we classify other cases? Here we can distinguish between (at least) two approaches in the literature: statistical (i.e., whether significant national minorities live within a larger state and, especially, whether they claim self-government) and subjective (i.e., when citizens feel allegiance to sub-state national identities). Neither of them, however, helps us to resolve the problem. Is Italy multinational (because it contains a German-speaking minority)? Is Germany really mononational (in spite of the official recognition of the Danes and the Sorbs in some Länder)? On the otherhand, is Switzerland the “most multinational country” (Kymlicka)? Let us assume that there is no definite answer to this dilemma and that it is all a matter of degree. There are probably few (if any) clearly mononational states and few (if any) clearly multinational states. Should we abandon this distinction in favour of other concepts like “plurinationalism” (Keating), “nations-within-nations” (Miller), “post- national state” (Abizadeh, Habermas), or “post-sovereign state” (MacCormick)? The article discusses these issues and, in conclusion, addresses the problem of stability and shared identity “plural” societies. -
Portuguese Nationality Act Law 37/81, of 3 October Consolidated Version, As Amended by Organic Law 2/2006, of 17 April
Portuguese Nationality Act Law 37/81, of 3 October Consolidated version, as amended by Organic Law 2/2006, of 17 April TITLE I Attribution, acquisition and loss of nationality CHAPTER I Attribution of nationality Article 1 Nationality by origin 1 –Portuguese by origin are: a) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born in Portuguese territory; b) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born abroad if the Portuguese parent is there serving the Portuguese State; c) The children of a Portuguese mother or father born abroad if they have their birth registered at the Portuguese civil registry or if they declare that they want to be Portuguese; d) The persons born in Portuguese territory to foreign parents if at least one of the parents was also born in Portugal and resides here, irrespective of title, at the time of birth; e) The persons born in Portuguese territory to foreign parents who are not serving their respective State, if they declare that they want to be Portuguese and provided that one of the parents has legally resided in Portugal for at least five years at the time of birth; f) The persons born in Portuguese territory who do not possess another nationality. 2 – Save proof to the contrary, the newly-born infants found abandoned in Portugal are presumed to have been born in Portuguese territory. CHAPTER II Acquisition of nationality SECTION I Acquisition of nationality by act of will Article 2 Acquisition by minors or disabled children Minors or disabled children one of whose parents acquires Portuguese nationality may also acquire it by means of a declaration. -
Promoting and Protecting Minority Rights a Guide for Advocates
Promoting and Protecting Minority Rights A Guide for Advocates Designed and printed by the Publishing Service, United Nations publications United Nations, Geneva — GE.13-40538 Sales No. E.13.XIV.1 July 2013 — 3,452 — HR/PUB/12/7 ISBN 978-92-1-154197-7 Promoting and Protecting Minority Rights A Guide for Advocates Geneva and New York, 2012 ii PROMOTING AND PROTECTING MINORITY RIGHTS Note The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this publication do not imply the expression of any opinion whatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, or of its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries. * * * Symbols of United Nations documents are composed of capital letters combined with figures. Mention of such a figure indicates a reference to a United Nations document. HR/PUB/12/7 Sales No. E.13.XIV.1 ISBN 978-92-1-154197-7 eISBN 978-92-1-056280-5 © 2012 United Nations All worldwide rights reserved Minority rights focus in the United Nations iii Foreword I am delighted that this publication, Promoting and Protecting Minority Rights: A Guide for Minority Rights Advocates, comes before you as we celebrate the twentieth anniversary of the adoption of the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities. This anniversary gives us the opportunity to look back on the 20 years of promoting the Declaration and use that experience to plan and strategize for the future, to decide how best to bring this Declaration further to the fore of human rights discussions taking place all over the world and discuss its implementation. -
