Feminist Organizations and : Contesting Hegemonic

Benita Bunjun is an Interdisciplinary Studies Introduction PhD candidate at the University of British Feminist organizations in North Columbia researching organizational culture, America are political entities that focus intersectionality and power relations. She also primarily on advocating for women's rights teaches in Women's and Studies at and equality for all women. Feminist UBC. organizations are diverse, organic, fluid, complex, and constantly changing across Abstract historical, geographical, political, economic, This paper is a theoretical examination of the and social landscapes. Furthermore, the foundational ideologies of hegemonic feminist organization also intersects not only feminism which continue to be contested by with other women's organizations and the feminists engaging with intersectional larger women's movement but also with other frameworks and analyses both within the social movements including the women's movement(s) and feminist peace/antiwar, Indigenous, anti-imperialist organizations in North America. The paper socialist, and students' rights movements. additionally discusses the structures and Therefore, feminist organizations find processes of feminist collectives while themselves responding constantly to both drawing on the author's current research on internal and external strengths and Vancouver Status of W omen. challenges while interacting with the Résumé complexities of their organizational life cycles. Cet article est un examen théorique des Nancy Adamson, Linda Briskin, and idéologies fondamentales du féminisme Margaret McPhail (1988) examine the hégémonique qui continuent d'être contestées women's movement in Canada by exposing par les féministes qui sont engagées dans les the contributions and limitations of First and structures intersectorielles et analyse les Second W ave feminism. Feminism itself is deux à l'intérieur de mouvement(s) de not a unified political ideology but rather is femmes et d'organismes féministes en categorized predominantly within the Amérique du nord. De plus, l'article discute mainstream women's movement by different des structures et des processus des currents of feminism such as liberal, Marxist, mouvements féministes collectifs en se radical/cultural, and socialist basant sur la recherche courante de l'auteure (Adamson et al. 1988; Sandoval 2004). There sur la Condition féminine de Vancouver. are also other feminist currents which have been marginalized within dominant feminist , and these include , postmodern feminism, eco-feminism, and post-colonial/Third W orld feminism. It is imperative to acknowledge the multiple tensions, differences, conflicts, and divisions that exist historically across feminist currents as well as feminist organizations. Intersectionality as an analysis emerged in the late 1970s and was further developed in the 1990s from the works of Kimberlé Crenshaw (1991) and

www.msvu.ca/atlantis PR Atlantis 34.2, 2010 115 (2000) which challenged and further history" (Sandoval 2003, 80). Through time, demonstrated the limitations of gender as a feminists (particularly racialized feminists) singular analytical category and entry point of who have historically experienced exclusions analysis. Therefore, intersectionality largely by and within the women's movement as well derives from racialized feminists (Indigenous as within feminist organizations, demanded a women and women of colour) directly more inclusive movement with a stronger contesting hegemonic feminism's investments intersectional feminist analysis. Hence, the in and exclusion. The women's movement witnessed challenges, contribution of intersectionality is that it tensions, and contradictions within hegemonic centres the interaction between diverse feminist discourses. positions of marginality and dominance as This paper provides a critical social processes while exposing how these theoretical examination of the foundational processes become invoked within and across ideologies of hegemonic feminism which power relations. Intersectionality engages with continues to be contested by feminists discourses, identities, experiences and engaging with an intersectional analysis both systems of domination/oppression as fluid, within the women's movement(s) and feminist changing, negotiated, historical, locational, organizations in North America. The paper situational and diverse. This exposes the additionally discusses the structures and interactions of colonialism, and processes of feminist collectives as capitalism and how such interactions are organizations while drawing on data from my invoked, reinforced and contested. current research on Vancouver Status of Intersectionality constructs the Women. category of "women" in "a variety of political As a racialized queer feminist contexts that often exist simultaneously and studying feminist organizations, I find it overlaid on top of one another" (Mohanty responsible and responsive for me to position 2003, 32). Intersectionality moves feminist myself within the context of this paper. My theorizing beyond one singular relationship of engagement within the Canadian women's power, for example, patriarchy, in order to movement and feminist organizations in the more fully account for the complexity of last 12 years at the national, provincial and systems that shape the diversity of women's local levels contributes to a vision and lived realities. It also carefully acknowledges investment in healthy and sustainable social the contradictions as well as the justice movements. My involvement as staff, commonalities in women's experiences board member, collective member, and across time, geographies, and locations. volunteer with