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Colonial Compledty: The Images and Ideas of John Mensah Sarbah and S.R.B. Attoh Ahuma, C* 1895-lgl2.
by Harvey Amani Whitfield
Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements
for the degree of Master of Arts
Dalhousie üniveseity
Halifax, Nova Scotia, Canada
Deceinber, 1998
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Table of Contents V Abstract vi
Abbreviations and SymboLs used vii Acknowledgements viii
Chapter 1: Historiography: Paradigms and Problems I
Chapter 2: Images of Africa 21
Chapter 3: images of England 65
Chapter 4: Conclusion 92
Bibliography 105 Abstract
This thesis examines the writings of John Mensah
Sarbah and Samuel Richard Brew Attoh Ahuma in an effort to demonstrate the complexity of West African intellectual history. The extant categories of historical understanding, such as "African Nationalistw and YBritish
Imperialist," have obscured the complexity of colonial discourse. If we wish to gain a clear understanding of the intelligentsia then it cannot be assumed that they wrote from a nationalist standpoint simply because they were colonized Africans. In short, the thesis attempts to recover the educated elitefs complexity through a case study of two of its more prominent members. Abbreviatf ons
ARPS Aborigines Rights Protection Society Acknowledgements
First, 1 would like to thank my supervisor, Philip
Zachernuk, for sparking my interest in West African
intellactual history. 1 need fo thank the following professors and staff in the History Department: Stephen
Brooke, Jane Parpart, Cynthia Neville, John O'Brien, Mary,
Tina, and MuLene. 1 would also like to thank the
following graduate students for their support and kindnass:
Deborah, Ruth, Jean, Sarah, Greg, Aki, Brian, Renee (11,
Lucy, Amanda, Renee (Z), Briar, Peter, Lawrence, and any others 1 forgot. Lastly, 1 need to thank my partner,
Melissa, for her invaluable support. I would also like to thank the libraries at the following institutions:
Dalhousie University, University of Chicago, University of
Wisconsin-Madison, Howard University, Loyola University-
Chicago, and Simon Fraser University. Historiography : Paradigms and Problems
This thesis attempts to confront three problems that have restricted the development of historical scholarship concenihg the educated elite of British West Africa. Birst, the educated elite's representations of Europe have been disregarded, for the most part, by colonial and post-colonial scholarship. Secondly, the literature that does examine the British West African intelligentsia has been based on the idea that the elite floated in an indefinable area between the realities of Africa and Europe. Additionally, these studies have argued fram an opposed paradlgm that places the elite and the entire colonial situation into constructed categories, such as "African Nationalistw versus "British ImperiaZistw. Third, the historiography of the Gold Coast educated elite-and 0th- histories of the intelligentsia- has rested on the concept of African difference. Before discussing these three problems, it is important tu define the limitations and focus of this study. Within the broad context of West African intellectuaï history, the thesis concentrates on the discourse of two Gold
Coast writers in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (c.1895-1912): John Mensah Sarbah and Samuel Richard Brew Attoh Ahuma. Although this work is certkialy
I1n thiir thesis, 1 have not pralsined the role that pendor relations or family Mewoald have had on the edacated eute's images of Bfrica and Bngland. 1 narrow and by no means a comprehensive study of the Gold
Coast educated elite or the British West African intelligentsia, it does serve as a means of addressing a few important themes conceming coolo~aldiscourse. First, Ahumars and Sarbahrs writings demonstrate that the elite were critical obsemers of the coloniai situation and it can no longer be assumed that because they were colonised Africans that they wrote from a nationalist standpoint. Secondly, African intellectuai life has been reduced by a paradigm that assumes the intelligentsia were either nationalist heroes or deluded hybrids, when in fact my case study of Ahmm and Sarbah indicates that this historicai model greatly teduces the complexity of thek writings . Thirdly, the extant categories of %frican NationalistH and "British Imperialistm imply that colonial discourse can be understood in tenns of racial identity and geographic location, while mp sesearch indicates that there was a fair amount of shared thought between Ahuma and Sarbah and those classified as "British
