"You Know I Am a Man of Business": JamesForten and the Factor of Race in Philadelphia'sAntebellum BusinessCommunity Julie Winch HistoryDepartment UniversityofMassachusetts Boston SirCharles Lyell was perplexed. Visiting Philadelphia in Marchof 1842, he witnessedthe funeralprocession of African-Americanentrepreneur James Forten.He wasimpressed by the manyhundreds of people,black and white, rich andpoor, who joinedin payingtheir respects. Surely this must indicate that the deceasedhad beenheld in highregard by all classesof society,and that,in hiscase, racial prejudice had been set aside. I wasrejoicing that his colour had proved no impedimentto his risingin the world,and that he hadbeen allowed so muchfair play as to succeedin over-toppingthe majorityof his white competitors,when I learnt...notlong before his death,he had beenespecially mortified, because...his sons had been refused a hearing at a public meeting...to speak on some subject connectedwith trade[Lyell, 1843, p. 207]. Perhapsthe editor of theantislavery journal The Herald of Freedom could havehelped the Englishman understand the situation.As he observed,to "The whitemen in Philadelphia...Itwould have seemed a sortof sacrilegeto despise [Forten],and they madehim an exceptionto his race" [Heraldof Freedomin La'berator,April 8, 1842].Being "an exception to hisrace" was hardly a comfort- ablerole for James Forten. It meantthat, although he could"rise in theworld," therewere certain bounds he andhis childrencould not overstep.But what werethose bounds? How did Fortentry to negotiatehis way aroundthem? Whenwas he successful,and when did the forcesof racialproscription prove too powerfuleven for someoneof histact and ingenuity? JamesForten was born in a modesthome in Philadelphia'sDock Ward on September2, 1766.His father,Thomas Forten, was freeborn, but Thomas was the grandsonof an Africanslave who had beenbrought to the infant colonyof Pennsylvaniain the 1680s[Gloucester, 1843, p. 18].James's mother, Margaret,had probablyspent her earlyyears in bondage.She bore her first child,James's sister Abigail, when she was 41. Shewas 44 whenJames was born. In an era whenmost white couplesmarried and beganestablishing familieswhile they were in theirmid- to latetwenties, James and Margaret had

BUSINESS AND ECONOMIC HISTORY, Volumetwenty-six, no. 1, Fall1997. Copyright¸1997 by theBusiness History Conference. ISSN 0894-6825.

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beenforced to wait.The mostlikely reason why wasthat Margaretwas not legallyfree. Had sheborne children before her freedom had been granted by her master,or purchasedby herselfand her husband,they would have been condemnedto servitude.As it was,Abigail and James Forten began their lives with an advantagefew childrenof Africandescent enjoyed in the eighteenth century.They were legally free. In a citywhere the vastmajority of blackpeople were slaves, and free peopleof colorwere generally confined to themost menial of occupations,the Fortenfamily was exceptional. Thomas Forten had a skilledtrade. He wasa journeymanin RobertBridges' sail-loft and a small-scalecontractor in hisown right.He wasanxious to passon hisskills to hisson. Under Thomas Forten's tutelage,young James learned the elements of thesailmaker's craft. One day he mightbecome an apprentice, and in timegraduate to journeyman,but thatwas a longway off. WhenThomas died suddenly in 1773,an apprenticeshipfor his sonseemed a veryremote possibility indeed. Thomas Forten had managed to feed,clothe, and house his wife andchildren. However, like most journeymen, irrespectiveof race,he hadnot beenable to amassmuch in theway of savings. His familywas left with verylittle to live on whenhe died.It fell to Margaret Fortento supportherself and her children.Most likelyshe became a domestic or took in washing.Despite the family'sdesperate situation, she struggled to giveJames some formal education, sending him on a part-timebasis to the Quakers'"African School," but povertyforced him to quitat agenine and go outto workfull-time, cleaning and derking for a whitegrocer [Purvis, 1842, p. 3]. The Revolutionbecame a crudalreference point in JamesForten's life, as it did in the livesof so manyof his contemporaries.Ideological contra- dictionsconfronted him - therhetoric about "freedom" from British "slavery," boldstatements about the rightsof manthat seemed not to includeall men- but in purelypractical terms the war meant new opportunities. In the summerof 1781,when he wasalmost fifteen, James Forten went to seaas a powder-boyon theRoyalLouis, one of thelargest and most heavily- armedprivateers to sailout of the portof Philadelphia.Her captain,Stephen Decatur,St., alreadyhad an impressivelist of prizesto hisname, and, humble thoughhis rank was, Forten had every reason to hopefor a goodshare of prize moneyat theend of thevoyage. His f•rstcruise was a greatsuccess. He returnedhome unscathed and, as he hadanticipated, with money in hispockets. He immediatelysigned on again. His secondvoyage ended swiftly and disastrouslywhen the RoyalLouis fell in withtwo British warships soon after leaving the relative safety of theDelaware. After tryingand failing to outrunthe British vessels, Captain Decatur acknow- ledgeddefeat. He was outgunnedand he knew it. He hauleddown the Americancolors, gave up the ship,and he andhis men were taken aboard on H.M.S.Amphion to awaittransfer to a prison-hulk.That wasbad enough, but JamesForten feared an evenworse fate awaitedhim - transportationto the BritishWest Indies as a slave[Purvis, 1842, pp. 6-7]. Ironically,.given the desperate plight he was in, Fortencould have done very well for himselfat this point.The commanderof the Amphion,John "YOU KNOW I AM A MAN OF BUSINESS"/215