Children's Right to a Nationality
OPEN SOCIETY JUSTICE INITIATIVE Children’s right to a nationality Statelessness affects more than 12 million people around the world, among whom the most vulnerable are children. The Open Society Justice Initiative estimates that as many as 5 million may be minors. The consequences of lack of nationality are numerous and severe. Many stateless children grow up in extreme poverty and are denied basic rights and services such as access to education and health care. Stateless children‟s lack of identity documentation limits their freedom of movement. They are subject to arbitrary deportations and prolonged detentions, are vulnerable to social exclusion, trafficking and exploitation—including child labor. Despite its importance, children‟s right to a nationality rarely gets the urgent attention it needs. Children’s right to nationality The right to a nationality is protected under At the very least, the right to acquire a nationality under international law. The Universal Declaration of Human the CRC should be understood to mean that children Rights provides a general right to nationality under have a right to nationality in their country of birth if article 15. The international human rights treaties— they do not acquire another nationality from birth—in including the Convention on the Rights of the Child other words, if they would otherwise be stateless. In (CRC) and the International Covenant on Civil and fact, this particular principle is recognized in regional Political Rights (ICCPR)—as well as the Convention on systems as well as in the Convention on the Reduction the Reduction of Statelessness, provide particular norms of Statelessness. -
Race Categorization and the Regulation of Business and Science
617 Race Categorization and the Regulation of Business and Science Catherine Lee John D. Skrentny Despite the lack of consensus regarding the meaning or significance of race or ethnicity amongst scientists and the lay public, there are legal requirements and guidelines that dictate the collection of racial and ethnic data across a range of institutions. Legal regulations are typically created through a political process and then face varying kinds of resistance when the state tries to implement them. We explore the nature of this opposition by comparing responses from businesses, scientists, and science-oriented businesses (phar- maceutical and biotechnology companies) to U.S. state regulations that used politically derived racial categorizations, originally created to pursue civil rights goals. We argue that insights from cultural sociology regarding insti- tutional and cultural boundaries can aid understanding of the nature of re- sistance to regulation. The Food and Drug Administration’s guidelines for research by pharmaceutical companies imposed race categories on science- based businesses, leading to objections that emphasized the autonomy and validity of science. In contrast, similar race categories regulating first business by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and later scien- tific research sponsored by the National Institutes of Health (NIH) encoun- tered little challenge. We argue that pharmaceutical companies had the motive (profit) that NIH-supported scientists lacked and a legitimate discourse (boundary work of science) that businesses regulated by the EEOC did not have. The study suggests the utility of a comparative cultural sociology of the politics of legal regulation, particularly when understanding race-related reg- ulation and the importance of examining legal regulations for exploring how the meaning of race or ethnicity are contested and constructed in law. -
The Model of Ethnic Democracy
THE MODEL OF ETHNIC DEMOCRACY Sammy SMOOHA ECMI Working Paper # 13 October 2001 EUROPEAN CENTRE FOR MINORITY ISSUES (ECMI) Schiffbruecke 12 (Kompagnietor Building) D-24939 Flensburg Germany +49-(0)461-14 14 9-0 fax +49-(0)461-14 14 9-19 e-mail: [email protected] internet: http://www.ecmi.de ECMI Working Paper # 13 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) Director: Marc Weller © European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) 2001. ISSN 1435-9812 The European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) is a non-partisan institution founded in 1996 by the Governments of the Kingdom of Denmark, the Federal Republic of Germany, and the German State of