ImperiaListsm. In short, Ahma and Sarbah are good examples of the British West African intelligentsia, and the* complexity indicates that 0th- elites writing might have been reduced by the tradition of historicai oversimplification. Although this is not an exhaustive study of the British West Mrican educated eute, it does speak to the afosementioned themes concaïning African intellectuaï history. The first problem is sinip1p one of neglect by historians anci 0th- scholars of colonial intellectual life. Many of these scholars have concentrated on Occidental constructions of the Orient, or more specificaily, European inventions of Africa. There are many examples of post-colonial scholars concentrathg on European inventions of Africa, while disregardhg African intellectuals' constructions of Europe. These treatments trace the representations of Aftica through an examination of colonial office documents, travel guides, diaries, novels and newspapers. There are so -y examples of this type of scholarsaip that it is difficult to narraw the historiography down to a few examples. Thus, 1 have decided to briefly highlight four important studies-by
Philip Curtin, VA. Kiernan, Edward Said, and V.Y. Muàhbe-- that will serve as examples of the 'Invention of Africa'
. . PUip Curtin' s -of: B- Ide=-
tion 1780O lm , published in 1964, outlines English representations of Africa in the pre-colonial period.2 V.O. attitudes tawarda the outside world in the aga of neqative Occidental constnictions of the Orient, but did not examine Oriental inventions of the Occident3 V3. MudAnbe's
the (HiddIesexa PeIïcan Books, 1969)- hdward Said, Orien+aliai (New Yorkt Vbtage Books, 1978). Invdon of Africa (1988) focuses on European
intellectual constructions of Africa.5 The real problem with these treatmants is that they silence African intellectuads-- similar to European scholars in the colonial perio&-and implicitly conclude that "the subaïtern cannot speak."? In the 19908, has ken thoroughly criticized for its Manichaean construction of colonial relations and nasrow definition of orientalists.8 For example, Reina
Lewis ' Oriewcriticizes Said for not recognizing female orientalists. Hawever, his fkilure to acknoarledge intellectual inventions generated fram colonial subjects in the Orient is not noticed.9 These valuable critiques fail to highiight the inabiiity of pst-colonial scholarship to study African inventions of Europe, but rather amplify and increase this oversight by concentrating on European representations of Africa. The second problem confronting historians of the British
West African educated alite is that the existing literature has reduced the camplexity of the intelligentsia by placing them into two types of opposition. First, this historical
%.p. Mudhbe, of uarcmplJr. -v. & (BloomSngtont University of rndiana Press, 1988). sFor an in-depth discussion of Ruropean colonhi intellectuals silencing coloniai sub3ects see EcIward Said, -e C C (Londonr Chatto & Windus, 1993). 'Gayatri Chakrovorty Spivak, *Cari %ha Subalterri speaklrU in Co-* Postff-, eds. Laura Chrigmaa and Patrick WiZLianr (Hew ltork: C01umbia University Press, 1990, p. 104. %ee Bomi Bhabha, (New Yorkz Rbutiedge, 1994); Anne McClintock, -: -el cofonfar [&ondonr Routf.edge, 1995) ; and Refna Lewis, * (Londonz Rouffedge, 1996). hd.8, cenderina. pp- 1-43. mode1 has cast the educated dite as &th= nationalist beroes or mimics of European culture. Secondiy, the idea of African difference hplies that Afsica and Europe are separate entities with vastly difierat cultures despite the obvious overlap and interaction during the colonial period. In line with this misconception, the elite have been portsayed by scholars--such as LA. Ayandele and Basil David~on~~--asa group that floated in an abyss between the distinct realities of Africa and Europe. This argument has been applied to the elite in many books that attempt to define the* essential character as deluded hybridismu or African heroism. Ayandele's a
(1974) argues that the intelligentsia's adherence to European philosophies took away from their %frican Parsonality*.* This approach has been supported by Davidson's more recent The BI-'n Bum. Re maintains that the educated elite abandoneci traditionai philosophies and cultures for European institutions during decolonization, 13 The idea of African difference has percolated throughout many treatments of the British West African intelligentsia. The historiography of the educated elite has hvested in the myths of opposed reaïities and African dîfference. The
