India and the Strategic Salience of the Vanilla Islands
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December 2014 19 January 2021 India and the Strategic Salience of The Vanilla Islands Raj Mittal FDI Associate Key Points To better mould the region’s strategic environment in its favour and as a resident power in the Indian Ocean region , India needs to engage with the island states of the south-western Indian Ocean: Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mayotte, Réunion and Seychelles . Known as the Vanilla Islands, the group abuts maritime chokepoints and busy Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs), giving it enhanced strategic importance. For China, the importance of Brazil, South Africa and the rest of Africa as sources of commodities and oil is ris ing and vessels travelling to China transit the chokepoints and SLOCs around the Vanilla Islands. Consequently, those chokepoints and SLOCs gain prominence in India’s strategic calculus. India’s formal entry in the south-west ern Indian Ocean region has been facilitated by France. With France’s support, India joined the francophone Indian Ocean Commission (IOC) in March 2020. In a setback to India, however, the newly-elected President of the Seychelles, Rev. Wavel Ramkalawan, indicated that the Seychelles-India agreement to develop a naval base on Assumption Island would not go ahead. India urgently needs to engage with the new government of Seychelles. Summary The group of islands in the south-western Indian Ocean, comprising the Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Mayotte, Réunion and Seychelles, is known as the Vanilla Islands; ‘the term Vanilla is used because these countries are known for their export of the flavouring substance, vanilla.’ India perceives the Vanilla Islands to be in its sphere of influence. Vessels carrying commodities and oil from Africa and beyond to China transit the chokepoints and SLOCs around the Vanilla Islands, which makes these nodes and routes pressure points for China. The relationship between Beijing and New Delhi is currently prickly due to China’s activities in the Indian Ocean (IO) and along the Line of Actual Control, their common border in the Himalayas. As the resident IO power, it is in India’s strategic interests to ensure the continuation of the rules-based order in the chokepoints and SLOCs around the Vanilla Islands. Analysis The Vanilla Islands As commentator and analyst C. Raja Mohan has noted: Nothing has diminished India’s geopolitical thinking [more] than the idea of South Asia. The shrinking of India’s regional vision was also reinforced by India’s inward economic orientation and the sundering of historic commercial ties with the maritime neighbours. When he came to power in Page 2 of 8 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi seemed to go by the traditional South Asian framework. He invited all the leaders of the SAARC for his swearing in-ceremony to signal the commitment to putting the neighbourhood first. There was one exception though – it was the invitation to the political leadership of Mauritius to join the swearing-in. The invitation probably reflected Modi’s sensibility to India’s deep diasporic connection with the Indian Ocean island republic. Whatever the intent might have been, it set the stage for visualising a region that transcends South Asia and puts the maritime neighbourhood back into India’s strategic consciousness. Prime Minister Modi’s re-imagining of India’s neighbourhood ensured that its maritime neighbours, including the Vanilla Islands, were no longer below India’s radar. In the Vanilla Islands group, the Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius and Seychelles are sovereign nations, while Mayotte and Réunion are départements of metropolitan France. The historical importance of France is the glue that binds these island nations. ‘India has long viewed the Indian Ocean as being in its region of influence. As an extension of that thinking, the island states in the ocean automatically fell under that same influence.’ As far back as 1945, K.M. Panikkar, an Indian strategist, said, ‘that in the west, India’s frontiers extend up to the Cape of Good Hope, Madagascar, Mauritius, Socotra, Aden and the Persian Gulf.’ Keshav Balkrishna Vaidya, an author and exponent of India’s sea power, advocated creating ’a whole ring of Indian naval bases, outside India, spanning the Ocean, to the south at the various island chains, notably the Maldives, Chagos Islands (including Diego Garcia), the Seychelles, Mauritius and Madagascar.’ India has close naval ties with Mauritius, having donated patrol vessels to that country. As part of its Maritime Domain Awareness (MDA) expansion programme, the Indian Navy has also established a radio and radar monitoring station in Madagascar. It is significant that, in 2015, Prime Minister Modi chose Mauritius to put forward his “Security and Growth for All in the Region” (or SAGAR) vision. It seeks to create a climate of trust, transparency and peaceful resolution of maritime issues. To further cement India’s ties to the island states, in 2018, Indian President Ram Nath Kovind visited Madagascar. In 2019, Vice-President Venkaiah Naidu visited the Comoros. In November 2020, Dr S. Jaishankar, India’s Foreign Minister, visited the Seychelles. The minister spoke of ‘the centrality of the Seychelles to India’s vision of SAGAR.’ China’s disquieting presence in the region is the obvious catalyst. The Importance of Islands History demonstrates the importance of islands to maritime nations and of favourable relations with island nations in their maritime sphere. As Baruah observes, ‘… rising nations have [sought to control] strategic islands to project power across … the globe.’ That insight has a more contemporary analogue; as one report notes, ‘China has tipped the balance of power through an island-building campaign.’ ‘The islands afford China bases from which it can intimidate ASEAN states into abandoning their claims or acquiescing to Chinese demands. China’s paramilitary forces and fishing vessels use the island bases as hubs from which to harass and even sink commercial ships from ASEAN countries.’ India’s Maritime Security Strategy emphatically states, ‘India’s primary areas of maritime interest include Page 3 of 8 South-West Indian Ocean, including IOR island nations therein.’ India, however, seeks a climate of trust and transparency in the region. The China Factor ‘The Sino-Indian land border dispute, which manifested in the Galwan Valley clash of June 2020, has caused very strong anti-China sentiments in India. This adversely affected the relationship, including in the maritime domain.’ ‘China is seeking access and control of islands in the IOR to trump its less than favourable maritime geography.’ This has led to an increased Chinese footprint in the IO area, including in the south-west Indian Ocean and is a huge concern for India which considers the IO as its strategic backyard. Most of China’s energy and raw material supplies, however, pass through the IO, which is China’s great vulnerability. In the words of Admiral Arun Prakash, the eighteenth chief of the Indian Navy, ‘The Indian Navy is in “home waters” in the Indian Ocean and well positioned to threaten China’s shipping and hence its economy.’ The French Connection Due to an increasingly aggressive China and continuing uncertainty about the United States’ global commitment, the role of “middle powers” in the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific assumes greater relevance. ‘Burdened by its inherited Anglo-Saxon bias, Delhi could hardly appreciate the pivotal value of France and more broadly that of Europe, in transforming India’s international position.’ ‘In January 2020, the partnership was in evidence at the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) when China sought to raise the subject of Kashmir in an informal, closed door session. France, supported by Russia and the US, led the move to block the Chinese initiative.’ ‘France backed India at the UN Security Council discussion on Jammu and Kashmir in 2019, an indication of France’s strategic commitment to India.’ During the 34th India-France Strategic Dialogue in January 2021, ‘the French envoy made it clear that it [France] would support India in the UN Security Council and ensure that Beijing’s move to put India in a dock either on cooked-up charges of terrorism or Kashmir are stymied.’ India kept its side of the bargain when it firmly backed President Macron against the Islamic world’s backlash for his speech, following the beheading of French teacher, Samuel Paty. The rise of China and the loosening of old alliances demand more co-ordinated action from middle powers like India and France. Nowhere are the possibilities greater than in the maritime domain. ‘France has its overseas territories Réunion, Mayotte and New Caledonia in the Indo-Pacific. France has more than 90 per cent of its large exclusive economic zone (EEZ) (nine million km²) in the region and maintains a military presence of 7,000 personnel.’ ‘It has more than US$176 billion ($228 billion) in foreign direct investment across the Indo- Pacific.’ Although, through its huge diaspora in Mauritius, India has always maintained a presence in the south-west Indian Ocean, India’s formal entry in the larger region has been facilitated by France. India joined the select group known as the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC) in March 2020 with France’s support. Set up in 1982, the IOC comprises the Comoros, Madagascar, Mauritius, Réunion and the Seychelles. The Commission has China, Malta, the European Union and the Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie as observers. Page 4 of 8 India’s observer status in the IOC institutionalises a larger engagement in the south-western Indian Ocean. Therefore, France may yet be the greatest enabler for enhancing India’s relations with the Vanilla Islands. In March 2018, India and France signed an agreement for reciprocal logistical support between their respective armed forces and issued a “Joint Strategic Vision of India-France Co-operation in the Indian Ocean Region”.