the Downtown Eastside Hence, an intersectionality framework Women's Centre, Vancouver Status of examines the interconnections between Women, the Canadian Research Institute for systems of oppression and domination and the Advancement of Women, and the BC how these intersect to produce specific Coalition of Women's Centres have been the experiences for the marginalized. primary sites which have informed my Hegemonic feminism has traditionally understanding of feminist organizations in been referred to as the dominance of white Canada. I value such transformative sites of Western, "north" or "First World" assumptions social change while also recognizing their about what it means to be a feminist and what limitations and how I experience and exist in women need to be liberated. It is most often their life cycle temporarily and partially. grounded in Second Wave Liberal feminist paradigms and de-emphasizes race, class The Making of Feminist Organizations and other intersecting positionalities. Chela Feminist organizations are distinct Sandoval illustrates how hegemonic feminist organizations because of their ideologies and scholars constructed typologies of feminism values deriving from feminism. Feminism has which "have fast become the official stories by traditionally been defined as the belief in the which the white women's movement political, social, legal and economic equality of understands itself and its interventions in all women. According to Nancy Adamson et

116 Atlantis 34.2, 2010 PR www.msvu.ca/atlantis al. (1998) and Terry Mizrahi (2007), feminist and experiences of Third W orld women's values focus primarily on equal rights and shifts towards new feminist paradigms. A opportunity for women while recognizing the differential mode of oppositional goal of empowerment. This section of the consciousness reflects a mobility which paper illustrates important ideologies and transforms rigid borders to porous borders values which make organizations feminist weaving between and among oppositional while also problematizing these ideologies ideologies. and values. With the primary vision of achieving I refer to Mizrahi's feminist equality with white men, hegemonic feminism organizational principles as a framework to reinforces and sustains white heterosexual highlight the unique character of feminist middle-class women's entitlements and organizations. Specific values and ideologies equality at the expense of "Other" women and have traditionally been adopted by feminist groups (Lee and Cardinal 1998; Sandoval organizations which make them distinct from 2003). Lee and Cardinal argue that other organizations. These include the English/Anglo Canadian nationalism has interconnectedness of problems and solutions largely mediated the mainstream women's while recognizing that personal problems movement that has remained grounded in have political, cultural, and historical causes neo-conservative national narratives. These and solutions. Feminist organizations value hegemonic nationalizing narratives crystallize creating a more democratic and egalitarian a "national" feminist agenda, which society by engaging in "the personal is marginalize certain issues and groups of political" and "sisterhood is global" ideologies. people who do not belong to the imagined Additional values and principles which make community. Furthermore, hegemonic organizations feminist include the feminism solidifies gender as the ultimate commitment to consensus, cooperation, oppression and the only relevant entry point of collaboration, and coalition building, while analysis. It also refuses to engage in a enhancing recognition and respect for feminist intersectional analysis of power diversity and differences (Mizrahi 2007). relations by deemphasizing the Yet, within these broad parameters of interconnections and interactions amongst commonality across diverse currents of systems of power. feminism are extensive differences in political M.L. Fellows and strategy. For example, differences emerge in (1998) explain how hegemonic feminism has regards to what visions constitute women's only reinforced the race to innocence while liberation, in understanding the roots of ensuring the practice of competing women's oppression, in setting priorities, marginalities. They refer to the race to and/or in identifying constituencies and allies. innocence as the process through which a It is precisely not only differences but also comes to believe that her own claim exclusions and omissions which give rise to of subordination is the most urgent and that other forms of marginal, alternative and she is not implicated in the subordination of oppositional feminist consciousness (Ang other women. The race to innocence depends 2003; Mohanty 2003; Sandoval 2003). on the idea that the systems of domination Sandoval challenges hegemonic feminism's regarding race, gender, age, sexuality, pretense of the homogeneous experience of citizenship, and class are separate, which woman by advocating for a differential leaves the systems of privilege and consciousness which recognizes new and subordination intact. Therefore, in order to fluid, varying categories of locations and disengage with the race to innocence, one positionalities. In particular, differential must examine how multiple systems of power consciousness represents "the variant, operate simultaneously and how they interact emerging out of correlations, intensities, with each other. Furthermore, it is imperative junctures, crises" (2003, 89). In the United to recognize and understand how these States, hegemonic feminism's history of racist systems structure women hierarchically to exclusionary practices marks the bitterness condition our responses to each other.

