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Making the State on the Sino-Tibetan Frontier: Chinese Expansion and Local Power in Batang, 1842-1939
Making the State on the Sino-Tibetan Frontier: Chinese Expansion and Local Power in Batang, 1842-1939 William M. Coleman, IV Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences Columbia University 2014 © 2013 William M. Coleman, IV All rights reserved Abstract Making the State on the Sino-Tibetan Frontier: Chinese Expansion and Local Power in Batang, 1842-1939 William M. Coleman, IV This dissertation analyzes the process of state building by Qing imperial representatives and Republican state officials in Batang, a predominantly ethnic Tibetan region located in southwestern Sichuan Province. Utilizing Chinese provincial and national level archival materials and Tibetan language works, as well as French and American missionary records and publications, it explores how Chinese state expansion evolved in response to local power and has three primary arguments. First, by the mid-nineteenth century, Batang had developed an identifiable structure of local governance in which native chieftains, monastic leaders, and imperial officials shared power and successfully fostered peace in the region for over a century. Second, the arrival of French missionaries in Batang precipitated a gradual expansion of imperial authority in the region, culminating in radical Qing military intervention that permanently altered local understandings of power. While short-lived, centrally-mandated reforms initiated soon thereafter further integrated Batang into the Qing Empire, thereby -
Four Legs to Stand On: Taiwan's Fight Against COVID 19
Four Legs to Stand on: Taiwan’s Fight against COVID 19 Jiunn-rong Yeh In a time of unprecedented global pandemic, Taiwan has demonstrated to the world its strength and success in combating the spread of COVID-19. Statistic shows that since the first confirmed case on 21 January 2020, there have been only 486 confirmed cases with 7 deaths. Of those confirmed cases, around 80 percent (394/486) were imported cases of returning Taiwanese nationals and inbound foreign visitors.1 The numbers exhibit not only the achievement of controlling the pandemic as a whole, but reflect that there was no large-scale community spread. It is intriguing to wonder how a democracy so close to China, in geometric or business terms, and yet so remote from the World Health Organisation (WHO), could control the virus outbreak so well in this global crisis in comparison to other parts of the world? Success has not come without a price. Taiwan learned hard lessons from the past tragic experience of SARS (Severe Acute Respiratory Syndrome) in 2003. This built a strong base for responding to a pandemic promptly, including the outbreak of COVID-19 this time. One could also argue that strong institutional capacity-building has also contributed to the “Taiwan miracle.” In this essay, I would argue that Taiwan has made the most of her democracy, technology, law and community in fighting against the COVID-19 pandemic that has swept the globe in an unprecedented way. It is the combination of these four forces that has made Taiwan’s fight against global pandemic as successful as we have observed so far. -
Moving the American Embassy in Israel to Jerusalem: Challenges and Opportunities
MOVING THE AMERICAN EMBASSY IN ISRAEL TO JERUSALEM: CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES HEARING BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON NATIONAL SECURITY OF THE COMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT AND GOVERNMENT REFORM HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES ONE HUNDRED FIFTEENTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION NOVEMBER 8, 2017 Serial No. 115–44 Printed for the use of the Committee on Oversight and Government Reform ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.fdsys.gov http://oversight.house.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 28–071 PDF WASHINGTON : 2018 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Nov 24 2008 09:17 Jan 19, 2018 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00001 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 H:\28071.TXT APRIL KING-6430 with DISTILLER COMMITTEE ON OVERSIGHT AND GOVERNMENT REFORM Trey Gowdy, South Carolina, Chairman John J. Duncan, Jr., Tennessee Elijah E. Cummings, Maryland, Ranking Darrell E. Issa, California Minority Member Jim Jordan, Ohio Carolyn B. Maloney, New York Mark Sanford, South Carolina Eleanor Holmes Norton, District of Columbia Justin Amash, Michigan Wm. Lacy Clay, Missouri Paul A. Gosar, Arizona Stephen F. Lynch, Massachusetts Scott DesJarlais, Tennessee Jim Cooper, Tennessee Trey Gowdy, South Carolina Gerald E. Connolly, Virginia Blake Farenthold, Texas Robin L. Kelly, Illinois Virginia Foxx, North Carolina Brenda L. Lawrence, Michigan Thomas Massie, Kentucky Bonnie Watson Coleman, New Jersey Mark Meadows, North Carolina Stacey E. Plaskett, Virgin Islands Ron DeSantis, Florida Val Butler Demings, Florida Dennis A. Ross, Florida Raja Krishnamoorthi, Illinois Mark Walker, North Carolina Jamie Raskin, Maryland Rod Blum, Iowa Peter Welch, Vermont Jody B. -
