DOCSLIB.ORG

Congressional Record—House H5757

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Congressional Record—House H5757 July 14, 2004 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE H5757 the gentleman from New Jersey (Mr. People’s Republic of China in areas adjacent (7) the United States Government should SMITH) that the House suspend the to the Taiwan Strait is a threat to the peace not discourage current officials of the Tai- rules and concur in the Senate concur- and security of the Western Pacific area; wan Government from visiting the United rent resolution, S. Con. Res. 114. Whereas section 3 of the Taiwan Relations States on the basis that doing so would vio- Act (22 U.S.C. 3302) requires that the United late the ‘‘one China policy’’. The question was taken. States Government will make available de- The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu- The SPEAKER pro tempore. In the fense articles and defense services in such opinion of the Chair, two-thirds of quantity as may be necessary to enable Tai- ant to the rule, the gentleman from those present have voted in the affirm- wan to maintain a sufficient self-defense ca- New Jersey (Mr. SMITH) and the gen- ative. pability; tleman from California (Mr. LANTOS) Mr. LANTOS. Mr. Speaker, on that I Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act requires each will control 20 minutes. demand the yeas and nays. the United States to maintain the capacity Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, is either The yeas and nays were ordered. to resist any resort to force or other forms of gentleman opposed to the bill? The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursu- coercion that would jeopardize the security, Mr. LANTOS. No, Mr. Speaker. I am ant to clause 8 of rule XX and the or the social or economic system, of the peo- ple of Taiwan; strongly in support of this legislation. Chair’s prior announcement, further Whereas the Taiwan Relations Act affirms Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I seek time proceedings on this motion will be the preservation and enhancement of the in opposition. postponed. human rights of the people of Taiwan as an The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gen- f objective of the United States; tleman from Texas (Mr. PAUL) will con- Whereas Taiwan serves as a model of demo- trol 20 minutes in opposition. GENERAL LEAVE cratic reform for the People’s Republic of The Chair recognizes the gentleman Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. China; from New Jersey (Mr. SMITH). Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that Whereas Taiwan’s 1996 election was the Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. all Members may have 5 legislative first time in five millennia of recorded Chi- nese history that a democratically elected Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that days within which to revise and extend president took office; my time be equally divided with the their remarks and include extraneous Whereas Taiwan’s democracy has deepened gentleman from California (Mr. LAN- material on H.R. 1587, as amended. with a peaceful transfer of power from one TOS). The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there political party to another after the presi- objection to the request of the gen- dential election of 2000; The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there tleman from New Jersey? Whereas the relationship between the objection to the request of the gen- There was no objection. United States and Taiwan has deepened with tleman from New Jersey? Taiwan’s evolution into a full-fledged, multi- There was no objection. f party democracy that respects human rights Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. REAFFIRMING UNWAVERING COM- and civil liberties; Speaker, I yield myself such time as I MITMENT TO TAIWAN RELA- Whereas high-level visits between govern- may consume. TIONS ACT ment officials of the United States and Tai- wan are not inconsistent with the ‘‘one Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support Mr. SMITH of New Jersey. Mr. China policy’’; and of H. Con. Res. 462, a resolution re- Speaker, I move to suspend the rules Whereas any attempt to determine Tai- affirming the unwavering support of and agree to the concurrent resolution wan’s future by other than peaceful means the Congress for the Taiwan Relations (H. Con. Res. 462) reaffirming unwaver- and other than with the express consent of Act. This year marks the 25th anniver- ing commitment to the Taiwan Rela- the people of Taiwan would be considered of sary of the enactment of the Taiwan tions Act, and for other purposes. grave concern to the United States: Now, Relations Act, one of Congress’ most therefore, be it The Clerk read as follows: important and enduring pieces of legis- Resolved by the House of Representatives (the lation. Over the past quarter century, H. CON. RES. 462 Senate concurring), That— Whereas April 10, 2004, marked the 25th an- (1) Congress reaffirms its unwavering com- the Act has served as the foundation of niversary of the enactment of the Taiwan mitment to the Taiwan Relations Act (22 the United States’ relationship with Relations Act (22 U.S.C. 3301 et seq.), codi- U.S.C. 3301 et seq.) as the cornerstone of the people of Taiwan and has ensured fying in law the basis for continued commer- United States relations with Taiwan; the island’s security. On this anniver- cial, cultural, and other relations between (2) the military modernization and weap- sary, it is fitting and appropriate for the United States and Taiwan; ons procurement program of the People’s Re- the Congress to review the cross-strait Whereas it is and will continue to be public of China is a matter of grave concern, issue and reassess the needs of our United States policy to further encourage and particularly the current