www.msvu.ca/atlantis PR Atlantis 34.2, 2010 117 Feminists' complicity in maintaining and and spatial discourses of entitlement, power, reinforcing systems of power are often innocence and complicity which has shaped witnessed as painful and destructive the character of feminist organizations. In moments in feminist politics. particular, Nancy Adamson et al. (1988), Gail Feminist theorists Gail Lewis (1996), Lewis (1996), Chandra Mohanty (2003), and Leslie McCall (2005) and Helen Meekosha Sarita Srivastava (2006) have identified and (2006) emphasize the importance of challenged the limitations of the personal is intersectionality as a feminist framework and political and sisterhood is global as distinct methodology because it reflects the ideologies of feminist organizations. interlocking and intersectional realities of Although the personal is political women's lives.1 By employing multi-pronged, highlights the connection between women's multi-dimensional analyses and knowledge individual experiences to the wider political systems, intersectional frameworks allow us contexts, it does so to the exclusion of "Other" to challenge notions of binary thinking and women or rather at the privileging of essentialism. These vital feminist scholars hegemonic feminism (Sandoval 2003). The have contributed significantly to the women's personal is political is rooted in the personal movement in North America and to feminist experience; therefore, the "woman's" organizations by exposing hegemonic experience was viewed as the only authentic feminism's problematic, exclusive, and guide to understanding and organizing around essentialized notions of woman, womanhood, oppression (Adamson et al. 1988; Sandoval women's experience, and equality, as well as 2003). In particular, consciousness-raising the construction of the women's movement as groups were an organizational expression of "the" home for all women. These the personal is political which focused on essentialized constructions derive largely from bringing women "together regularly in small two specific and powerful ideologies of the groups to talk about their personal early women's movement and hegemonic experiences and feelings" (Adamson et al. feminism: the personal is political and 1988, 202). sisterhood is global. According to Adamson et al. "in the early years of the women's liberation Contesting the Personal is Political and movement the emphasis was on the Sisterhood is Global similarities - a shared sisterhood - rather than The personal is political and the differences in politics" (1988, 61). sisterhood is global are foundational Sisterhood as an ideology contributed to the ideologies rooted within North American women's movement with its mobilizing effect feminist organizations in the 1960s and 1970s to uncover and react to the discrimination that that further distinguished feminist women faced because of their sex. The idea organizations from other organizations. I of sisterhood asserted that womanhood itself would argue that although these ideologies formed the basis that united all women; it have contributed and strengthened certain acknowledged that there is a common aspects of feminist organizations, they are character to women's experiences and also precisely the crystallizing values of therefore a fundamental bond. Hence, it is hegemonic feminism which continue to precisely this "essentialized" bond or notion of persist in feminist organizations to this sisterhood which robs women of their present day in North America. intersectional specificity, historicity, and These two ideologies of the women's locationality. movement formed a powerful ideological Women experiencing exclusion from core/nucleus reflecting hegemonic feminism the women's movement began to question within feminist organizations. It should not be "which women?", "whose personal?" and underestimated how the ideologies of the "whose experience?".2 The rhetoric of personal is political and sisterhood is global sisterhood during the 1980s and 1990s began have interacted with patriarchy, capitalism to be challenged as the movement and colonialism to solidify powerful temporal recognized and began to articulate the

118 Atlantis 34.2, 2010 PR www.msvu.ca/atlantis differences and contradictions within the Anti-racist feminist scholars, Ien Ang movement. In particular, as discussed by (2003) and Chandra Mohanty (2003), Adamson et al. (1988) and Sandoval (2003), explicitly challenge and criticize notions of racialized feminists began to challenge white global sisterhood and its attempts to create a hegemonic feminism's omissions, exclusions, women's movement as the "home" uniting all and silences regarding their concerns, issues, women. Sisterhood's inability to and struggles in relation to essentialized accommodate different sets of power notions of the personal is political and relations continues to be prevalent in feminist sisterhood. Through these two