The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
US-Taiwan Relations Remain Robust: Burghardt,” Taipei Times, July 14, 2012, Front Page
University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2013 U.S.-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act Jacqueline Anne Vitello University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Vitello, Jacqueline Anne, "U.S.-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act" (2013). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 947. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/947 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. U.S. Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act __________ A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts __________ by Jacqueline A. Vitello June 2013 Advisor: Dr. Suisheng Zhao Author: Jacqueline A. Vitello Title: U.S-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act Advisor: Dr. Suisheng Zhao Degree Date: June 2013 Abstract The relationship between the United States and Taiwan is of great importance to both parties. Taiwan offers certain strategic opportunities for the promotion of American national security interests, and the U.S. accordingly provides Taiwan with support of both a defensive and diplomatic nature. The official U.S. policies regarding relations with Taiwan are enumerated in the Taiwan Relations Act (United States Code Title 22 Chapter 48 Sections 3301 – 3316). -
Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO Qingjiang Kong
University of Minnesota Law School Scholarship Repository Minnesota Journal of International Law 2005 Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO Qingjiang Kong Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Kong, Qingjiang, "Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What Are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO" (2005). Minnesota Journal of International Law. 220. https://scholarship.law.umn.edu/mjil/220 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Minnesota Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Minnesota Journal of International Law collection by an authorized administrator of the Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Cross-Taiwan Strait Relations: What are the Legitimate Expectations from the WTO? Qingjiang Kong* INTRODUCTION On December 11, 2001, China acceded to the World Trade Organization (WTO).1 Taiwan followed on January 1, 2002 as the "Separate Customs Territory of Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu."2 Accession of both China and Taiwan to the world trading body has triggered a fever of activities by Taiwanese businesses, but the governments on both sides of the Taiwan Strait have been slow to make policy adjustments. The coexis- tence of business enthusiasm and governmental indifference * Professor of International Economic Law, Zhejiang Gongshang University (previ- ously: Hangzhou University of Commerce), China. His recent book is China and the World Trade Organization:A Legal Perspective (New Jersey, London, Singapore, Hong Kong, World Scientific Publishing, 2002). Questions or comments may be e- mailed to Professor Kong at [email protected]. -
With Clean Energy How Government Is Putting Jobs and Investment at Risk
MANAGEMENT RETIREMENT ANNUITIES SHARE VIEWS ON: HOW TO ACE A TAX-SMART TIP VODACOM YOUR FIRST FROM PSG’S TRENCOR 100 DAYS SCHALK LOUW PPC FIND US AT: ENGLISH EDITION fin24.com/finweek 16 February 2017 PLAYING DIRTY WITH CLEAN ENERGY HOW GOVERNMENT IS PUTTING JOBS AND INVESTMENT AT RISK COLLECTIVE INSIGHT INSIGHT INTO SA INVESTING FROM LEADING INFORMATION PROFESSIONALS OVERLOAD NAVIGATING YOUR WAY THROUGH THE NOISE Inside 18 Coming to grips with big data 20 What is the big deal about big data? 22 Age of automation 24 R26.23 (excl. VAT) Welcome to the Second Information Age 26 Algorithms versus human judgment – whom do we trust? 28 Information deluge the new normal 31 Big data in investment finance: A cautionary comment 33 Beware the noise R29.90 (incl. VAT) Other countries: SA: DON’T LET BIG DATA BAFFLE YOU contents Opinion 4 Paradiplomacy and paranoia from the editor The week in brief 6 News in numbers 8 Cash for your car JANA MARAIS Marketplace 9 Fund Focus: Rewarding long-term investors should one invest in the age of Trump? US hedge fund 10 House View: Tax-free portfolio, DRDGold nager Seth A. Klarman’s views on this issue have set Wall 11 Killer Trade: Is Trencor headed for calmer waters? eet abuzz afterr The New York Times published extracts 12 Simon Says: Kumba Iron Ore, Vodacom, Dawn, Hudaco of his January letter to investors. In the letter, Klarman Industries, PPC h warned about the “perilously high valuations” of the equity market, saying 13 Invest DIY: The ins and outs of doubling up on shares investors were discounting the major risks brought by US President Donald 14 Investment: Best-kept secret: Direct shares in your Trump’s proposed policies. -