Schleswig-Holstein. ECMI was established in Flensburg, at the heart of the Danish-German border region, in order to draw from the encouraging example of peaceful coexistence between minorities and majorities achieved here. ECMI’s aim is to promote interdisciplinary research on issues related to minorities and majorities in a European perspective and to contribute to the improvement of inter-ethnic relations in those parts of Western and Eastern Europe where ethno- political tension and conflict prevail. ECMI Working Papers are written either by the staff of ECMI or by outside authors commissioned by the Centre. As ECMI does not propagate opinions of its own, the views expressed in any of its publications are the sole responsibility of the author concerned. ECMI Working Paper # 13 European Centre for Minority Issues (ECMI) © ECMI 2001 CONTENTS 1. About the Author......................................................................................................3 -
Events of 2013
Europe Katalin Halász and Nurçan Kaya Europe Paul Iganski AZERBAIJAN AZER. ARMENIA GEORGIA RUSSIA SEA TURKEY K CYPRUS ICELAND AC BL UKRAINE VA MOLDO BELARUS ATL ANTIC FINLAND BULGARIA TVIA ROMANIA ANEAN SEA LA FINLAND OCEAN ESTONIA NORWAY GREECE LITHUANIA ovo SWEDEN MACEDONIA SERBIA MONTENEGRO AKIA RUSSIA Kos OV POLAND ESTONIA SL ALBANIA Kaliningrad (Rus.) HUNGARY BOSNIA AND HERZE. LATVIA MEDITERR SWEDEN IRELAND DENMARK CROATIA UNITED ITALY CZECH REP. LITHUANIA KINGDOM AUSTRIA AY KaliningradSLOVENIA (Rus.) NORW BELARUS LIECH. NETHERLANDS SAN MARINO GERMANY DENMARK GERMANY POLAND BELGIUM LUXEMBOURG LUXEMBOURG MONACO UKRAINE CZECH REP.SWITZERLAND BELGIUM SLOVAKIA NETHERLANDS LIECH. MOLDOVA FRANCE SWITZERLAND AUSTRIA HUNGARY FRANCE SLOVENIA ANDORRA UNITED ROMANIA KINGDOM CROATIA BOSNIA GEORGIA ANDORRA SAN MARINO SERBIA PORTUGAL AND HERZE. BLACK SEA MONACO MONTENEGRO AZERBAIJAN ICELAND IRELAND Kosovo SPAIN BULGARIA ARMENIA MACEDONIASPAIN ANTIC AZER. ITALY ALBANIA L TURKEY OCEAN GREECE AT PORTUGAL CYPRUS MEDITERRANEAN SEA n November 2013, in her opening speech considerable anti-migrant and generalized anti- at the European Union Fundamental ‘foreigner’ sentiment across the region. I Rights Agency (FRA) conference on The internet and social media have provided Combating Hate Crime in the EU, Cecilia new opportunities for venting such sentiment. Malmström, the Commissioner of the European Individuals from minority communities who step Commission in charge of Home Affairs, into the public eye in politics, media and sport, expressed concern about the ‘mounting wave have provided new targets for hate through social of harassment and violence targeting asylum media. Between 2012 and 2014 the Council of seekers, immigrants, ethnic minorities and Europe is engaged in a major initiative against sexual minorities in many European countries’. -
Democratisation and Minority Rights in the Post-Communist Balkan States
PERCEPTIONS JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS June - July 2001 Volume VI - Number 2 DEMOCRATISATION AND MINORITY RIGHTS IN THE POST-COMMUNIST BALKAN STATES BİROL AKGÜN Dr Birol Akgün is Assistant Professor at the Department of International Relations, Selçuk University, Konya. INTRODUCTION With the collapse of the Soviet Union and the emergence of new independent states, scholars have turned their attention to developments in Eastern Europe. The expectation that a liberal democracy would soon replace ex-totalitarian regimes in the region is only partly realised. While some states (mostly in Central Europe) achieved a working democracy and were able to maintain domestic peace and security, some others (mostly in the Balkans) witnessed bloody wars and civil conflicts in the last decade. Readjustment of the borders in the Balkans reawakened old hatreds and ethnic hostilities causing unprecedented human suffering, which were quelled only by the intervention of the international community such as in the Bosnia and Kosovo wars. As Attila Agh points out, Balkan countries differ from East Central Europe in terms of political and economic development.1 None of them had previous experience with democratic government. Most of the Balkan countries are "late-comers to democratization" (Slovakia, Croatia, Romania, and Bulgaria), or "semi-protectorates" (for example, Bosnia) of international organisations and great powers.2 Economically, they are the poorest nations of the Europe. In 1996, for instance, while six East Central Europe states had incomes