ideologies, organizations that reinforce hegemonic hegemonic feminism ensures the creation of feminism's ideologies of exclusivity. Mohanty greater power differences amongst women. criticizes the claim for universal sisterhood, as Hence, women who benefit largely from it produces dangerous assumptions about hegemonic feminism and its narrow and women "as a cross-culturally singular, exclusive struggle gain certain entitlements homogeneous group with the same interests, and priviledges at the expense of excluding perspectives, and goals and similar "Other" women" (Adamson et al. 1988; experiences" (2003, 110). According to Fellows and Razack 1998). Mohanty, sisterhood is global situates all Srivastava (2006) explains the women outside contemporary world history concept of the personal is political as largely which further erases the effects of focusing on feminist theories of emotion, care contemporary imperialism upon the lives of all and therapy, as well as consciousness-raising women. Therefore, it becomes critical to practices. In many feminist organizations, the situate women within the specificity of their disclosure of personal experiences and historical and current lived experience emotions are central, expected, and politically, economically, and socially as this rewarded. Srivastava (2006) refers to such informs us of not only the similarities and disclosure as the "let's talk" approach and differences but also the strengths and argues that it produces tightly controlled struggles amongst the category "women." spaces for expression of power relations. Mohanty (2003) argues for the Hence, expressions of the personal is political temporality of struggle which disrupts and within feminist organizations can suppress challenges the logic of linearity and knowledge and feelings of exclusion which confinements of European modernity, deflect attempts at organizational change. including hegemonic feminism, which has Srivastava suggests a "rethinking not crystallized individuals as ahistorical and only of the practices of emotion in homogenous. The temporality of struggle is organization but also the historical relations of the "process of reterritorialization through power that prompted emotional resistance to struggle and [that] allows for a paradoxical discussions of race" (2006, 55). Most continuity of self, mapping and transforming importantly, the dangers of the personal is one's political location" (122).3 The political is the shift towards the personal and nonsynchronous temporality recognizes the away from the political, while forming a self as discontinuous/fragmented, and historical framework for the production of demands to be historicized before it can be knowledge about the Self and the Other. generalized into the collective vision. Srivastava further affirms that "not every Similarly, Ang (2003) argues for a politics of emotion, everyone's pain, is freely expressed" partiality which affirms that the goal can never (2006,76) because the let's talk approach be entirely focused on achieving a common assumes equal speaking positions and that all ground but rather towards creating a women involved would be hearing and feminism based on partiality. Therefore, she speaking on the same terms. Hence, when rejects the politics of inclusion and the notion assuming equal space for sharing, relations of feminism as the universal home. Her of power are not acknowledged within the argument for a politics of partiality is helpful in personal is political methods of engagement. recognizing the limits of hegemonic feminism while critically bringing to the forefront

www.msvu.ca/atlantis PR Atlantis 34.2, 2010 119 difference without desiring a universalized point. Hence, I assert that the lesson learned feminism. is for feminist organizations to have the By critically examining these two strength and courage to differentiate between ideologies of the women's movement, the solidarity and sameness with the personal is political and sisterhood is global, understanding that one does not need to I demonstrate not only their inability to engage eradicate differences in order to create with difference and power relations across the solidarity. Turpel-Lafond's contributions, along category of woman but also their investments with Ang's politics of partiality and Mohanty's in reinforcing and sustaining dominance. For temporality of struggle, challenge feminists to example, dominant forms of feminism arise envision alternative methods/forms/processes when women's organizations engage in to create meaningful feminist organizations lobbying as a "unified group" in order to shift without centering whiteness or investing in regressive policy changes. Such policy areas hegemonic feminism. as well as the lobbying tactics (re)centre white hegemonic feminist strategies and issues Feminist Organizations and Feminist leaving out or silencing the experiences and Collectives voices of "other" women