Iblease See B.A. Ayandele, -te in (Lbadanr University of Ibadan Press, 1974); and Bas= Davidson, (New York% Times Books, 1992). is Ayandelers tern. U~yandele, p. 56. UDavidson, pp. 290-322. positioning of Africa versus Europe has resulted in many scholars mistaking reverberations for static in-betweenness. What 1 mean by reverberations is that intellectuaï ideas did not flow front the metrople to the colony or vice versa, but rather they revetberated throughout colonial discourse and were used by al1 participants, regardlass of racial identity or geographic location. In ushg the term in-betweenness, 1 mean the ambiguous space between Africa and Europe in which many scholars place the educated elite. This two-sphere mode1 is grounded in the idea of essential racial/culturai identities which reduce the elite's complexity. As Philip Zachernuk states, we need to help reorient curent approaches to modem African intellactual history by fr-Ag it in a way that does not trap the story betwean two fabrications but rather seeks to recover its complexity and provoke fresh understanding." The works of Ayandele and Davidson reflect a belief in essential racial/cuIt~r:alidentities, African diffaence, and constructed categories. For example, Ayandele argues that the elite had black skin and white ambitions. They were deluded hybrids throughout the nineteenth cent-; hybrids in the cultural and sociological sense that whilst they weze black in their sen, with pure Negro blood, they were superficially and artificiaLLy white in the* culturaï and sociai ambitions." Ayandele uneqdvocally states that the elite were sycophants and collaborators with European rule. The triumph of the white man ove the educated elite in Nigeria is beyond dispute, and so is the fact that ail educated elite, including those literature and scholarship love to classify as natioiiklists, were collab~rators.~~This quotation is problernatic for two reasons. First, Ayandele denies the elite's cqlexity by placing them into the convenient, constructed category of collaborator. Secondïy, we see Ayandele drawing a rhetorical boundary between the elite and Europeans based on racial/cultural difference. In discussing
Henry Carr, Herbert Macaulay, and 0th- Nigerian elites of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Ayandele concludes that they "patronised zealously the white man's dress and institutions . . . [and] wanted the white man's notions of government to prevail."" Here again, Ayandele seems ta create a false dichotomy between the cultures of Africa and Europe durhg the colonial petiod. Davidson's book employs the basic structure of Ayandele's argument, but his writing style is more subtle." Neverthelesa, he clearly criticizes the elite for ignoring
Africa's political institutions (e.g. the Asante state) for "foteign"models of government in the decolonization period." Davidson also argues that the intelligentsia believed that Africa's source of redemption lay outside Africa. "I+ could easily seem then, and perhaps it still does, that this enterprise of civilizing Mrica by alienating Africa from
16&&, pp- 69-70. IT=., p. 60. fB~yandele'sbook irr actually a series of lectures given a+ the Uniwersity of Ibadan in 1971. Thus his rhetoric is not aie tempered as one might find in a book written specioicallp for publication. %avidson, p. 42. itself had bec- necesr- to meeting the challenge of self rule in the modem world."20 In discussing the role of missionary education in colonial schools, he concludes that ail African children passed under an invisible sign that read
"ABANDON -CA, ALL YE WHO ENTER HERE. Davidson sees African culture and European institutions in caanplete opposition even in an academic setting. This is historically inaccurate because some colonial schools painted a very positive-if not romantic picture-of African culture.=
Hurein lies the problem with Davidson's thesis. He believes in essentiai cultural difference, that the elite had to chooae between the institutions of Africa or Europe rather than a combination of the two. These studies deny the complexity of the elite because of their reliance on the opposed historieal paraàigm, African difference, and essential racialkultural identities* There are 0th- paradigms that might allow the historian to unpack and examine the complexity of the elite. Perhaps one way of accomplishing this is to investigate the colonial period in terrmr of teverberations and fluidity, rather than opposed reaiities. Wow me to clarify what 1 mean by fluidity. It simply highlights the inability of constructed categorias--such as YFriendof Africa, 'British Imparialist," or nAfrican Nationalistm--to capture the complexity of the educated elite or the general colonial situation. The existing approach has been challenged by