deployment of friends in Taiwan. and expand these extensive commercial, cul- approximately 500 missiles directed toward tural, and other relations between the people Taiwan; In contrast to many other pieces of of the United States and the people of Tai- (3) the President should direct all appro- 25-year-old legislation, the Taiwan Re- wan during the next quarter century; priate United States Government officials to lations Act has exceeded expectations. Whereas since its enactment in 1979 the raise these grave concerns regarding mili- The Act has allowed the United States Taiwan Relations Act has been instrumental tary threats to Taiwan with officials of the to maintain its close ties with the peo- in maintaining peace, security, and stability Government of the People’s Republic of ple of Taiwan while actively engaging in the Taiwan Strait; China; Asia’s rising power, the People’s Re- Whereas when the Taiwan Relations Act (4) the President and Congress should de- public of China, on a myriad of fronts, was enacted, it affirmed that the decision of termine whether the escalating arms build- the United States to establish diplomatic re- up, including deployment of offensive weap- including human rights. In doing so, lations with the People’s Republic of China onry and missiles in areas adjacent to the the measure has been important to the was based on the expectation that the future Taiwan Strait, requires that additional de- maintenance of peace and stability of Taiwan would be determined by peaceful fense articles and services be made available across the Taiwan Strait and through- means; to Taiwan, and the United States Govern- out the entire Western Pacific region. Whereas the Government of the People’s ment should encourage the leadership of Tai- The Taiwan Relations Act has also Republic of China refuses to renounce the wan to devote sufficient financial resources played an indirect role in promoting use of force against Taiwan; to the defense of their island; Whereas the Department of Defense report (5) as recommended by the U.S.-China Eco- democracy in Taiwan by providing the entitled ‘‘Annual Report on the Military nomic and Security Review Commission, the conditions of external security that Power of the People’s Republic of China,’’ Department of Defense should provide a com- have allowed the people of Taiwan to dated July 30, 2003, documents that the Gov- prehensive report on the nature and scope of focus on internal reform and democra- ernment of the People’s Republic of China is military sales by the Russian Federation to tization. seeking coercive military options to resolve the People’s Republic of China to the Com- In the years since Congress passed the Taiwan issue and, as of the date of the mittees on International Relations and the Taiwan Relations Act in 1979, Tai- report, has deployed approximately 450 Armed Services of the House of Representa- wan has developed into a lively and short-range ballistic missiles against Taiwan tives and Committees on Foreign Relations and is adding 75 missiles per year to this ar- and Armed Services of the Senate; successful democracy, a tribute to the senal; (6) the President should encourage further courage and determination of the is- Whereas the escalating arms buildup of dialogue between democratic Taiwan and the land’s remarkable people. The 1996 missiles and other offensive weapons by the People’s Republic of China; and presidential election in Taiwan was the VerDate May 21 2004 05:03 Jul 15, 2004 Jkt 029060 PO 00000 Frm 00101 Fmt 4634 Sfmt 0634 E:\CR\FM\K14JY7.161 H14PT1 H5758 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — HOUSE July 14, 2004 first time in China’s 5 millennia of re- Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of tack on our national security. Some corded history that a fully democrat- my time. say that if Taiwan would be attacked, ically elected government assumed of- Mr. PAUL. Mr. Speaker, I yield my- it would be. But, quite frankly, it is a fice. The election of 2000, which re- self such time as I may consume.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • US-Taiwan Relations Remain Robust: Burghardt,” Taipei Times, July 14, 2012, Front Page
    University of Denver Digital Commons @ DU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Graduate Studies 1-1-2013 U.S.-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act Jacqueline Anne Vitello University of Denver Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd Part of the International Relations Commons Recommended Citation Vitello, Jacqueline Anne, "U.S.-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act" (2013). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. 947. https://digitalcommons.du.edu/etd/947 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Graduate Studies at Digital Commons @ DU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ DU. For more information, please contact [email protected],[email protected]. U.S. Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act __________ A Thesis Presented to the Faculty of the Josef Korbel School of International Studies University of Denver __________ In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Master of Arts __________ by Jacqueline A. Vitello June 2013 Advisor: Dr. Suisheng Zhao Author: Jacqueline A. Vitello Title: U.S-Taiwan Relations: A Study on the Taiwan Relations Act Advisor: Dr. Suisheng Zhao Degree Date: June 2013 Abstract The relationship between the United States and Taiwan is of great importance to both parties. Taiwan offers certain strategic opportunities for the promotion of American national security interests, and the U.S. accordingly provides Taiwan with support of both a defensive and diplomatic nature. The official U.S. policies regarding relations with Taiwan are enumerated in the Taiwan Relations Act (United States Code Title 22 Chapter 48 Sections 3301 – 3316).