Bazely,was "struck by hishonest countenance," and chose him to watchover his youngson, Henry. Twelve-year-old Henry Bazely was making his first voyagein preparationfor a careerin theRoyal Navy. The boywas bored and wasconstandy getting in everyone'sway. Someone had to keephim occupied andout of trouble.As a prisonerat the mercyof the Britishcaptain, Forten couldhardly refuse the assignment. Over the next few days a friendshipdevel- opedbetween James Forten and his young charge. As the Amphion neared the Loyaliststronghold of New York,and the flotillaof prison-shipsat anchor in theharbor, Henry Bazely begged his father to sparehis friend. The resultwas an invitationfrom CaptainBazely to changeallegiances, go to England,be educatedwith Henry, and then be established in a goodtrade under the Bazely family'spatronage. To the amazementof fatherand son,Forten rejected the offer,insisting he couldnot betrayhis country.Despite Forten's refusal to, accepthis invitation,Captain Bazely did whathe couldto protecthim and ensuxehe wasnot enslaved.He wroteto the commanderof the prison-ship Jersey,to whichthe crewof the RoyalLouis was to be sent,requesting that Fortenbe treatedthe sameas the otherAmerican prisoners and exchanged as soonas possible. That was something, but the seven months he spenton board the infamousJersey almost killed Forten. He returnedto Philadelphiain the springof 1782aftex a generalexchange of prisonersto find hismother and sisterhad long since given him up for dead. In lateryears James Forten would make much of hiswartime service, citinghis patriotism and his sufferings as reasons why he shouldbe grantedfull civilrights. He wouldearn the praise of manyin theantislavery movement, and even the grudgingrespect of manyin the white communitywho had no sympathywhatsoever for abolitionor blackdemands for equaltreatment. However,that is an aspectof Forten'sremarkable career that is beyondthe scopeof thisessay. What was important in termsof hisfuture success was that he learnedon histwo privateeringvoyages how to handleand repair sails under the most difficult of conditions. Whenpeace came, James Forten ventured off to seaagain. His sister's husband,a merchantseaman, persuaded Forten to signup with him for a voyageto Englandon CaptainThomas Truxtun's ship, the Commerce[Purvis, 1842,p. 8]. Whenthey reached London, Forten asked Truxtun to payhim off. He intendedto stayfor a while.Although it is temptingto imagineForten makinghis way from Londonto Dover,where the Bazelyslived, presenting himselfon theirdoorstep, and reclaiming their friendship, there is not a scrap of evidenceto suggesthe eversaw them again after he left the Amphion.He settledin London,where he founda sizableblack community and the chance of work.The war had left manyshipyards and sail-loftsalong the Thames short-handed,and for a youthwith a knowledgeof theelements of sailmaking employmentwas easy to find [Walvin,1973, pp. 47-57,61, 72].James Forten stayeda yearin London. In 1785he returnedto Philadelphiaand apprenticed himself to Robert Bridges,his father's old employer.However, this was no ordinaryapprentice- ship.At 19 Fortenwas olderand more experiencedthan the majorityof 216 / JULIE WINCH apprentices.Advancement came quickly. Within a yearhe wasthe foremanof the loft, with Bridgesquelling a minorrebellion among the whitemen in the workforceto keephim in thatposition of authority[Purvis, 1842, p. 9]. In the normalcourse of eventsJames Forten could have expected to continueas foreman for therest of hisdays, employed by Bridges,and then by whichever of his sons or sons-in-lawinherited the business.However, as he may haveknown from the momenthe signedhis indentures,that wasnot Bridges'intention. RobertBridges had become a sailmakerthrough force of circumstance. His merchantfather had diedyoung, and his motherhad boundhim out to learna trade.He hadstruggled, but he hadprospered. He wantedhis children to do better still. His sons were not destined to work with their hands. He expectedthem to becomemerchants or professionalmen. As for hisdaughters, he hadno intentionof seeingthem wed artisans.His designatedsuccessor in thesail-loft was not a familymember, but his foreman. JamesForten had a complexrelationship with the Bridgesfamily, one that lastedmost of his adult life. He lived for a time in their home, a home that includedslaves [Robert Bridges' will, 1800].Bridges' encouragement of Forten wasbased not on egalitarianprinciples but on mutual respect. As for Forten,he developedclose ties with variousfamily members, eventually naming a sonfor RobertBridges, and a daughterfor his daughterHarriet. Once establishedas proprietorof the sail-loft,he helpedBridges' widow and an unmarried daughter,and entered into what proved to be an unprofitablebusiness relation- shipwith the husband of yetanother daughter. In 1792James Forten became a homeowner.Robert Bridges bought him a small two-storyframe housein Southwark,one of Philadelphia's unincorporated"Liberties" and a riversideneighborhood that was home to manywho earnedtheir living in the maritimetrades. Forten was to payhim backin installments.Bridges' generosity was likely combined with a wishto bind closerto him a trustedjunior partner. It may alsohave been a tokenof appreciationfor the sail-handlingdevice Forten reportedly designed and the Bridgesloft adopted[Purvis, 1842, p. 8]. Forten'syears as Bridges' foreman were crucial to his futuresuccess in manyways. He masteredthe technological aspects of hiscraft, and learned how to deal with suppliers,ships' captains, and shipowners- white men who undoubtedlylooked askance at Bridges'schoice of a successor.Then therewas the vexedissue of interactingwith whiteworkers as an equaland then as a superior.There had been trouble when Bridges promoted Forten. What would happenwhen he tookover the loft? In fact,when Bridges retired in 1798the workerssplit into two camps.The apprenticeshad indentured themselves to Bridgesto learnthe "mystery"of sailmaking.Latterly they had worked under Forten'sdirection. They knewhim to be highlyskilled, and they "all, with one consent,agreed to takehim astheir new master" [Gloucester, 1843, p. 23]. But the journeymenwere worried. No othermajor business enterprise in the city wasrun by a man of color.Could Forten succeed? Could he makeenough moneyto pay themregularly? Eventually Robert Bridges came to his rescue "YOU KNOW I AM A MAN OF BUSINESS"/217 with moral and financialsupport, and therewas no exodusof journeymen [NationalAnti-SlaveryStandard, March 10, 1842]. JamesForten never forgot Robert Bridges's decision to standby him. Nor didhe forgethis early labor troubles. Once secure as owner of theloft, he setabout integrating the workforce. As a firststep, he brought his relatives into thebusiness - his nephews and his niece's husband, and in timehis father-in- law and his sons. But he wanted to do more than ensure the financial well- beingof hisfamily. Again and again he lamentedthe fact that there were so few employersof RobertBridges's stamp prepared to trainAfrican-American men in skilledtrades. "If a manof colorhas children, it is almostimpossible for him to geta tradefor them,as thejourneymen and apprentices generally refuse to workwith them,even if the masteris willing, which is seldomthe case"[Forten to William Lloyd Garrison,February 3, 1831, BPL]. In anotherletter he declared:"[I]f thewhites will giveus our rights, establish good schools for our childrenas well as theks, give them trades, and encourage them after they have becomemasters...they will findus as true to thisour country...asany class of persons"[l_•'berator, March 19, 1831].If few whitemasters would train black youths,black masters must make a commitmentto do so. In 1805,on the recommendationof white friendsin the Pennsylvania Abolition Society,Forten took on a black teenager,Samuel Elbert, as an indenturedservant. Then he soughtout otheryoung men of coloreager to learna trade:Pennsylvania natives Joseph Waterford and CharlesAnthony; a migrantfrom Delaware,James Cornish; New EnglandersShadrack Howard and Ezra P. Johnson,grandsons of his friendCaptain Paul Cuffe.Waterford waswith Fortentwenty-five years as apprenticeand then foreman.In time, Fortenhired his son, Joseph Jr. Eventually,lured by prospectsin Californiain the 1850s, the Waterfords moved to San Francisco. In the 1840s Charles Anthonyjoined forces with GeorgeBolivar, a wealthyfree man of colorfrom North Carolina,and another of JamesForten's apprentices, to buythe business from Forten'sheirs [Minton, 1913, p. 16]. Like the Waterfords, other men used skills learned at Forten's loft to succeedelsewhere. Two journeymenleft him in the 1820sto establishsail-lofts in Haiti [Hunt,1860, p. 6]. Fortenprobably approved of theirmove, for hewas deeplyinterested in the futureof the blackrepublic. His wife'sbrother had alreadyemigrated to Haiti and establishedhimself as a merchantin Port au Prince. Occasionally,though, an apprenticedisappointed Forten. That wasthe casewith FrancisDevany, an ex-slavefrom SouthCarolina. Forten trained him and then watched him leave for Liberia. The white officers of the American ColonizationSociety had made repeatedovertures to Forten, whom they identifiedas "a man of both wealthand respectabili•?'[Elliott Cressonto R.R. Gurley,January 1, 1828,ACS Papers].Would he leadan exodusof African- Americansto Liberia?Would he operatea packetservice between the United Statesand Liberia? Would he endorsethe work of the ColonizationSociety, or at leastmute his criticism of it?Forten rejected every approach, fearing the true purposeof the ACS wasto removefrom the UnitedStates thousands of free 218 / JULIE WINCH peopleof colorwho could help the slaves in theSouth win their freedom. It smackedof forceddeportation. He wouldhave nothing to dowith the ACS or its Africancolony. But Deranysaw in Liberiaeconomic opportunities. He went, did well, and joinedthe ACS leadershipin attackingForten [African Repository,May 1834]. Althougha strongadvocate of blackemployment opportunities, at no pointdid Forten consider dismissing hiswhite workers. He keptthose who had workedfor Bridgesand hiredmore. Deeply committed to integration,he wanteda workforcein whichblack men and white men worked harmoniously together.They must obey his rules and subscribe to hisvalues, hbor faithfully, attendchurch, and abstainfrom alcohol,but racemade no differencein his sail-loft. As an employer,James Forten's values were the sameas those of many of his whitecounterparts. He demandedpunctuality - of himselfand those aroundhim. His devotionto theclock was a charactertrait his minister singled outin hiseulogy. It wasno coincidencethat one of Forten'sprized possessions wasa goldpocket watch. JamesForten expected to overseethe private lives of hisworkers. In the caseof someof them,he did thatby havingthem live in his home.In census aftercensus his household included far morepeople than could be accounted for by membersof hisimmediate family - 15 individualsin 1810,18 in 1820, and22 in 1830[U.S. Census, Philadelphia, New Market Ward, 1810, 1820, 1830]. Thrift was another of the values Forten tried to inculcate in his workforce,as an unnamedvisitor to his sail-loftin 1834noted. By thatpoint Fortenowned several adjoining lofts. The visitorobserved: "All wasorder and harmonyand every arrangement seemed admirably adapted for the despatchof business.My friend took great delightin pointingout to me various improvementsthat he hadintroduced in hisart; and spokevery kindly of his workmen."Among the white men, "Here was one who had been in hisemploy twentyyears, who ownednot a brickwhen he came,but nowwas the possessor of a goodbrick house; here was another who had beenrescued from min." Pointingto the "peaceand harmony"that prevailed,Forten observed: "Here...yousee what may be doneand oughtto be donein our countryat large"[Anti-Slavery Record, December 1835]. Payinga man'swages, whether that man be blackor white,gave an employerpower, and Forten was not loatheto usethat power. One dayin 1822 SamuelBreck, a merchantturned politician, was out walkingin Philadelphia whenhe was"accosted" by "a Negroman named Fortune...offering his hand to me." Breck was surprisedbut, "knowing[Forten's] respectability," he stopped.Forten politely informed Breck that Breck was in hisdebt. [H]e toldme thatat my lateelection to Congress,he hadtaken 15 whitemen to votefor me.In my sail-loft[he said] I have30 pe.rsons at work...andamong them are 22 journeymen- 15 of whomare white...All the whitemen went to the poles[sic] and votedfor you[Wainwright, 1978, p. 505]. "YOU KNOW I AM A MAN OF BUSINESS"/219