marginalized both Feminist organizations are sites within and outside feminist organizations. where the feminist practice of social and Therefore, I propose that intersectional political change takes place. According to feminist frameworks, principles, analyses, Adamson et al. (1988) and Catherine Alter and methods are more relevant to current (2007), because feminists understood and debates and discourses within feminist experienced bureaucracy as an organizational organizations and movements. Furthermore, form that is hierarchical, authoritarian and intersectionality provides the site of discriminatory, they developed structures engagement within the mainstream women's which were alternative to traditional movement and feminist organizations in bureaucratic forms. Such oppositional and Canada to interrupt dominant ideologies of alternative structures would reject ways of hegemonic feminism. organizing that were hierarchical, bureaucratic I would like to conclude this section and competitive and would reflect the with Mary Ellen Turpel-Lafond's (1997) critical principles of sisterhood and the personal is deconstruction of the concept of equality as political (Acker 1995; Adamson et al. 1988). constructed within the mainstream women's Organizational structures are evaluated based 4 movement. She challenges feminists to on the construction of the division of labour, rethink power, privileges, and entitlements degrees of decision-making power, built within this concept of equality as mechanisms to give feedback, and processes "sameness" and states: of collectivity. These organizational structures reflect choices regarding decision-making I do not see it as worthwhile and worthy to aspire to, or power distribution and the importance of desire, equal opportunity with white men, or with the organizational growth. system that they have created. The aspirations of white Feminist organizational structures are men in the dominant society are simply not our multiple and diverse. They range on a aspirations. We do not want to inherit their objectives continuum from those that tend to be more and positions or to adopt their world view. To be bureaucratic to those that tend to be more perfectly frank, I cannot figure out why non-aboriginal collectivist. It is imperative that feminist women would want to do this either. (1997, 72) organizations not be constructed within a binary of bureaucratic/collectivist but rather be Turpel-Lafond exposes the gap of acknowledged as shifting on a continuum white women's ignorance and finds their throughout their organizational life cycles. I concept of equality (sameness) to be concur with Myra Ferre and Patricia Martin insufficient for Indigenous women's struggles (1995) that we can no longer easily classify and identities and further affirms equality feminist organizations into the simple binary (sameness) to be an inappropriate starting of bureaucratic or collectivist forms because

120 Atlantis 34.2, 2010 PR www.msvu.ca/atlantis they often are a mixture of both elements in (Thomas 1999). Feminist collectives engage their structures and practices. in democratic management by empowering Furthermore, because of Canada's staff to have a certain amount of control over heterogeneous socio-historical, political, their own worklife and workplace. This level of economic and geographical landscapes, a collaboration and participation allows for the diversity of organizational structures is staff to invest in the organization in a more needed to create systemic political and social sustainable manner. These organizations also change. Within contemporary sites of attempt to share power and emphasize feminism, there is an acknowledgement and organizational process as well as outcomes, deeper understanding that there is no mentoring, and consensus decision-making. idealized and one-size-fits-all feminist Additionally, these organizations increase organizational structure. Therefore, by efficiency by allowing day-to-day decisions to recognizing that different organizational be made quickly by staff while critical structures provide specific and distinctive decisions are made more slowly with roles within the movement of which we are feedback from the entire organization part, we have a deeper appreciation for the (Thomas 1999). multiplicity of feminist organizations and the I would like to draw here upon my implications for invoking intersectionality current research on Vancouver Status of across histories, locations, time and W omen (VSW ).5 This feminist organization's geography. As feminists our task is to lifecycle demonstrates the changing decision recognize feminist organizations as making structure through time. In 1971 when organically transgressing and transforming the organization was created, it functioned under diverse climates and contexts. This with a Board structure with staff having limited part of the paper focuses explicitly on the input. By