    [Show full text]
  • Hearing on the Taiwan Relations Act House International Relations Committee April 21, 2004 by Richard Bush the Brookings Institution
    Hearing on The Taiwan Relations Act House International Relations Committee April 21, 2004 By Richard Bush The Brookings Institution Key Points In passing the Taiwan Relations Act twenty-five years ago, Congress helped fortify a Taiwan that was reeling from the shock of de-recognition and the end of the mutual defense treaty. In the subsequent quarter decade, the TRA has grown in importance as an element of U.S. policy, and as a symbol of American resolve. The TRA has been effective because it has always been reinforced by a strong and continuing political commitment by the Congress and the American public. It is law and political commitment combined that have helped keep Taiwan secure and free and will do so in the future. The recent election in Taiwan offered a clear choice to Taiwan voters between the pan-Blue camp, which favors a more conciliatory policy towards China and the pan- Green camp, which emphasized Taiwan identity and reform of the political order. China views President Chen with deep suspicion and believes that his political agenda is tantamount to the permanent separation of Taiwan from China, and therefore a fundamental challenge to Chinese interests. That perception may well be incorrect. Ensuring that Beijing does not over-react will require careful management on all sides. The TRA has been an admirably flexible and effective instrument of U.S. policy and mechanism for the conduct of U.S.-Taiwan relations. It will remain so if the U.S. political commitment to the island remains strong, and fosters a policy consensus between the Congress and the executive branch.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 Draft, Not for Citation Historical Perspectives on the Taiwan
    Historical Perspectives on the Taiwan Relations Act Steven Phillips, Towson University AACS, October 2014, Washington, DC Draft: Not for citation or quotation. There exist several ways to understand or explain the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act (TRA). First, the TRA represented a turning point in the history of United States relations with Taiwan. The first half of this story runs from the early Cold War to the late 1970s, when President Jimmy Carter completed the process of rapprochement begun by Richard Nixon. Taiwan’s “consolation prize” for the switch in diplomatic recognition to the People’s Republic was the ambiguous commitment of the TRA. This narrative continues to the present as the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan struggles to maintain its international space and ties to Washington. Second is the story of the troubled presidency of Jimmy Carter, where domestic economic woes, foreign crises, and a sense of malaise led to the land-slide victory of Ronald Reagan and the rebirth of the Conservative movement in the United States. The TRA is one of many signs of growing discontent with Carter. Third is the long history of conflict between Congress and the President over foreign policy. The trends of the Nixon/Ford era combined with President Jimmy Carter’s weakness and a series of foreign policy crises to further embolden Congress. As one observer noted, “A careful analysis of the Taiwan Relations Act leaves no doubt that is does serve—in some respects, admirably—as an illuminating case study of congressional activism in foreign affairs.”1 He attributes this to a reaction to the growth of presidential power throughout the twentieth century.