Effectivelydisfranchised by customif not by law,Forten had at hiscommand fifteenvotes to giveto the candidateof hischoice in an erawhere the secret ballotwas decades away. The acquaintancewith Breck (one can hardly call it a friendship)reveals muchabout Forten's standing in the businesscommunity. In 1828the two cor- respondedabout one Mr. Marckley.Marckley, a totalstranger, had approached Forten about a loan. Forten observed to Breck that "an inducement to loan Mr. M. the moneywas the fact that he mentionedto me...he wasconnected by marriagewith your family."As with the election,it neverhurt to remindan influentialman of favorsconferred. Forten had made the loan, expected repayment,received empty promises, given Marckley time and more time, and finallythreatened legal action. Breck had taken a handin sortingout Marckley's tangledaffairs and had written Forten, who replied with a deftmix of forceand flattery:'%Veeks have elapsed - Underthese circumstances my claimmay perhapsbe consideredas entitled to a prefirenceand to be immediatelypaid." But he waswilling to do whatBreck said others had done and give Marckley time, "if you or someother equallyresponsible Gentleman would guarantee the payment."Breck saved Forten's letter, noting the noveltyof havinga letter from"a Negrogentleman" [Forten to Breck,July 22, 1828,Breck Papers]. The relationshipprogressed. In 1833Breck called at the sail-loftand was introducedto Forten'stwo eldestsons, James Jr. andRobert, and his foreman, JosephWaterford [Warnwright, 1979, pp. 249-50].He was muchimpressed. However,although Breck admired Forten for hisrespectability and his wartime heroism,he stoppedshort of seeinghim as simply another entrepreneur, to be judgedonly on hisbusiness acumen and his reputation for fair dealing.Forten was "a blackgentkman...[who] by his urbanemanners, manly and correct deportment,deserves the epithetI haveused, [in spiteoil his blackface" [BreckDiary, 1832-33]. Whatof Forten'sother contacts in thebusiness community? There were fewAfrican-American entrepreneurs who could put business his way. The only manof colorto givehim commissions was New EnglanderCaptain Paul Cuffe. Cuffe, the son of an African man and a Native Americanwoman, made Philadelphiaa regular port of callfor morethan two decades.He andForten forgeda deepbond of friendship.They discussed the ending of theslave trade, their religiousfaith, and their visionof America.Forten fitted out Cuffe's vessels,loaned him money,got loansfrom him,kept him informedabout the stateof themarket, and helped him sell property in Philadelphia[Cuffe Papers]. Throughletters and conversations Paul Cuffe involved James Forten in a vastundertaking that he hopedwould accomplish goals both men shared- the completeabolition of the Africanslave trade, the Christianizationof Africa, andthe alleviationof the sufferingof slavesand free people of colorin the UnitedStates. The schemeinvolved nothing less than the relocationof thou- sandsof ex-slavesfrom Americato WestAfrica. James Forten was interested. In the 1810she wasprepared to endorsewhat he wouldcome to opposeso forcefullya decadelater. 220 / JULIE WINCH

