The Commission Shall Advise the President on Development Planning Policy and Strategy
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A Case Comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal
1 Democratization and Universal Health Coverage: A Case Comparison of Ghana, Kenya, and Senegal Karen A. Grépin and Kim Yi Dionne This article identifies conditions under which newly established democracies adopt Universal Health Coverage. Drawing on the literature examining democracy and health, we argue that more democratic regimes – where citizens have positive opinions on democracy and where competitive, free and fair elections put pressure on incumbents – will choose health policies targeting a broader proportion of the population. We compare Ghana to Kenya and Senegal, two other countries which have also undergone democratization, but where there have been important differences in the extent to which these democratic changes have been perceived by regular citizens and have translated into electoral competition. We find that Ghana has adopted the most ambitious health reform strategy by designing and implementing the National Health Insurance Scheme (NHIS). We also find that Ghana experienced greater improvements in skilled attendance at birth, childhood immunizations, and improvements in the proportion of children with diarrhea treated by oral rehydration therapy than the other countries since this policy was adopted. These changes also appear to be associated with important changes in health outcomes: both infant and under-five mortality rates declined rapidly since the introduction of the NHIS in Ghana. These improvements in health and health service delivery have also been observed by citizens with a greater proportion of Ghanaians reporting satisfaction with government handling of health service delivery relative to either Kenya or Senegal. We argue that the democratization process can promote the adoption of particular health policies and that this is an important mechanism through which democracy can improve health. -
Building on Custom: Land Tenure Policy and Economic Development in Ghana
BLOCHER 6.20.DOC 6/20/2006 3:29 PM Note Building on Custom: Land Tenure Policy and Economic Development in Ghana Joseph Blocher† This Note addresses the intersection of customary and statutory land law in the land tenure policy of Ghana. It argues that improving the current land tenure policy demands integration of customary land law and customary authorities into the statutory system. After describing why and how customary property practices are central to the economic viability of any property system, the Note gives a brief overview of Ghana’s customary and statutory land law. The Note concludes with specific policy suggestions about how Ghana could better draw on the strength of its customary land sector. INTRODUCTION Land makes up nearly three quarters of the wealth of developing countries,1 and development leaders,2 businesspeople,3 and academics4 † B.A., Rice University, MPhil, Cambridge University, J.D. candidate, Yale Law School. Thanks to John Bruce, Martin Dixon, Daniel Fitzpatrick, and Gordon Woodman, and to the exceptionally able editors of the Yale Human Rights & Development Law Journal, especially Raquiba Huq, Mollie Lee, and Adam Romero. The initial research for this paper was performed in Ghana with the support of the Fulbright Commission, and at the Department of Land Economy at Cambridge University with the support of the Gates Cambridge Trust. 1. HERNANDO DE SOTO, THE MYSTERY OF CAPITAL 86 (2000). 2. The World Bank’s 2002 development report was clear in its support for property rights as a prerequisite for economic growth. See THE WORLD BANK, BUILDING INSTITUTIONS FOR MARKETS 34-38 (2002) (discussing land rights). -
Exhuming and Highlighting the Nearly Forgotten Gold Coast Intelligentsia: the Life and Times of Prince Kwamin Atta Amonoo V
Gibbs, J./Legon Journal of the Humanities Vol. 32.1 (2021) DOI: https://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v32i1.1 Exhuming and highlighting the nearly forgotten Gold Coast intelligentsia: The life and times of Prince Kwamin Atta Amonoo V James Gibbs Independent scholar, Retired Academic Email: [email protected] Submitted: January 28, 2021 / Accepted: March 29, 2021/ Published: August 27, 2021 Abstract The name K. A. Amonoo sits in the Roll of Honour in the entrance hall of Queen’s College, Taunton, Somerset, England together with the names of other former pupils who served in the First World War. In recent times, focus on K. A. Amonoo has been on his palatial residence, which he built in Anomabo, a coastal town in Ghana, in colonial Gold Coast, as Micots (2015 and 2017) have sought to emphasize in terms of the architectural design of his residence. Therefore, what this paper seeks to do is to bring to light a historically significant narrative of who Amonoo was, as a case study to examine and foreground the contributions of some of the nearly forgotten African intelligentsia of coastal Ghana. Through close analysis, the paper also places a central gaze on his activism within colonial Gold Coast and Calabar in colonial Nigeria as subtle moves to counter the growing authority of the British administration. Utilizing a set of key biographical prompts, the paper reflects on thematic issues such as class and status, modernity, and resistance to British colonial hegemony. Keywords: Gold Coast Intelligentsia, Queen’s College Taunton, National Congress of British West Africa, Calabar Improvement League, Gold Coast Colony, World War I Introduction The name ‘K. -