the mid 1970s, when additional organizational structure and process of the funding became available and more staff feminist collective. Feminist collectives tend to began to be hired, the organization found be more democratic and may also adopt itself revising its Constitution to include particular bureaucratic principles in order to appointed employees as Board members with meet their mandates and deliverables to the voting power. Hence, VSW continued to larger community and/or funders. These function as a Board with staff having decision organizations emphasize participatory and making power until it became a Coordinating non-hierarchical principles in structure, Collective in the early 1990s.6 Currently, VSW decision making process, division of labour, continues to function as a Coordinating and accountability (Alter 2007; Thomas Collective, the main decision making body, 1999). They function by means of process which includes volunteer Coordinating while attempting to preserve collaboration Collective members and paid staff. among all members and equal attention to Consensus decision making means and ends. These organizations also processes are used during VSW Coordinating find themselves on a continuum of collectivity Collective meetings. Yet, within this feminist with different degrees and intensity of collective, the staff also functions as a collectivity across the life cycle. collective who, based on capacity, may play a The feminist collective tends to more or a less active role in providing engage in a shared division of labour, where proposals to the larger Coordinating all staff engage in direct service delivery. Collective throughout the organizations Additionally, decision making power is shared history. Additionally, the volunteer with the entire collective where the structure Coordinating Collective members (non-staff) of Board of Directors or Executive Director is do not get directly involved with the everyday absent (Thomas 1999). Women participants functioning of the organization such as working in such collectives report that service delivery, programming and division of empowerment of workers, increased labour, unless they are part of a committee. commitment, and decreased turnover are the Therefore, as can be seen through this main strengths of such feminist organizations organization, VSW does not invoke all the

www.msvu.ca/atlantis PR Atlantis 34.2, 2010 121 traditional definitions of a collective but does and inequality present in informal leadership find itself on the continuum of collective sites such as feminist collectives. In the case structures, while drawing on bureaucratic of VSW, participants interviewed indicated processes as needed.7 that level of education, speaking in English Feminist collectives are constantly without an accent, organizational memory, experiencing tensions which pull them and more articulate Collective Members were towards either end of the spectrum: to more able to influence and manipulate the become more bureaucratic or to become consensus decision making process.9 Hence, more collective. As these organizations it is critical that the collective as a whole as engage in growth and respond to the well as the individual collective members demands of the community, they also may address power relations as they arise by become more dependent on external funding engaging in critical organizational/self sources. This dependency on outside funding reflection in relation to the power being sources results in a positive shift towards invoked, and how/when/why/who most increased budgets and staff while decreasing benefits from the consensus decision making staff burn-out. In the case of VSW, funders process. and financial institutions continuously While feminist collectives have requested a more hierarchical structure with strengths and weaknesses due to their an Executive Director who could be held processes and structure, they also can use accountable rather than a Coordinating their unique positionality to build capacity in Collective. As much as VSW resisted this order to interrupt and negotiate power pressure, at times, it had to invoke an relations. They may choose to have a greater administrative power within one position to capacity to further ensure that differences satisfy funding and financial pressures.8 emerge and that they are named and Janice Ristock (1991) explains that articulated in order to build solidarity and the feminist collective has been romanticized foster alliances within/across collectives. and constructed as ideal. She urges feminists Hence, by acknowledging that feminist to acknowledge it as a site of contradictions, collectives are not void of power relations and confusion and frustration for many women inequality, feminist collectives can be involved due to power relations. Therefore, an understood as sites with a greater potential to important limitation of feminist collectives is invoke