Forten'senthusiasm for the "Africanundertaking" can be attributedto the depthof his friendshipwith Cuffe,and to Cuffe'sties with the London- basedAfrican Institution. The AfricanInstitution had among its officersmem- bersof the Britisharistocracy, prominent churchmen, and, most significantly (asfar as Cuffeand Forten were concerned) the leadingadvocates of British antislavery,Thomas Clarkson,Granville Sharp, and William Wilberforce. Forten knew the reputationof thesemen, and evidentlyfelt he couldtrust them.Cuffe andthe AfricanInstitution proposed to taketo Britain'srecently- establishedcolony of SierraLeone anyone who wantedto begina new life in WestAfrica. Under the auspicesof the AfricanInstitution, emigration would be strictlyvoluntary - it hadnot alwaysbeen so under the now-defunct Sierra LeoneCompany - and it wouldbe overseenby men of staunchantislavery principles.A keygoal would be theelimination of slavery.If staveownersin the West Indiesand the UnitedStates were telling the truth when theyclaimed their reluctanceto free their slavesstemmed from their fear of havingfree peopleof coloras neighbors,then they would surely be willingto act if they knew their formerbondsmen could leave for Africa. On the religiousfront, black Christians from the New World could undertake mission work in Africa. Theycould also promote trade in commoditiesother than human beings. They could show that the African continent had valuable resources other than slaves to sellto Europeand the Americas.It wasa greatand glorious scheme, and Fortencould see its money-making potential. JamesForten was probably already known to someof the officersof the AfricanInstitution, by reputationif not in person.In 1807a Londonjournal, TheMonthly Repository of Theology and General Literature, had publisheda short biographicalsketch, apparently based on informationfrom the Delaware Societyfor Promotingthe Abolition of Slavery. As a tributedue to merit it may be stated,that thereis' now residentat Philadelphia, James.Torten [sic], a manof colour,who receivedan educationat theschool established by the Societyof Friendsin thatcity, where he carrieson the sail-makingbusiness with reputationto himselfand satisfaction to his employers, and is engagedin thatbranch more extensively than any other person at Philadelphia.He possessesconsiderable property, acquired by his own industryand care,and is very muchrespected by the citizensgenerally [The Month[y Repository, 1807]. Now, in 1815, as presidentof the Philadelphiaauxiliary of the African Institution,and with hisfriend Captain Cuffe making regular visits to London and to SierraLeone, Forten introducedhimself to the entire board of officers. He wrote to reportthat he had beenbusily recruiting emigrants for Sierra Leonefrom amongthe free peopleof colorin Philadelphia.What was the AfricanInstitution prepared to do in returnby way of offeringfinancial incentives?"It wouldafford us muchsatisfaction if we couldknow...if any exemptionswould be madein favour[sic] of thisInstitution, provided it should embarkin any commercialenterprise desirable for the purposeof civilizing "YOU KNOW I AM A MAN OF BUSINESS"/221