LETTER to G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS
LETTER TO G20, IMF, WORLD BANK, REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT BANKS and NATIONAL GOVERNMENTS We write to call for urgent action to address the global education emergency triggered by Covid-19. With over 1 billion children still out of school because of the lockdown, there is now a real and present danger that the public health crisis will create a COVID generation who lose out on schooling and whose opportunities are permanently damaged. While the more fortunate have had access to alternatives, the world’s poorest children have been locked out of learning, denied internet access, and with the loss of free school meals - once a lifeline for 300 million boys and girls – hunger has grown. An immediate concern, as we bring the lockdown to an end, is the fate of an estimated 30 million children who according to UNESCO may never return to school. For these, the world’s least advantaged children, education is often the only escape from poverty - a route that is in danger of closing. Many of these children are adolescent girls for whom being in school is the best defence against forced marriage and the best hope for a life of expanded opportunity. Many more are young children who risk being forced into exploitative and dangerous labour. And because education is linked to progress in virtually every area of human development – from child survival to maternal health, gender equality, job creation and inclusive economic growth – the education emergency will undermine the prospects for achieving all our 2030 Sustainable Development Goals and potentially set back progress on gender equity by years. -
Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers As Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen
H-Announce Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser: Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Announcement published by Sabella Abidde on Monday, March 29, 2021 Type: Call for Papers Date: May 30, 2021 Location: Alabama, United States Subject Fields: African History / Studies, Area Studies, Black History / Studies, Middle East History / Studies, Political Science Rawlings, Sankara, Ghaddafi, and Nasser Soldiers as Intellectuals, Nationalists, Pan-Africanists, and Statesmen Editors: Sabella Abidde, Ph.D. and Felix Kumah-Abiwu, Ph.D. In the annals of modern African political history, four soldiers and coup plotters -- Jerry Rawlings (Ghana), Moammar Gaddafi (Libya), Thomas Sankara (Burkina Faso), and Gamal Abdel Nasser (Egypt) -- were rarities. They were at once intellectuals, nationalists, pan-Africanists, and statesmen. Their exceptionality is the reason for this edited volume. For more than four decades, beginning in the early 1950s through the tail-end of the twentieth century, Africa was the bastion of military coups bested perhaps only by Latin America. These sudden and extralegal overthrows of governments were so routine that many came to view coupists as unprofessional and unpatriotic members of the military that were ill-equipped to govern modern states and their various institutions. Nonetheless, there were exceptions to the typical: soldiers who transformed their immediate communities and, by extension, the continent. While the military’s role in politics is still a subject of intense debate in the scholarly/public domain, it is indisputable that some of Africa’s former military leaders went on to become icons and respected leaders of their time. The aim of this paper, therefore, is to examine why and how Rawlings, Gaddafi, Sankara, and Nasser became rarities in African and world politics. -
Kwame Nkrumah Legacy Project, Are the Work of Individuals Who Believe That the Unitary Vision Espoused and Promoted by Ghana's First President, Dr
The essays in this VISIONS series, The Kwame NKrumah Legacy Project, are the work of individuals who believe that the Unitary Vision espoused and promoted by Ghana's first President, Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, are the essence of Ghana as Nation, and what Ghana (and Africa) can be. These individuals recognize that the international stature and significance of Dr. Nkrumah are completely secure, a point found in many of the essays. However, within Ghana itself, some people do not have reliable information about the Founder of Ghana, Dr. Nkrumah, due to the wanton destruction of heritage records of all sorts and massive misinformation after the CIA-sponsored coup d'état that toppled Nkrumah's CPP at the hands of the Dr. Kofi Busia directed NLM and NLC military regime, in 1966. These essays are an attempt to provide more objective Ghana-centered information about all those records. Some of the essays may have been previously published on other platforms/media. Further, these essays are not the work of reporters and so, readers may find some errors in grammar, diction, spelling. For a Ghana-centered publication where English is not native, we do not fret those imperfections. We believe more in substance, in context, and in the development of the masses and their resources for their own benefit right here on the land, on earth, as Dr. Nkrumah envisioned through his many publications, speeches, and the numerous institutions and physical infrastructure he bequeathed Ghana. Thanks for your interest in VISIONS/The Kwame Nkrumah Legacy Project. Long Live Kwame Nkrumah's Ghana! (In This Volume): Date Comment No Title Name of Author Published Kwame Nkrumah_ The ONE and Dr. -
Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa
UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACE Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa This simulation, while focused around the Ethiopia-Eritrea border conflict, is not an attempt to resolve that conflict: the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) already has a peace plan on the table to which the two parties in conflict have essentially agreed. Rather, participants are asked, in their roles as representatives of OAU member states, to devise a blueprint for preventing the Ethiopian-Eritrean conflict from spreading into neighboring countries and consuming the region in even greater violence. The conflict, a great concern particularly for Somalia and Sudan where civil wars have raged for years, has thrown regional alliances into confusion and is increasingly putting pressure on humanitarian NGOs and other regional parties to contain the conflict. The wars in the Horn of Africa have caused untold death and misery over the past few decades. Simulation participants are asked as well to deal with the many refugees and internally displaced persons in the Horn of Africa, a humanitarian crisis that strains the economies – and the political relations - of the countries in the region. In their roles as OAU representatives, participants in this intricate simulation witness first-hand the tremendous challenge of trying to obtain consensus among multiple actors with often competing agendas on the tools of conflict prevention. Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn of Africa Simulation on Conflict Prevention in the Greater Horn -
Bibliography
BIbLIOGRAPHY BOOKS/BOOK CHAPTERS Ali, Saleem H. Treasures of the Earth: Need, Greed, and a Sustainable Future. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2009. Akiwumi, Fenda A. “Conflict Timber, Conflict Diamonds Parallels in the Political Ecology of the 19th and 20th Century Resource Exploration in Sierra Leone.” In Kwadwo Konadu-Agymang, and Kwamina Panford eds. Africa’s Development in the Twenty-First Century: Pertinent Socio-economic and Development Issues. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2006. Anyinam, Charles. “Structural Adjustment Programs and the Mortgaging of Africa’s Ecosystems: The Case of Mineral Development in Ghana.” In Kwadwo Konadu-Agyemang ed. IMF and World Bank Sponsored Structural Adjustment Programs in African: Ghana’s Experience, 1983–1999. Burlington, USA: Ashgate, 2001. Appiah-Opoku, Seth. “Indigienous Knowledge and Enviromental Management in Africa: Evidence from Ghana” In Kwadwo Konadu-Agymang, and Kwamina Panford eds. Africa’s Development in the Twenty-First Century: Pertinent Socio- economic and Development Issues. Aldershot, England: Ashgate, 2006. Ashun, Ato. Elmina, the Castle and the Slave Trade. Elmina, Ghana: Ato Ashun, 2004. Auty, Richard M. Sustaining Development in Mineral Economies: The Resource Curse Thesis. New York: Routledge, 1993. Ayensu, Edward S. Ashanti Gold: The African Legacy of the World’s Most Precious Metal. Accra, Ghana: Ashanti Goldfields, 1997. © The Author(s) 2017 205 K. Panford, Africa’s Natural Resources and Underdevelopment, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-54072-0 206 Bibliography Barkan, Joel D. Legislative Power in Emerging African Democracies. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2009. Boahen, A. Adu. Topics in West African History. London: Longman Group, 1966. Callaghy, Thomas M. “Africa and the World Political Economy: Still Caught Between a Rock and a Hard Place.” In John W. -
101101Ogj Ghanainsert 1 1 10/18/10 10:04 AM
101101ogj_Ghanainsert_1 1 10/18/10 10:04 AM contents A new era for Ghana 1-2 The clock counts down to first oil, A new Era for Ghana 3-8 First Oil and Beyond and to economic transformation 9-10 Supporting Growth 11-16 Building a Downstream Powerhouse 17-20 Powering Up 21 n 2007, exactly fifty years after gaining A Champion for Africa I its independence, the West African 22 nation of Ghana made the offshore oil Data and References discovery that is now poised to help transform the countrys economy and turn it into an upstream and downstream energy hub for the region. Foreign investors from across the world, including international oil majors from the US and Europe and state-owned oil companies from China and elsewhere, are now lining up to enter the country, staking out early positions in a brand new territory, and seizing this rare opportunity to ramp up their reserves. The first oil from the Jubilee field, up to John Atta Mills, President of Ghana All production and editing was done 1.8 billion barrels of light crude oil and by Star Communications. For more associated gas reserves in deep water in the information: Gulf of Guinea, is set to start flowing by the proved to be a curse as much as a blessing in www.star-communications.us end of 2010, after one of the fastest countries such as neighboring Nigeria, development times ever seen in the global Ghana is pushing through new legislation Writing: offshore industry. that will try to ensure that the oil and gas Mark Beresford Production from the field, which is discoveries serve to raise the standard of Production Development: operated by Tullow, will start in November living across the country. -