important critical discussions of power its attachment to sisterhood is global by and differences. The strength within feminist striving to create an idealized homogeneous collectives lies largely in their openness, collective identity. The consequences of this courage, and endurance to engage deeply in process of homogenizing crystallizes its a responsible and responsive manner at structures as static and without those critical junctures of tensions and context/history while reinforcing processes of anxieties when power relations are invoked. exclusion. Additionally, Margaret Strobel's (1995) research has found feminist collectives The Impact of State Funding to require a high level of intense participation. Joan Acker (1995) explains that as Therefore, those members who cannot state funding became available, state maintain this intensity, particularly those with agencies began to (re)define the conditions children or multiple jobs, are often excluded under which organizations could be funded. from organizational processes and leadership This has often resulted in shifting the roles. organizational focus from confronting Further tensions or limitations which oppressive relations (structural change) to persist in feminist collectives concern services focused solely on the victims of such leadership and authority. Traditionally, relations (service delivery). An important feminist collectives have been applauded for struggle and tension experienced by feminist their assumed shared leadership and lack of organizations is the dilemma and authority. Yet, Ristock (1991) and Srivastava contradictory context of providing feminist (2004) recognize the dangers of manipulation services while receiving government funding

122 Atlantis 34.2, 2010 PR www.msvu.ca/atlantis as this solidifies an ongoing relationship of funding arrangements had rendered a power with the State. Acker recognizes that previously egalitarian and more or less state support may be essential to the survival collective work organization inoperable and of feminist organizations but it simultaneously created a new form of organization within the undermines the intended goal. center" (1990, 170). As also discussed by other feminist Additionally, due to the impact of theorists, state relations bring about globalization and privatization in the last two organizational demands which contribute to decades, feminist organizations have strained relationships and power relations witnessed regressive state funding shifts and both internally and externally to the feminist the restructuring of funding programs. Many organization (Das Gupta 2007; Lee and women's organizations witnessed downsizing, Cardinal 1998; Metzendorf 2005; Ng 1990). closures, loss of services and staff, as well as These theorists demonstrate how government increased staff burnout. These cutbacks funding changes the culture of feminist brought on by globalization and agreements organizations by shifting goals and priorities, such as the North American Free Trade as well as organizational structure, Agreement have not only been detrimental leadership, and decision making processes. for feminist organizations but especially more In particular, feminist collectives, due to their so for women depending on such nonhierarchical and collective structures, are organizations for services and support. often micromanaged by funders who require a certain type of accountability that is Conclusion attached to bureaucratic leadership and This paper contributes to the authority. and scholarship focused on Roxanna Ng's (1990) research intersectionality, hegemonic feminism(s), and examines how state funding confines and organizational theory. I problematize the affects community organizations with a ideologies and values of feminism which have particular focus on an employment centre traditionally been at the centre of the serving non-English-speaking and black mainstream women's movement and immigrant women in an urban area. She organizations. When examining these two explains that during the 1960s and 70s, the dominant ideologies of hegemonic feminism, federal government created programs to the personal is political and global sisterhood, provide funding to grassroots community intersectional feminist frameworks provide us organizations based on the theme of "citizen" with a deeper and more complete framework participation. As also discussed by Jo-Anne to expose such ideologies' reinforcement of Lee and Linda Cardinal (1998), this form of power relations both within society as well as state funding (which targeted women, within organizations. As discussed by the racialized, youths, and low income groups) Canadian Research Institute for the can be seen as a method of social control. Ng Advancement of W omen (CRIAW), highlights some of the tensions and difficulties intersectionality can be transformative by which arise due to increased reliance on state effecting social