Frederick Cooper and Ann Laura Çto1e.r in of u.23 They argue that historians need "to taink through not only a colonial history that appears Mdchaean but a historiogsaphy that has imrested in this myth as well. n24 The work of Davidson and Ayandele assumes an impariaiist versus nationalist model of colonial relations. Stoler and Cooper argue that the colonial context was more cmplicated and should not be reduced to an opposed historical model. The idea of an indigenous 'tesponse' or 'resistance' to an imperialist initiative-a favorite among scholars since the 1960s--does not capture the dynamics of either side of the encounter or how those sides were drawn. The ambiguous lines that divided engagement front appropriation, deflection from denial, and desire from discipline not only confomded the colonial encounter, it positionad contestation over the vary categories of ruler and niled at the heart of colonial politics.~
Herein lies the problern with the work of Ayandele, Davidson, and other treatments of the educated elite.26 These scholars invest in an opposed history and did not examine the fluidity that was part of the elite's ontology, but rather a m.cal in-betweenness that was grounded in Meir adherence to racial/cultural diffaence. The educated elite were too
"Prederick Cooper and AM Laiua Stoler, mBetween Metropole and Colony: Rethinting a Research Agenda, * in -of mi- eds. Frederick Cooper and Ann Saura Stoler (Berkeleyt Uni,oersity of CaUforniit Press, 1997). 8 %*r P* 6- 26pleaso see mbert ~irly, of ft~hoacrhti ra
(Londonr Faber and Paber, 1968); Kaqnus J. Sampaon, Caast Affafl.a (1937 reps. Loiidont Daarsons of Païl Hall, 1969)- complex to be subjected to an historical paradigm that only allcrws them to be nationalist heroes or collaborators. Thus, the opposed hiatorical perspective has produced scholarrrhip that may benefit fronr revision. The historiography has certainly provided scholars wifh valuable insights into the educated elite, but "it is clear that the resonance and reverberation between European class politics and colonial racial plicies was far more cqlicated than we [historias of Colonial Africa 1 have hgined. " The third problem that historians must confront is that treatments of the Gold Coast intelligentsia in the colonial period rest on the dangerous premise of African difference. These studies implicitly argue that the story of the elite was a confrontation between "traditional Africanw culture and European civilization , Moreover , the historiography assumes a standard relationship, in which the context may change, but the opposition of Africa and Europe doas not. I arque that theee works, while invaluable, ignore the changing colonial context and the effect this had on the eliters inventions of Europe. A brief review of the existing literature wfil be beneficial to understanding the diance of the historiography on Bfsican diffaence and rhetorical bondaries between Africa and Europe. Although there are many important treatments concerning the Gold Coast educated elite, 1 have decided to examine the wosks of W.E.F. Wxd, David -le, K.E. De Graft-Johnson, PbFLip Foster, Robert July, and Margaret Priestley because they provide good examples of the extant literature. After its publication in 2948, W.E.F. Ward's of became a standard part of Gold Coast historiography.28 This book can certainly be considered
enlightened for its th, but underlying this important study is the fundamental assumption of African diffeeence. Throughout -tom of w, Ward maintains that there is an African point of view juxtaposed to a European perspective. In his section on Achimota, Ward argues that the school had the "high ideal of providing an education European in thoroughness but African as well as Eusopean in content."" Seemingly, African and European educational
ideals are inherently different in that Achimata must offer Ewopean thoroughness--1 assume because traditional African education systems lacked this qualitp-dong with a mixture of African and Euopean content. It is important to note that Ward is not an historical scholar, but rathar a colonial figure writing about the Gold Coast in the latter stages of British rule in West Africa. Thus, one may thfnk that his adherence to the idea of African difference has come under close scmtinp fran pst-colonial scholars. Surprisingly, it ha8 not, but rather was exnployed in a niimber of subseqyent
wOrks.