Imaginary War with China: Is the 1992 Consensus an Essential Element In
Imaginary War With China: Is The 1992 Consensus an Essential Element in Promoting Peace Across Taiwan Strait? Ching-Hsin Yu,* Ching-Hsing Wang,† and Dennis Lu-Chung Weng‡ Abstract This study aims to examine the relationship between individuals’ attitudes toward the 1992 consensus and their support for Taiwan in the name of the Republic of China (R.O.C) without declaring independence. Given President Tsai Ing-wen’s refusal to recognize the existence of the 1992 consensus that provides the basis for dialogue between Taiwan and China, there is a pressing need to understand the role of the 1992 consensus in Taiwanese people’s support for Taiwan under the R.O.C constitutional framework. By using data from the 2017 Taiwan National Security Survey, this study finds that people with higher levels of support for the 1992 consensus are more likely to support Taiwan in the name of the R.O.C without declaring independence. This implies that from the public’s perspective, the acknowledgement of the 1992 consensus is a required condition to maintain the status quo for Taiwan. Consequently, President Tsai and her administration might need to rethink about their policy of denying the existence of the 1992 consensus. Keywords: 1992 consensus, Taiwan, R.O.C., Taiwan independence, presidential approval. * Distinguished Research Fellow, Election Study Center, National Chengchi University, email: [email protected]. † Postdoctoral Fellow, Hobby School of Public Affairs, University of Houston, email: [email protected]. ‡ Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Sam Houston State University, email: [email protected]. 1 Introduction The independence-unification issue has been the most salient political issue in Taiwan that has played an important role in domestic political competition as well as the development of cross-strait relations. -
Hearing on the Taiwan Relations Act House International Relations Committee April 21, 2004 by Richard Bush the Brookings Institution
Hearing on The Taiwan Relations Act House International Relations Committee April 21, 2004 By Richard Bush The Brookings Institution Key Points In passing the Taiwan Relations Act twenty-five years ago, Congress helped fortify a Taiwan that was reeling from the shock of de-recognition and the end of the mutual defense treaty. In the subsequent quarter decade, the TRA has grown in importance as an element of U.S. policy, and as a symbol of American resolve. The TRA has been effective because it has always been reinforced by a strong and continuing political commitment by the Congress and the American public. It is law and political commitment combined that have helped keep Taiwan secure and free and will do so in the future. The recent election in Taiwan offered a clear choice to Taiwan voters between the pan-Blue camp, which favors a more conciliatory policy towards China and the pan- Green camp, which emphasized Taiwan identity and reform of the political order. China views President Chen with deep suspicion and believes that his political agenda is tantamount to the permanent separation of Taiwan from China, and therefore a fundamental challenge to Chinese interests. That perception may well be incorrect. Ensuring that Beijing does not over-react will require careful management on all sides. The TRA has been an admirably flexible and effective instrument of U.S. policy and mechanism for the conduct of U.S.-Taiwan relations. It will remain so if the U.S. political commitment to the island remains strong, and fosters a policy consensus between the Congress and the executive branch. -
New Challenges and Opportunities in the Taiwan Strait: Defining America’S Role