    [Show full text]
  • Signals, Threats, and Deterrence: Alive and Well in the Taiwan Strait
    Catholic University Law Review Volume 47 Issue 1 Fall 1997 Article 4 1997 Signals, Threats, and Deterrence: Alive and Well in the Taiwan Strait Glenn R. Butterton Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview Recommended Citation Glenn R. Butterton, Signals, Threats, and Deterrence: Alive and Well in the Taiwan Strait, 47 Cath. U. L. Rev. 51 (1998). Available at: https://scholarship.law.edu/lawreview/vol47/iss1/4 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by CUA Law Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Catholic University Law Review by an authorized editor of CUA Law Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SIGNALS, THREATS, AND DETERRENCE: ALIVE AND WELL IN THE TAIWAN STRAIT Glenn R. Butterton* Taiwan held its first democratic presidential elections in March 1996, which motivated mainland China to stage large scale con- temporaneous war games in the Taiwan Straitand aim unusually belligerent rhetoric at Taipei. The United States responded by deploying substantial naval forces in the area. After examining this confrontation between China, Taiwan, and the United States in terms of the 1979 Taiwan Relations Act, internationallaw, and non-nuclear deterrence theory, the author presents a novel analy- sis of indirect deterrence communication between the United States and China. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Introduction ....................................................................................52 II. R oots of D eterrence ......................................................................56
    [Show full text]
  • The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson Colleg
    The Taiwan Issue and the Normalization of US-China Relations Richard Bush, Brookings Institution Shelley Rigger, Davidson College The Taiwan Issue in US-China Normalization After 1949, there were many obstacles to normalization of relations between the United States and the new People’s Republic of China (PRC), but Taiwan was no doubt a key obstacle. The Kuomintang-led Republic of China (ROC) government and armies had retreated there. Washington maintained diplomatic relations with the ROC government and, in 1954-55, acceded to Chiang Kai-shek’s entreaties for a mutual defense treaty. After June 1950 with the outbreak of the Korean conflict, the United States took the position that the status of the island of Taiwan— whether it was part of the sovereign territory of China—was “yet to be determined.” More broadly, PRC leaders regarded the United States as a threat to their regime, particularly because of its support for the ROC, and American leaders viewed China as a threat to peace and stability in East Asia and to Taiwan, which they saw as an ally in the containment of Asian communism in general and China in particular. It was from Taiwan’s Ching Chuan Kang (CCK) airbase, for example, that U.S. B-52s flew bombing missions over North Vietnam. By the late 1960s, PRC and U.S. leaders recognized the strategic situation in Asia had changed, and that the geopolitical interests of the two countries were not in fundamental conflict. Jimmy Carter and Deng Xiaoping not only reaffirmed that assessment but also recognized a basis for economic cooperation.
    [Show full text]
  • Strengthening U.S.-Taiwan Defense Relations
    energ securit STRENGTHENING U.S.-TAIWAN rogra DEFENSE RELATIONS POLITICAL AND SECURITY AFFAIRS Foreword by Admiral Jonathan W. Greenert he U.S.-Taiwan relationship is under the spotlight at a critical time. Concerns are rising over China’s global campaign to undermine Taiwan’s legitimacy. A freeze has occurred in official cross-strait exchanges since the Tsai Ing-wen administration took office, the U.S.-China trade relationship is increasingly tense, and the Trump administration has shown a growing interest in Tthe Indo-Pacific region. Washington is certainly aware of Chinese assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific. The rapid pace of People’s Liberation Army (PLA) modernization has positioned China to carry out its active defense strategy in the western Pacific, South China Sea, and Indian Ocean within a few years. Despite the continuous presence of these strategic and military challenges, Washington still lacks a consensus on how to strike a balance between the merits of fostering defense relations with Taipei and the costs of retaliation from Beijing. During the Obama administration, the United States’ and Taiwan’s diverging views on defense policy and cooperation posed obstacles to bilateral security ties. Due to rapid Chinese military modernization and then president Ma Ying-jeou’s prioritization of relations with China, the United States developed an “asymmetrical defense” framework for its arms sales policy. This framework essentially meant that Taiwan had to rely on its geography and focus on anti-landing operations to counter a PLA amphibious invasion scenario. The United States expected Taiwan to invest most heavily in land-based mobile antiship cruise missiles, sea mines, and multiple-launch rocket systems.
    [Show full text]
  • Taiwan Allies International Protection and Enhancement Initiative (Taipei) Act of 2019
    PUBLIC LAW 116–135—MAR. 26, 2020 TAIWAN ALLIES INTERNATIONAL PROTECTION AND ENHANCEMENT INITIATIVE (TAIPEI) ACT OF 2019 VerDate Sep 11 2014 13:43 Mar 30, 2020 Jkt 099139 PO 00135 Frm 00001 Fmt 6579 Sfmt 6579 E:\PUBLAW\PUBL135.116 PUBL135 dkrause on LAP5T8D0R2PROD with PUBLAWS 134 STAT. 278 PUBLIC LAW 116–135—MAR. 26, 2020 Public Law 116–135 116th Congress An Act Mar. 26, 2020 To express United States support for Taiwan’s diplomatic alliances around the [S. 1678] world. Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of Taiwan Allies the United States of America in Congress assembled, International Protection and SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE. Enhancement Initiative This Act may be cited as the ‘‘Taiwan Allies International (TAIPEI) Act Protection and Enhancement Initiative (TAIPEI) Act of 2019’’. of 2019. SEC. 2. DIPLOMATIC RELATIONS WITH TAIWAN. (a) FINDINGS.—Congress makes the following findings: (1) The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 (Public Law 96– 8) states that it is the policy of the United States ‘‘to preserve and promote extensive, close, and friendly commercial, cultural, and other relations between the people of the United States and the people on Taiwan’’. (2) The Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 states that it is the policy of the United States ‘‘to maintain the capacity of the United States to resist any resort to force or other forms of coercion that would jeopardize the security, or the social or economic system, of the people on Taiwan’’. (3) Taiwan is a free, democratic, and prosperous nation of 23,000,000 people and an important contributor to peace and stability around the world.