2k~.~,Wmd, -ON of (London: George Allen, 1966). m..p. 410. David Kimble's monumental work, A-tom of a 1850- 1928 traces the development of early nationalist thought in the Gold Coast.% His study relies on the idea of African difference and the clash that resulted from contact between the opposed realities of Africa and Europe. Kimble sees the two continents as inevitably separate entities. In hie section concerning cultural nationalism, Kimble draws a rhetorical boundary between European social habits and traditional African ways of life. He ignores the fluidity that was part of the coastal eliters life since the times of Richard B~ew.~~ The predominance of the English laquage was only one aspect of the acquisition of Euopean culture and social habits by educated Africans. During the nineteenth century the tendency to imitation was strong, and a conscious effort was necessary if they were to retain or recapture anything frani the older ways of 1ife.u Additionally, Kimble asserts that early scholars of Gold
Coast history note fram the perspective of their given race. For example, an African interpretation of history would iaavitably be dif fer* from that of a E~opean.~Thus, once again we see the reliance of scholars on the idea of African dif ference
K.E. de Graft-Johnson's "The Evolution of Elites in
Ghana," traces the dwelopent of the intelligentsia. He provides the reader with important information concerning . . %avid KimbIe, b- of f 1850- 1978r gf Gold Co- (Odordx Clarendon Press, 1963)- %=-et Priestiey, "Rfchard Brewr an eighteenth centuzy trader three types of elite and their social values. He argues that they displayad a preference for Western culture and institutions, but ignores the possibility of cross- fertilization between Afsica and Europe. [the elitefs] response to western cultuse was partly, therefore, an attempt to prove ability to absorb the best that the West couid offer. At the same the self- interest during the colonial period dictated a pro- western orientation. Despite the criticism of British writers and administrators, they favoured the more western-oriented intelligentsia [sic].* Bere, de Graft Johnson &an a dichotany betwaen European culture and African culture that seems to ignore the mixing of cultures that was certkinly part of the coastaï Afro-
European cammunities of the Gold Coast. outlines the development of schools during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The history of education in Ghana se- to highlight the shared thought that transgressed the rhetorical boundaries of Africa and Europe. Strikinglp, Foster overlooks this possibility in the field of education. Be argues that European and African educational ideals were
For the colonial power the problem of the 'content of education' was important, but the African was seeking 'educational parity' with the elite. There was, in fact, a considerable divergence in the expectations of Africane and Europeans as to the functfon of formal educati0n.s
%.E. de Graft Johnson, The mmlution of Butes in Ghana," in Foster assumes that the colonial government and Africans had different educational goals. It should not be assumed that this divergence was a political issue between colonizer and colonized, for that simplifies the colonial situation greatly. Colonizer and colonized did not have inevitably opposed ideologies simply because of their identities within the colonial structure. Zt is not a static truth that Africans and Europeans had different educational goals in the colonial period.36
b Robert July 's The Or- of ThQYOhf; is an important contribution to the historiography of the educated alite in West Africa. He argues that the Gold Coast intelligentsia were heroic African nationaiists . July ' s work adheres to the mode1 promulgated by Ward in that he accepts the rhetorical boundaries of Europe and Afr~ca. In his chapter entitled "Nationalism on the Gold Coastn, July concludes that the "philosophy and career of John Mensah
Sabah ware devoted to bsbging together the best of the solnethes conflicting worlds of Africa and Europe on behalf of an evolving African so~iety.~~July adheres to the opposed approach and ignores the fluidity Mat may better explah Sarbah' s contribution to colonial discoutse. His style of historical inquiry--assuming aome opposition between Africa and Europe--0-y aïlows us to scratch the surface of
%or a medetaLled diecassion of poïitics and the Gold Coast school system, see Ray Jedcbs, mWiïUam OforF Atta, IUmmbi Bzikiwe, J.B. Danqpah and the 'GrWgr of W*B=F*Ward of Acma in 1935,* Zn in 21 (1994). =~iIly, p. 340. the educated elite's camplexity. His interpretation of colonial relations encourages a binayy understanding of the intelligentsia and colonial relations in genaral. If we are to unpack the cmplexity of the elite then historians need to realize that this type of historicai inquhy is useful "for opening up questions of paver but ends up constraining the search for precise ways in which pawer is engaged, contested, def lected, and appropriatede