Africa"[African Institution, 1816]. If makingmoney could be combinedwith philanthropy,so much the better. Fortenwas keen to find out aboutprospects for sailmakingin West Africa.It is clearfrom his correspondence that he neverintended to moveto SierraLeone, but hemay have been investigating the situation on behalfof one or moreof hisapprentices. Cuffe sent discouraging news on thatfront, but he hadother. suggestions. Forten might consider joining him in financingwhaling voyagesoff theWest African coast, one of the richestwhaling grounds in the world [CuffePapers; Wiggins, 1996, p. 330].Cuffe also suggested that Forten andother African-Americans of means might pool their resources and build a 200-ton vessel that could be used as "an [A]frican trader." Forten was enthusiastic.He wroteto Cuffe:"I approvevery highly of yourpropesifion [sic] of Buildinga Shipfor theAfrican traid [sic] by the menof Colour,so as to comein commonstock and shalllay it beforethe Society[the Philadelphia auxiliaxyof the African Institution]when next we meet" [Cuffe Papers; Wiggins,1996, p. 308]. Ultimately,the plansfor profitablephilanthropy came to nothing.The Britishauthorities were reluctantto fill their colonywith Americansettiers. They preferredto assistWest Indians,black Britishers,and "recaptured" Africans(people rescued from illegalslavers on the high seasby the Royal Naw). In the UnitedStates Southern slaveholders proved not to be aswilling to freetheir slaves as Cuffe and his friends had hoped, even if theycould send themout of thecountry. Then, in the fall of 1817James Forten received word of PaulCuffe's death. The visionof an Africanhomeland for suchpeople of coloras volunteered to emigratebecame something rather different under the directionof the newly-establishedAmerican Colonization Society. Sierra Leone wasabandoned in favorof an American-sponsoredcolony, Liberia. African- Americanswere not wantedas equalpartners in the undertaking,but onlyas emigrants,who woulddo as theywere told by the agentsof the ACS. With Cuffedead, the leaders of theACS made moves to recruitForten. "His coming into themeasure would do greatgood... His opinionhas great weight with the colouredpopulation." The local ACS agentin Philadelphiainsisted that nothingless than a letterfrom the ACS's president would be neededto draw Forten in, since "the blacksare sometimesmore accessiblethro' the channel of flattqythan any other" [Cressonto Gurley,January 1, 1828,ACS Papers]. Approacheswere made, but James Forten rejected every one. Had Cuffelived, and had the relationship with the African Institution in Londoncontinued, the courseof Forten'sbusiness career might have been very different.Perhaps he wouldhave become involved in venturesin West Africa and Britain.Perhaps he would have forgedlinks with other black entrepreneurs,Africans, West Indians and African-Americans,in a black Atlanticcommercial network. As it was,his business interests remained firmly centeredin Philadelphia,and he spenthis career dealing with white merchants and men of affairs.The relationshipwith Paul Cuffe had beena mutually advantageousone, but it wasthe only one Forten enjoyed with a manof color whosebusiness activities complimented his own. 222 / JULIE WINCH