    [Show full text]
  • Implementation of the Taiwan Relations Act
    UNITEDSTATES GENERAL ACCOUNTING OFFICE WASHImN, D.C. 20548 FORRELEASE ON DELIVEW Expected at 2:00 p.m. Tuesday, June 17, 1980 STATEMENTOF J.KENNETHFASICK DIRECTOR I IIllll I 112631 INTERNATIONALDIVISION BEFORETHE SUBCOMMITTEEON ASIAN ANDPACIFIC AFFAIRS HOUSECOMMITTEE ON FORGIGNAFFAIRS ON -*., 8” <”” IMPLEMENTATIONOF THE TAIWANRELATIONS ACT i, t %I,*I.i Mr. Chairman and Membersof the Subcommittee: We appreciate the opportunity to testify today on our review of the Implementation of the Taiwan Relations Act. This review was under- taken at the request of the Chairman, Subcommittee on East Asian and Pacific Affairs, Senate Committee on Foreign Relations. Although the Act has only been in effect about a year, enough experience has been gained for an assessment of successes and problems. In our review we looked at how the Taiwan Relations Act is being implemented. We focused on the operations of&&e ---~~.~~.-ll,"-ll.-_--"l.~".,""American Institute,"",, in Taiwan (AIT); the status of treaties and agreements; how Taiwan's military .".l"~,, """"',,,,, ,,,,,,,,,,,,, ,,,,,, ,,".," ,,,, equipment needs will be determined: and how foreign military sales (FMS) to Taiwan are handled. In summary, we found that the Taiwan Relations Act is working. Although the form of U.S. relations with the peo- ple of Taiwan has changed, the substance has remained basi- cally the same. After an uneasy start, including a brief interruption in some aspects of relations, the mechanism for unofficial contacts is functioning fairly smoothly. BACKGROUNDON THE TAIWAN RELATIONS ACT After years of negotiations, the President announced on December 15, 1978, that the United States and the People's Republic of China (PRC) had agreed to establish full diploma- tic relations.
    [Show full text]
  • Lessons from the Taiwan Relations Act by Jaw-Ling Joanne Chang
    Lessons from the Taiwan Relations Act by Jaw-ling Joanne Chang wenty years ago the United States severed its diplomatic relations with the Republic of China (ROC).1 The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) was Tthen enacted in 1979 to preserve and promote commercial, cultural, and other relations between the United States and Taiwan, and has been instrumental in maintaining peace, security, and stability in the Taiwan Strait. Joseph S. Nye, Jr., former assistant secretary for international security affairs in the U.S. Department of Defense, observed that the rise and fall of great powers has historically been accompanied by severe instability in international state systems.2 The power structure in East Asia today is marked by just such a rise and fall of great powers. The Soviet Union has collapsed, North Korea is dangerously volatile, Japan’s role is evolving, and China’s power is rapidly rising. Moreover, the Taiwan Strait crises of 1995–96 dem- onstrate that peace and stability in the region can no longer be taken for granted. According to a Pentagon report, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) now has 150–200 ballistic missiles aimed at Taiwan, and the island has a dangerously limited capacity to defend against missile attacks and threats.3 On July 9, 1999, President Lee Teng-hui told a German radio inter- viewer that the cross-strait relationship is a “special state-to-state relation- ship,” in sharp contrast to Beijing’s long-standing position that Taiwan is a renegade province of China and its government merely a local one. Since July 9, the PRC has mounted a publicity barrage against President Lee and used the Hong Kong media to conduct psychological warfare against Taiwan.