Annual Report Petroleum Funds for 2019
Annual Report on the Petroleum Funds For 2019 Presented to Parliament on Wednesday, 13th November, 2019 By Ken Ofori-Atta, Minister for Finance As Part Of The Presentation Of The 2020 Budget Statement And Economic Policy And, In Consonance With Section 48 Of The Petroleum Revenue Management Act, 2011 (Act 815), As Amended (Act 893). On the Authority of His Excellency Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo, President of the Republic of Ghana The Annual Report on the Petroleum Funds for 2019 i | Ministry of Finance, Professional, Ethical, Efficient, Responsive – Transforming Ghana Beyond Aid The Budget Statement and Economic Policy of the Government of Ghana for the 2020 Financial Year To purchase copies of the Report, please contact the Public Relations Office of the Ministry Ministry of Finance Public Relations Office New Building, Ground Floor, Room 001 and 003 P. O. Box MB 40 Accra – Ghana The 2019 Annual Report on the Petroleum Funds is also available on the internet at: www.mofep.gov.gh ii | Ministry of Finance, Professional, Ethical, Efficient, Responsive – Transforming Ghana Beyond Aid The Budget Statement and Economic Policy of the Government of Ghana for the 2020 Financial Year Acronyms and Abbreviations ABFA Annual Budget Funding Amount APP Asset Purchase Program Bcf Billion Cubic Feet BoE Bank of England BoG Bank of Ghana Bopd Barrels of Oil per Day CAPI Carried and Participating Interest CDB China Development Bank ECB European Central Bank FOMC Federal Open Market Committee FPSO Floating Production Storage and Offloading GDP Gross Domestic -
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INFORMATION TO USERS This manuscript has been reproduwâ frwn th8 microfilm master. UMI films the text direcüy from the original or copy submittad. Thus. some thesis and dissertation copies are in typewriter facet nihile ahers may be hmany type of amputer ptinbr* The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the qwlity of the copy submiüed. Broken or indistÏndprint, wiored or poor quality illustnoms and photographs, print bleedthmugh, subs&ndard marghs. and impmpet alignment can advenely af%ctreptodudim. In the unlikely event that the author dÏd not send UMI e camplete manusaipt and there are missing pages, these will be nated. Afso. if unauthorirad copyright material had to be removed, a note wül indicade aie deletion. Oversire materials (e.g., maps, dtawl*ngs, cham) are repmduœâ by secüoning the original. beginning at the upper Iefbhand corner and contiming from left to rÎgM in equal sections with small overlaps. Photognphs induâed in the original manusaipt have ben reproduced xerogaphicaliy in th& copy. Higher puality W x 9" bkk and mite photographie pflnts are availabie for any photographs or ilkistrabms appearùig in this copy for an addiional charge. Contact UMI dirodly to order. Bel[ & HoweIC InfomatÏon and Learning 300 North Zseb Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48706-i346 USA 800-521-0800 Colonial Compledty: The Images and Ideas of John Mensah Sarbah and S.R.B. Attoh Ahuma, C* 1895-lgl2. by Harvey Amani Whitfield Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Dalhousie üniveseity Halifax, Nova Scotia, -
Language and Liberty in Ghanaian Political Communication: a Critical Discourse Perspective
Ghana Journal of Linguistics 7.2: 199-224 (2018) ______________________________________________________________________________ http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/gjl.v7i2.9 LANGUAGE AND LIBERTY IN GHANAIAN POLITICAL COMMUNICATION: A CRITICAL DISCOURSE PERSPECTIVE Samuel Gyasi Obeng Abstract The object of this study was to illustrate the entwining between language and liberty in Ghanaian political discourse. Using three letters written by Dr. J. B. Danquah (two addressed to President Nkrumah and one to the Speaker of Ghana’s Parliament) and working within the framework of language and liberty (Obeng, in press), I demonstrate that even though by being candid, Ghanaian political actors in opposition risked personal danger, such actors had communicative ways for pursuing and defending their negative liberty and positive liberty and for challenging powerful political actors’ oppressive and illegitimate actions. The discursive features employed to pursue liberty include: deferential mode of address, candour, inferencing, glittering generalities, emotional valence, politeness and intertextuality. The syntactic features used included conditional sentences, pronouns, physical verbs, lexical collocation and uppercase letters. The study concludes by submitting that liberty relies on language to become actuality and that political actors’ views on liberty and the historical, legal, political and cultural contexts of the discourse ecology in which they operate all impact their discourse performance in their fight for liberty. Keywords: language, liberty,