change within organizations funding. First, this employment centre with the development, content and delivery of witnessed a shift away from advocacy for programs as well as in providing the analyses, immigrant women and towards increased designs and recommendations for public services to employers. Second, increased policies as well as internal policies (CRIAW labour intensive documentation and reporting 2006). delayed funding cheques and increased I recognize feminist organizations, tensions between/amongst the Board and including feminist collectives, as fluid and Staff. Such tension and conflicts pushed the continuously changing over their organization towards a more hierarchical organizational life cycle as they structure in order to meet the demands of simultaneously engage with diverse elements accountability and effectiveness required by of bureaucracy and collectivity. the funder. Ng emphasizes that "such new Intersectionality highlights feminist

www.msvu.ca/atlantis PR Atlantis 34.2, 2010 123 organizations as also embedded in relations racialized groups, disability groups and of power and privilege. Further research gender groups within the colonial and would be critical to study whether feminist neocolonial Australian context. organizations engaging in more collective 2. Adamson et al. refers to Hazel Carby’s structures and processes have a greater article "White Women Listen! capacity to engage with power differences and the Boundaries of Sisterhood," which which arise internally and externally. states, ‘of white feminists we must ask, what Do feminist collectives have a greater exactly do you mean when you say 'we'??’ capability to invoke transformation by (1988, 19). advocating for deeper complex political 3. Mohanty's temporality of struggle can be analysis and organizational reflexivity connected to Sandoval's differential regarding power relations, differences, and consciousness and Ang's politics of partiality, exclusions? Feminist organizations are as they all speak to the partial and specificity grounded within global structural forces of of women's experiences and engagement colonialism, imperialism, and globalization. In with social change (Ang 2003; Mohanty 2003; contemporary times, these forces are Sandoval 2003). What is most powerful about reflected within free-trade international Mohanty's analysis is that she brings to the agreements which aggressively dictate forefront the groundedness of our specific, national policies of economic restructuring locational, historical, and intersectional and affect those working in feminist engagement within and across feminist, anti- organizations. This further invokes specific imperialist and anti-oppressive collectives and relations of power within/across feminist movements which anchor each one of us organizations as well as with funding differently. agencies, members, donors, and other social 4. Turpel-Lafond (1997) explores the movements. The impact of such a relationship between Indigenous women and neo-liberal/conservative agenda upon feminist the Canadian State by challenging the organizations challenges not only their foundation of the Royal Commission on the resilience but more importantly their ability to Status of W omen. She affirms that this contest regressive ideologies, including definition of "equality" as "sameness" should hegemonic feminist ideologies. not be assumed to transcend all communities, especially Indigenous communities. Acknowledgements 5. Vancouver Status of Women (VSW) is a I would like to acknowledge the scholarly feminist non-profit organization born out of the support and feedback from my co- Royal Commission On the Status of Women supervisors, Dr. and Dr. in 1971. VSW's mandate is to work with Gillian Creese. women to ensure our full participation in the social, political and economic life of our Endnotes communities in the profound belief that 1. Lewis (1996) illustrates Black women social women's self-determination is a crucial step workers' voices as an example of towards a just and responsible society. multivocality or simultaneity of discourse 6. Rare Books and Special Collections, within their specific occupational workplace. University of British Columbia (RBSC UBC), She demonstrates the complexities and Vancouver Status of Women (VSW) and intersections which arise for Black women VSW Archives. social workers as they navigate their lived 7. VSW Archives: Annual Reports and experiences and positionalities under the Meeting Minutes. supervision of whiteness. McCall (2005) 8. VSW Archives: Meeting Minutes and introduces the concept of intersectionality as Correspondence. "the relationships among multiple dimensions 9. Interview data from Benita Bunjun’s current and modalities of social relations and subject PhD research on VSW. formation" (1771). Meekosha (2006) argues for an intercategorical examination between

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