    [Show full text]
  • US-Taiwan Relationship
    U.S.-Taiwan Relationship: Overview of Policy Issues Shirley A. Kan Specialist in Asian Security Affairs Wayne M. Morrison Specialist in Asian Trade and Finance January 4, 2013 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov R41952 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress U.S.-Taiwan Relationship: Overview of Policy Issues Summary The purpose and scope of this CRS report is to provide a succinct overview with analysis of the issues in the U.S.-Taiwan relationship. This report will be updated as warranted. Taiwan formally calls itself the sovereign Republic of China (ROC), tracing its political lineage to the ROC set up after the revolution in 1911 in China. The ROC government retreated to Taipei in 1949. The United States recognized the ROC until the end of 1978 and has maintained a non-diplomatic relationship with Taiwan after recognition of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in Beijing in 1979. The State Department claims an “unofficial” U.S. relationship with Taiwan, despite official contacts that include arms sales. The Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979, P.L. 96-8, has governed policy in the absence of a diplomatic relationship or a defense treaty. Other key statements that guide policy are the three U.S.-PRC Joint Communiqués of 1972, 1979, and 1982; as well as the “Six Assurances” of 1982. (See also CRS Report RL30341, China/Taiwan: Evolution of the “One China” Policy—Key Statements from Washington, Beijing, and Taipei.) For decades, Taiwan has been of significant security, economic, and political interest to the United States.
    [Show full text]
  • Ch 8 Why Does the United Statescare About Taiwan?
    8 Why Does the United States Care about Taiwan? I sincerely hope that the two sides of the Taiwan Strait can seize this historic opportunity to achieve peace and co-prosperity. Under the prin- ciple of ‘no unification, no independence and no use of force,’ as Taiwan’s mainstream public opinion holds it, and under the framework of the ROC [Republic of China] Constitution, we will maintain the status quo in the Taiwan Strait. In resolving cross-strait issues, what matters is not sovereignty but core values and way of life. —Ma Ying-jeou, presidential inaugural address, Taipei, May 21, 2008 Taiwan has long been the most sensitive issue in US-China relations and likely will remain so for many years to come.1 The impasse across the Tai- wan Strait serves as one of the most dangerous flashpoints in the world, the one issue that could lead to military conflict at a moment’s notice be- tween the United States and China today. China is fond of calling this matter a remnant of China’s civil war and a relic of the Cold War. Indeed it is. However, the issue has evolved sub- stantially from this historical context over the years, making the Taiwan impasse in some ways even more relevant and immediate today than ever. Many in the United States and elsewhere may reasonably ask why the United States cares so much about this island off China’s coast and why Washington remains committed to it when this commitment could lead to war not only with a nuclear weapons state but also with the world’s most important rising power.
    [Show full text]
  • Taiwan: Political and Security Issues
    Updated July 14, 2021 Taiwan: Political and Security Issues Taiwan, which officially calls itself the Republic of China political liberalization. The May 2016 inauguration of (ROC), is an island democracy of 23.6 million people current President Tsai Ing-wen of the Democratic located across the Taiwan Strait from mainland China. Progressive Party (DPP) marked Taiwan’s third peaceful U.S.-Taiwan relations have been unofficial since January 1, transfer of political power from one party to another. Tsai 1979, when the Carter Administration established won a second four-year term in January 2020 with 57.1% of diplomatic relations with the People’s Republic of China the vote. The DPP lost seats but maintained its majority in (PRC) and broke formal diplomatic ties with self-ruled Taiwan’s parliament, the Legislative Yuan. Tsai has Taiwan, over which the PRC claims sovereignty. The demanded “respect from China” for what she calls Taiwan Relations Act (TRA, P.L. 96-8; 22 U.S.C. §§3301 Taiwan’s “separate identity.” Tsai’s August 2020 decision et seq.), enacted on April 10, 1979, provides a legal basis to ease restrictions on imports of U.S. pork containing for this unofficial bilateral relationship. It also includes ractopamine, a food additive, has cost her public support. A commitments related to Taiwan’s security. For discussion referendum on the issue, originally scheduled for August of economic issues, see CRS In Focus IF10256, U.S.- 2021, is now slated for December 18, 2021. Taiwan Trade Relations, by Karen M. Sutter. In delaying the vote, Taiwan’s government cited its first Modern History and Current Events major outbreak of Coronavirus Disease 2019 (COVID-19), In 1949, after losing a civil war on mainland China to the which began in May 2021.
    [Show full text]