JamesForten had to makehis way in a predominantlywhite world of business,and he did sowith remarkablesuccess. With hisreputation growing as one of the bestsailmakers in Philadelphia,he was ableto retainRobert Bridges'scustomers and gain new ones. His loft wason the premisesof the powerfulmercantile firm of Willing& Francis,and the partners gave him many commissions[North American, March 5, 1842].In gratitudehe nameda son ThomasWilling Francis Forten. Near neighborsof Willing& Franciswere merchantsLouis Clappier and Stephen Girard. Forten did work for themand "manyother [merchants] of likecharacter" [Gloucester, 1843, p. 23]. New clients came to him with orders. A valued customer in the 1820s wasIrishman Patrick Hayes, nephew of CommodoreJohn Barry. Hayes had substantial interests in the China trade and in commercial ventures with Cuba. He wasalso a Wardenof thePort of Philadelphia.In an associationthat hsted well overa decade,Forten supplied sails and sailmaker's gear, did repairs,and consultedwith Hayesabout redesigning sail plans. His loft eventurned out a canvascover for thecaptain's piano [Barry-Hayes Papers]. One majoradvantage Forten had was that he was beginning in business asPhiladelphia merchants were entering the lucrative China trade. They needed to fit out theirvessels with the finestquality sails for the hazardousvoyage aroundthe Capeof GoodHope and the equally gruelling encounter with the typhoonsof theSouth China Seas. Hiring a lessthan proficient sailmaker could meanthe loss of a vessel.If Forten'sloft producedthe best sails then that fact outweighedall otherconsiderations. Fortenlearned early in his careerthe importanceof diversifyinghis investments.In 1803,with orderscoming in steadily,he madehis firstforay into the realestate market. He boughta lot in Southwark,built a house,and rentedit out.In 1806he moved his family from Southwark to thecity proper, purchasinga three-storybrick houseon LombardStreet. Then he began lookingfor suitableinvestments. In 1809 he acquireda secondhouse on Lombard.As thenation headed into its secondwar with Britain, he boughta lot in BlockleyTownship, just outside Philadelphia, and another house in the city.The outbreakof war broughta sharpupturn in propertyvalues, and he acquiredmore real estate. The endof thewar ledto economicupheavals, but for those who survived it with their fortunes intact there were real estate bargainsto be hadas fellow merchants went to thewall. In the spaceof four years,from 1816to 1820,Forten added considerably to his holdings in thecity of Philadelphia,Southwark, and ruralareas of PhiladelphiaCounty. He sold real estateas well, and alwaysat a profit [PhiladelphiaCounty Deeds, Mortgages].He rentedout various properties to tenantsfrom many segments of Philadelphiasociety and used his profits to acquirebonds, mortgages, bank stock,and shares in variouscompanies. His investmentsextended well beyond the confinesof Philadelphia.He ownedstock, for example,in the Mount CarbonRailroad Company in Pennsylvania'santhracite region [James Forten, ProbateRecords, 1842]. JamesForten kept himselfinformed about the stateof the marketat homeand abroad. In the springof 1815,for instance,he advisedPaul Cuffe "YOU KNOW I AM A MAN OF BUSINESS"/223 thatthere were huge stockpiles of cottonin thewarehouses and on thewharves of New Orleansawaiting shipment to Europenow that the war was over. Cuffecould make good money shipping cotton to Liverpool[Wiggins, 1996, pp. 346-47].Forten read the newspapers, exchanged news with merchants and captains,and, despite the failureof the "Africanventure" and his repeated denunciationsof theACS, maintained a correspondence with acquaintancesin Liberiaand the WestIndies. He alsoknew what was going on muchcloser to home,which members of Philadelphia'sbusiness community were in trouble andwhich were doing well. Such information was vital to hisown success. For morethan four decades James Forten was an activeparticipant in a complexnetwork of creditarrangements. He loanedmoney and in turn got loans.His transactionsalmost always involved men he knewas neighborson Lombard Street,where he lived, on SouthWharves, where his sail-loftwas located,or as customers.These men borrowedfrom him; they alsoloaned moneyto him. It dependedon manyvariables whether at anygiven time one was a debtoror a creditor.With no accountbooks or businessledgers to consult,it is stillpossible get some sense of whomForten lent money to from the inventoryof Forten'sestate and the variouslawsuits he broughtwhen peopledefaulted. Those indebted to JamesForten represented a cross-section of the businesscommunity - grocers,wine merchants,tavern keepers, blacksmiths,a proprietor of a liverystable, and one self-described "genfieman" [PhiladelphiaCourt Records]. JamesForten prided himself that "he never...tookan advantageof his neighborin the time of...pecuniaryembarrassment," and that he studiously avoided"the genteelkind of swindlingthat someprofessedly 'good' people practiceunder the...name of noteshaving" [Gloucester, 1843, p. 22].But he was no fool. When debtswent unpaid,he askedfor payment.Sometimes he approacheda friend or relativeof the delinquent.But if he hadto he wentto court - to the District Court, to Common Pleas,and in one instanceto the PennsylvaniaSupreme Court. If anyonethought they could cheat him because he wasa manof colorthey soon learned their mistake. He hiredgood lawyers andinvariably won hislawsuits. Extendingloans in a volatilemarket inevitably entailed risks, as James Fortenleamed to his costin the Panicof 1837.He washeavily involved in the failureof a ftrmreferred to onlyas T. & Co. One of hiscontemporaries put the bestlight he couldon theaffair, using it to illustrateForten's generous nature. Mr. Fortenlost by thatœtrm, nine thousand dollars. Being himself in goodcircumstances...hearing of the failureof old constant patrons,he calledat the house;one of the proprietors...onhis enteringthe warehouse,came forward [and], taking him by the hand observed,'Ah! Mr. Forten, it is uselessto call on us - we are gone- we cando nothing!'at whichMr. Fortenremarked, 'Sir,! hopeyou think better of methan to supposeme capableof callingon a friendto torturehim in adversity!I came,sir, to expressmy regretat your misfortune,and...to cheeryou by 224/ JULIE WINCH

wordsof encouragement,If your habilities were all in my hands, you shouldnever be underthe necessityof closingbusiness' [Delany,1852, p. 94]. It wasa g•aciousspeech, but Fortenwas naive if he had not cometo the warehouse to check on his investment - and there is no evidence to indicate that he was naive when it came to matters of business. But buyingand selling,borrowing and lending- the businessttans- actionsonly constitutea part of the equation.What was JamesForten's standingas a businessman?How was he seenby blackPhiladelphians, bywhite Philadelphians,byhis admirers and by his detractors? Withinthe African-Americancommunity James Forten was a dominant figurefor overhalf a centreT. BlackPhiladelphians discovered early on what whitePhiladelphians would soon leam. James Forten was a manof g•eatability when it cameto managingmoney and suggestinginnovative solutions to seeminglyinsoluble problems. Years before he took overthe sail-lofthe was helpingthe AfricanMasonic Lodge, of whichhe wasan officer,get out of a financialquagmire. The mannerin whichhe did it, appealingto commonsense and avarice,would have delightedhis contemporary,Alexander Hamilton [AfricanLodge, 1797-1800]. As a vestrymanat St.Thomas's African Episcopal Churchfor manyyears, he broughtthe sametalents to bear,raising funds to paythe minister,financing the expansionof the church,regulating the church's benevolentsocieties, and ensuringofficers performed theit dutieshonestly [NationalAnti-Slavery Standard, May 5, 1842].He was mediator,patton, and protector.He wasasked again and again to witnesswills for membersof the blackcommunity, administer theit estates, and act as guardian of theitchildren. JamesForten put histalents at the disposalof the en•e communityin his nativePhiladelphia during times of crisis.In the fall of 1814,for instance, whena Britishassault on the cityseemed inevitable, he offeredhis help as a concemedcitizen, a communityleader, and a mastercraftsman. He ralliedblack mento work on the redoubts,began recruiting a blackmilitary company, and wrote to the Committeeof Defenceto offer his professionalservices. The committeehad only to saythe word andhe wouldput his journeymenand apprenticesto work"to make,g•atuitously, canvas covers, or bags"for the use of thetroops being hastily mustered into service[Minutes, 1867, pp. 101,115]. JamesForten's business ability was alsoput at the serviceof a wide range of reform causes.He gave his supportto initiativesto promote education,pacifism, women's rights, and temperance[Colkge, 1831, p. 3; Liberator,August 9, 1839].Although freebom, he was committedto the antislaveryc•usade. He advisedabolitionist W'tlliam Lloyd Garrison, advanced himmoney, solicited new subscribers to the Liberator, and counselled Garrison on how best to marketthe newspaperand other antislaverypublications. However,as he remindedGarrison again and again, he wasa manof business, and runninghis variousenterprises often left him shortof time for other endeavors."Business prevents more at thistime,... [Y]ouknow I am a manof businessand have not always time at mydisposal" [Antislavery Manuscripts]. "YOU KNOW I AM A MAN OF BUSINESS"/225