New Challenges and Opportunities in the Taiwan Strait: Defining America’s Role By Thomas J. Christensen PREFACE Nations define their identities in many ways – through language, culture, political ideology, religion, ethnicity, and territory. When one or more of these elements becomes contested either between nations or within them, the potential for conflict and war arises. In the case of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, all six of these elements are now to a greater or lesser degree being contested. The official view of the PRC is that Taiwan is part of a yet-to-be-defined “one China.” The ROC no longer claims to be the legitimate government of all of China; its official position is that it is a separate, independent state, reunification is only an option, and an option that could only be achieved should both sides of the Strait, as equals, come to a mutually satisfactory agreement. Adding to the complexity of what is known as cross-Strait relations is the deep involvement of the United States, which maintains close but “unofficial” ties with Taiwan and ever-expanding, official relations with the mainland, and whose policies and military support for Taiwan are designed to dissuade both parties from actions that would lead them to violent conflict. Developments of major historical significance have taken place in the PRC and the ROC since Truman first involved the United States by sending the Seventh Fleet to patrol the Taiwan Strait shortly after the outbreak of the Korean War. The two most relevant to current cross-Strait relations are the PRC’s “Reform and Opening” and its resulting economic growth, and the development of multi-party democracy in the ROC. -
An Empirical Study of Chinese Name Matching and Applications
An Empirical Study of Chinese Name Matching and Applications Nanyun Peng1 and Mo Yu2 and Mark Dredze1 1Human Language Technology Center of Excellence Center for Language and Speech Processing Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, MD, 21218 2Machine Intelligence and Translation Lab Harbin Institute of Technology, Harbin, China [email protected], [email protected], [email protected] Abstract or morpheme, the most popular being Chinese which uses hanzi (IW). This presents challenges Methods for name matching, an important for name matching: a small number of hanzi repre- component to support downstream tasks sent an entire name and there are tens of thousands such as entity linking and entity clustering, of hanzi in use. Current methods remain largely have focused on alphabetic languages, pri- untested in this setting, despite downstream tasks marily English. In contrast, logogram lan- in Chinese that rely on name matching (Chen et guages such as Chinese remain untested. al., 2010; Cassidy et al., 2011). Martschat et al. We evaluate methods for name matching (2012) point out errors in coreference resolution in Chinese, including both string match- due to Chinese name matching errors, which sug- ing and learning approaches. Our ap- gests that downstream tasks can benefit from im- proach, based on new representations for provements in Chinese name matching techniques. Chinese, improves both name matching This paper presents an analysis of new and ex- and a downstream entity clustering task. isting approaches to name matching in Chinese. The goal is to determine whether two Chinese 1 Introduction strings can refer to the same entity (person, orga- A key technique in entity disambiguation is name nization, location) based on the strings alone. -
Taiwan's Upcoming Presidential and Legislative
THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION CENTER FOR NORTHEAST ASIAN POLICY STUDIES TAIWAN’S UPCOMING PRESIDENTIAL AND LEGISLATIVE ELECTIONS A Conversation with Shelley Rigger and Hsu Szu-chien The Brookings Institution December 14, 2011 Washington, DC [Transcript prepared from an audio recording] ANDERSON COURT REPORTING 706 Duke Street, Suite 100 Alexandria, VA 22314 Phone (703) 519-7180 Fax (703) 519-7190 PARTICIPANTS: Introduction and Moderator: RICHARD BUSH Senior Fellow and Director Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies The Brookings Institution Featured Speakers: SHELLEY RIGGER Brown Professor of East Asian Studies Chair, Department of Political Science Davidson College HSU SZU-CHIEN Assistant Research Fellow Institute of Political Science Academia Sinica * * * * * P R O C E E D I N G S RICHARD BUSH: I’m Richard Bush. I’m the Director of the Center for Northeast Asian Policy Studies, which is the unit at Brookings that is sponsoring today’s event on the Taiwan election. I’m really pleased that you’ve all come. I’m really pleased that Shelley Rigger of Davidson College and Hsu Szu-chien of Academia Sinica in Taipei are here because they’re our speakers today. The way we will work this is that I will have a couple of introductory remarks and then ask questions of our resource people about the election and its implications. And then we will open it up for discussion. Taiwan’s election takes place one month from today, on January 14th. It will be both an election for the legislature―the Legislative Yuan―and for the presidency. This is the first time that the two elections have been held on the same day.