Masgaret Priestley's West Africm Trade Cou Soc* highlighte the development of the educated elite in the Gold Coast fhrough the Brew familyem Her treatment studies the Fanti descendants of Harry Brew (European)40 and Abba Kaybah, and thek existence between the realities of Africa and Europe. Priestley's entire study supports the concept of fluidity in the colonial context. Interestingly, she maintains instead that the elite were rather dichotmous, and sazrved as bridges between the inevitably opposed worlds of Africa and Europe. For example, Priestley argues that Samuel Collins Brew (1810-1881) was a "literate African [who] acted as intermediary and bridged the two worlda. Here was a role for which the Brews were weU equipped, western educated as they were, and with an influential position in Fanti through f&ly cannections."u Herein lies the problexrt with Priestley's treatment, Her evidence pointa to the possibility of fluidity in the colonial context, but she accepts the rhetoricai boundaries of Africa and Europe as historical -th. Priestley concludes that the Brews were not suspended between the realities of Africa and Europe, but rather claimed by the African sphare3 This conclusion is problematic because it places the elite in the African category, and ignores the possibility that the Brew family were a personification of a culture shared in the colonial
context* In her defense, it is seasonable to think that Priestley argues for African culturaï supremacy because of
the underdeveloped nature of the field at the the of her writing. In short, Priestley adhares to the historical mode1 of Ward and the idea of African ciifference. The acceptance of African difference and rhetorically manichaean boundaries between Europe and Africa are detrimental to a clear historicaL understanding of the educated elite. The accepted paradigm that places the elite
in a context of opposites must colne under close historical
scrutiny. As Zache~nukargues, "certainLy the premise of posed opposites--sometimes explicit, but often unspoken-has generated unsatisfactory accounts of the Mrican intelligent~ia,~U
The storp of the Gold Coast aducated elite is very cornplex, but this cqIexity is tedaced by the opposed paradim. This paradigm rests on constrircted categories- %frican Nationalistw and YBritish fmperiaiistw--mat only serve to reduce, rather than highlight the coxnplicated nature of colonial discourse, These constructeci categories and rhetoricai labels trap the dite between opposed fabrications. Colonial ideologies have been tradifionally divided into two categories: "Afsican Nationalistm and
"British Imperialistw.u These appellations aze misleading for a few reasons. First, they are based in the dual concept of racial identity and geographic location, which seme to obscure the complexity of colonial discourse. Secondly, they hide differences of opinion within each category, when in reality, colonial era miters displayed a variety of opinions and ideas that do not readily fit into the rhetorical categories of "African Nationalistw and "British Zmperiaiistw. Third, the categories, due to their reliance on racial identity and geographic location, deny the fluidity of thought and discourse between the metropole and colonies during the late aineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The category of 'Friand of Africa* cm also be used to classify some colonial discourse. This category is more useful than the others because it suggeats that racial categories do breakdam.' It should be noted that although these categories begin as use- davices for opening an investigation into the complexity of colonial discourse, they
C - %timbrer polztrcrrl,- Wxd, -. explore this n>re in chaptar 2. end up obscurhg the differences between and within the categories. Thus, it is extremely difficult tu gain with these a clear historical understanding of the intelligentsia in peicular and colonial discourse in general.
My research conceming S.R.B. Attoh-Ahma and John
Menséth Sarbah incikates that these rhetorical labels fa11 far short of capturing the complexity of the Gold Coast educated elite or the colonial situation. For example, Mary Kingsley, labeled as a #Friend of Africa, anand A. B. Ellis, categorized as a "British Zmperialist , shared similar opinions about the West African educated elite. Kingsley
believed that the elite were curse of the Coast.*4a A.B Ellis a~guedthat the intelligentsia were nothing more than uswindlersw of their own co~ntrymen.~Seemingly the rhetorical labels of #British ïmparialistu for Ellis and "Friend of Africaw for Kingsley hmdly unpack the colnplexity of their arguments. This thesis examines Ahumars and Sarbahrs images of Africa and England. Their rrepresentations of Africa and England are coqared to and juxtaposecl with those rhetoricaily labeled as "British fmperialistrff"African