White abolitionistspointed proudly to Forten'sfinancial success as vindicationof the abilityof African-Americansnot merelyto surviveas free peoplebut to prosper.For instance,Lewis Tappan, the brother of New York entrepreneurArthur Tappan and himselfa man of business,recalled: "Ms. Fortenwas a sailmaker...andwas considered among the mosteminent in his callingat that day.It was saidby the secretaryof the navy,'Ms. Fortencan undertaketo rig a seventy-four-gunship, and not callfor anymoney until the jobis done"'[Tappan, 1871, p. 161].Another white friend wrote: "Though he belongedto a proscribedrace, it wasno uncommonthing to seehim shaking hands,or walkingarm in arm, with merchantsof the first respectability" [NationalAnti-SlaveryStandaM, March 10, 1842]. Whatdid the predominantly white business community think of Forten? He had his tried and trusted friends. There was merchant Thomas Ash. Forten introducedhim in a letterto PaulCuffe as "a MerchantI work for, anda very greate[sic] friend of mine."There was Captain Daniel Brewton, a shipmateand comrade-in-armsfrom the Revolution.He and Fortenwere lifelongfriends. Therewas William Deas, a parmerin the firm of Knox & Deas.Friendship and a deepsense of gratitudefor supportgiven at a crucialtime prompted James Forten, some two decadesafter Deas's death, to name a son for him. Then therewere a handfulof others[Cuffe Papers; Purvis, 1842, p. 8]. Beyondthat circleof intimatesthere were hundreds of acquaintances, LikeCharles Perry, who carriedword of JamesForten's worldly success to Cuba and saddledhim with a most unlikely commission.0ames Forten the abolitionistfound himself called upon to arrangefor the educationof the grandsonof an WestAfrican king who wasa leadingslave trader. Years later Fortendiscovered that the king had ordered the capture of JosephCinque, the heroof the•4mistad mutiny) [Pennsylvania Abolition Society, p. 260]. The ILkesof CharlesPerry never quite knew what to makeof James Forten.They certainlygossiped about him. In 1831,when Harriet Forten marriedRobert Purvis, the sonof an Anglo-Scottishcotton merchant and his mulattomistress, the storywent aroundthat James Forten had made"some sacrificeof hisfortune" to buy"a whiterspecies" of husbandfor hisdaughter [Ritter,1860, pp. 46-47].It madea goodstory except for a few crucialfacts. Purvis,who couldhave "passed," chose to identifyhimself as a manof color; he was a committedabolitionist; and he was richer than his father-in-law. Whatcould James Forten's wealth and industry buy him? He obviously thoughtit shouldbuy him and thoselike him, the entrepreneursand the aspiringentrepreneurs in the black community, some measure of respect.In his 1813Letters Fromm4 Man ofColour he remindedmembers of the Pennsylvania legislature:"Many of usare men of property,for thesecurity of which,we have hithertolooked to thelaws of ourblessed state." He feareda proposedchange in the law would "wrest" from an individuallike himself "those estates,which yearsof honestindustry have accumulated." He remindedlegislators: "There aremen among us of reputationand property, as good citizens as any men can be, and who, for their property,pay as heavytaxes as any citizensare compelledto pay"[Forten, 1813, pp. 3, 6, 8]. 226/ JULIE WINCH

JamesForten the communityleader, James Forten the man of business, inevitablyattracted attention. However, within his family cixclehe craved privacy.In 1825 an enthusiasticyoung advocateof African colonization stoppedoff in Philadelphiahoping to win him over.He was disappointed. JamesForten "wasa very boisteroustalker," and the youngman wrote, "I exhaustedmyself in conversationwith him to a degreethat wasconsiderably alarming."He found Forten "proudof his moneyand vain of his abilities whichhave enabled him to getit," but he notedthat the sailmaker"likes the situationin which public opinionplaces him very little" [S.H. Cowlesto LeonardBacon, February 9, 1825,Yale]. James Forten valued his privacy, and wasdistressed when it wasviolated, even by thosewho werewell-intentioned. As hewrote to NathanielP. Rogers,editor of theHerald of Freedom in 1839: In lookingover the Heraldthe otherday I wassurprised to see my namein print;an honorwhich, without being too sensitive,I everwish to decline...I feelconscious of not meritragthe notice youwere pleased to bestowon myselfand family in so publica manner;and it is veryunpleasant to seeour namesin the paper [Fortento NathanielP. Rogers,March 29, 1839,Havetford]. In timesof crisisForten's wealth could buy him and his familya measureof security.On oneoccasion in the 1830swhen racial violence seemed likely,the mayorsent troops to protectForten's house. However, Forten's wealth also made him and his familymembers targets. He receiveddeath thxeats,and in 1834 a mob of youngwhite workingmenattacked his well- dressedand obviously well-to-do son in the streetand almost killed him. Sarah Forten,James's daughter, observed that sheand her familyand friendswere alwayscautious when they ventured outside theix homes. They could never be surewhat kind of welcomethey would receive when they went to fashionable stores,to art exhibitions,public lectures, and the like [Abdy,1835, vol. 3, p. 320;Barnes and Dumond, 1934, pp. 379-81]. In manyrespects it seemsthat the communitybecame more and more fn'mlyclosed as timepassed. Philadelphia had never been a paradiseof racial harmony,but in the earlyyears of the nineteenthcentury there had been less overt racism.James Forten certainlybenefitted from that personallyand professionally.On his marriageto CharlotteVandine in 1805,for instance,"a numberof themost respectable merchants in Philadacalled to congratulatehim anddrink punch with him" [SusannaEmlen to WilliamDillwyn, December 8, 1809,Dillwyn MSS].By the 1830sthat camaraderiewas gone.The British abolitionistand writer Harriet Martineau,who visited the Forten home on ChristmasDay, 1834,found the sailmaker"depressed (as well he mightbe) at the condition& prospectsof hisrace" [Cooper, 1951, unpaginated]. Martineau understoodwhat her countryman,SIX Charles Lyell, found so puzzling. For all the wealthhe commandedand the personalrespect he still enjoyed,James Fortenknew he was"an exceptionto his race."He knewhe and otherblack entrepreneurswould not be judgedas theirwhite counterparts were judged. "YOU KNOW I AM A MAN OF BUSINESS"/227

And worse,with racialtensions escalating, he fearedhis sonswould not have theopportunities he hadhad. "IT]heyellow man - Fortune- who [has]the mis-fortune to possessthe wrongcolour." "JAMES FORTUNE, [who]in consequenceof his color,is noticedmore than a white man would be in the same situation.""[A] gendernan[in spiteof] hisblack face" [Proceedings andDebates, 1837-39, vol. 3, p. 83;vol. 10, p. 113].For JamesForten the inescapablefact was that, try as he mightto be a businessmanwho happened to be of Africandescent, he was,to all but a handfulof Philadelphia'sentrepreneurs, a man of colorfirst. It was that realization that he and his children could advance so far and no further in an Americathat sanctioned slavery and racial proscription that motivated him to devoteso much of hiswealth and his time to thetwin causes of antislavery andsocial reform. Only in a verydifferent America could he escape the kind of noticethat was so understandably distasteful. Only in a verydifferent America couldhe be whathe setout to be, "a man of business,"nothing less and nothingmore.

References

MANUSCRIPTS BostonPublic Librat• AnfslaveryManuscripts. HaverfordCollege, PA. NathanielP. RogersCollection. HistoricalSociety of Pennsylvania BreckPapers. Diaryof SamuelBreck, 1832-33. DillwynManuscripts. Libraryof Congress AmericanColonization Society (ACS) Papers. MassachusettsGrand Masonic Lodge, Boston. Minutesof theAfrican Lodge, Philadelphia, 1797-1800. National Archives United StatesCensus, 1810. ,1820. ,1830. New BedfordFree Public Library CuffePapers. PhiladelphiaCity Archives Common Pleas Records. District Court Records. Mortgages. PennsylvaniaAbolition Society Minutes, 1800-1824. Probate Records. PropertyDeeds. PhiladelphiaMaritime Museum Barry-HayesPapers. YaleUniversity Library BaconFamily Papers. 228 / JULIE WINCH

NEWSPAPERS AfdcanRq>odto•y, 1834. Anti-SlavoyRecord, 1835. Liberator,1842. Month.&Repodto{y ofTheology and General Literature, 1807. NationalAnti-SlaveryStandard, 1842. NorthAmerican, 1842.

BOOKS AND ARTICLES Abdy,E. ]oumalof a ResidenceandTour (London, 1835). AfricanInstitution, Tenth Annual tL9ort (London, 1816). Barnes,G. H. andDumond, D. L., eds.L•tters of Theodore Dwight t•'ela• Ange•na Gtimkd t•'e• and SarahGn'mkd (New York, 1934). ColkgeJbrColored Youth. An Accountofthe Neu•-Haven Ci• Meetingand Resolutions (New York, 1831). Cooper,J., PersonalRecollections ofthe Gtimkl Fatal.& (Washington, DC, 1951). Delany,M., TheCon&ti•n, Elevation, Emigration, and Destiny ofthe Colored Peopk of the United States (Philadelphia,1852). Forten,J., L•tters From A Manof Colour (Philadelphia, 1813). Gloucester,Stephen H.,A DiscourseDelvered on the Occasion ofthe Death of Mr. ]amesForten, Sr., in theSecond Preshytetian Church ofColour in theCi• ofPhilade•hia, April 17, 1842, Befire the Young Menin the Bibk Assodation ofSaid Church (Philadelphia, 1843). Hunt,B., Remarks onHqti asa PlaceofSettkment JbrAftic-Ameticans; andon the Mulatto as a Race•r theTropics (Philadelphia, 1860). Lyell,C., TravelsinNorth Ametica (London, 1843). Minton,H., Ear.&Histo{y ofNegroes inBusiness inPhilade•hia (Nashville, TN, 1913). Minutesofthe Committee ofDefince ofPhilade•hia, 1814-1815 (Philadelphia, 1867). Pmceea•ngsandDebates ofthe Convention ofthe Commonu•ealth ofPennsylvania, toPropose Amendments to theConstitu•n (Harrisburg, PA, 1837-39). Purvis,R., Remarkson the LiJ• and Character ofJames Forten, Delvered at BethelChurch, March 30, 1842(Philadelphia, 1842). Ritter,A., Philade•hiaand Her Merchants (Philadelphia, 1860). Tappan,L., TheLt• ofArthur Tappan (New York, 1871). Wainwright,N., ed., "The Diaryof SamuelBreck, 1814-1822," Pennsylvania Magazine of Histo{yand Biography 102 (1978): 469-508. , "TheDiary of SamudBreck, 1827-33," Pennsylvania Magazine ofHisto{y and Biography 103(1979): 222-51. Walvin,J., Black and t•'hite: The Negro and British Sode.ty, 1555-1954 (London, 1973). Wiggins,R., ed., Captain Paul Cu•'s Logs and L•tters, 1808-1817: A Black ,•uaksr's %%ice from t•'ithinthe Vei•" (Washington, DC, 1996).