(6I am avare that K;iag~leyhae ben reassessad by John B. Pm, who concludes that her primary interest was the British traders (for a discussion of this, see chapter two), but she ha8 also been label& as a -end to Africans or a defender of Afkican rights, See Dea Birkett, : 2((London2 mcmillan, 1992), p. xmri. 4-s W. ~abrtfllllm,r of -of Wat-e, 1967), p. 205. Kingsley, -in a (1897 reps. Londonr Cas*, 1965), p. 660 (%.B. Exlis, of Fof ((1883 repr. Westpoa: 1-0 U~iversitiesPress, L970), p. 122-23. NationalistrW and "Friend of micam. 1 believe this wiil demonetrate the shared thought that transgresseci the rhetorical boundaries of Africa and Europe or "British fmperialistW and %frican Nationalistm during the colonial
period. Additionally, this thesis argues that the tenir "African Natiolialistw does not truly capture the complexity of Ahmars and Sarbah's images of Africa and England. The thesis hopes to fil1 two gaps in the historiography of the Gold Coast educated alite. First, it examines the images of the intelligentsia which have been ignored by post- colonial scholarship. Secondïy, the thesis demonstrates the inability of rhetorical labels to capture the complexity of the educated elite and the colonial situation in generai. These rhetorical labels and constructed categories present the historian with a larger problem: they are not based on the mitings of Ahurua and Sarbah, but rather on geographic
location and racial identity. It seems that the historiography has assumed that because Ahuma and Sarbah were coloaized Africans their images of England and Africa fit into nicely prescribed categories; I suspect that the sama dght hold true for the writhgs of those categorized as "British fmperialists* or Vriends of AfricaM. The colonial period aras a the of sliared discourse and interactions, but scholars have interpreted this thought bp applying useful, but constrainhg labels to those who participated in this discourse. It will bec- clear that colonial discorusse can no longer be divided into subject vereus rulm or "African NationsListm versus YBritish Imperialistm. Chapter Two examines Ahumars and Sarbahrs images of Africa. Chapter Three evaluates thair images of England and its colonial policy. Chapter Four offers a conclusion. Chapter Two
Iinages of Africa Introduction
The early colonial period in the Gold Coast (1830-65) has been remembered by historians and contemporary figures as a "goLden agem in which Africans could obtain high positions in the colonial government. David Kimble argues that employment opportunities in the Gold Coast Wepended on their [the applicantsl ability and willingness to serve, and it would appear that the question of colour had scarcely been relevant = . . it was no+ regarded as anything out of the ordinary that a number of Africans and
Mulattoes were appointed to key official posts." For example, in the 1850s, James Bannerman served as Civil
Commandant at Christiansborg, Lieutenant Governor, and
Acting Governor. This ugolden age' was also a the when social intercourse between Africans and Europeans, including intermarriage, was common and respectful.' Tus structure of mutual respect and equality began to change in the late 1860s as ideas of African inferiority gained acceptance throughout Europe. The idea of racial
'~avid-le, A Political Historp of Ghana 1850-1928g The Riae of Gold Coast Nationalhm (Oxfordr Clarendon Press, 1963), p. 65. 2~ensyS. Wilson, Oriqins of West Bfrican Hationalrsm (Londont St, lmrtins Press, 1969), p, 16. Blso see r!faq mcehy, SbcW Change and the G~owthof British Power ia the Goid Coast% The Pante States 1807- -1874 (Lanham: Universi= Press of Bmerica, 1983); Hargaret PrfestXp, inferiority resulted in less social contact between whites
and blacks, and less prestigious ernployxuent opportunities within the colonial government for Africans. In short, the colonial govarnmentrs relationship with Africans changed
from one of mutual respect (or at least mutual reliance) to one of distrust and distaste. By the mid-1880~~Africans
could not expect to become anything more than clerks performing routine duties, and social intercourse between
the Uraceem drastically decreased.
As informal rule became forma1 colonialism . , . imperial attitudes to race hardened, and by the 1880s "nativesw were being systematically excluded from the upper echelons of the expanding colonial bureaucracy. Social interaction between black and white-first and foremost inter-racial marriage and concubinage- declined dramatically.'
The practice of denying higher employment opportunities to
Africans did not change until GuggisbergrsAfricânization
of the colonial government in the 1920s.' S.R.B. Attoh
Ahuma and John Mensah Sarbah pursued theh careers between
these two distinct periods, a the when racialism was the
West afxican Trade and Coast Societyt A F-y Study (Londont Oxford University Press, 1969)- %ohn Parker, YMaalo.i, nmrchants, and mulattos-Cari Reindorf and the politics of *racerin early coloniaï Accra," in The Recovery of the West African Pastt African Pastors and African Bistory in the Nineteenth Centtrryt CC. Reindorf and Samuel Johnson. Papezs from an international sentinat held in Basel, Switzerland 25-2&* ûctober 1995. To celebrate the centen- of the publication of C.C. Raindorfts aistory of the Gofd Coast and Asante, ed. Paul Jenfllns, (Baaek Basler afriJra Bibriographier, 1998), p. 37- %hble, Political,, pp. 105-09, accepted doctrine of the colonial goverment (18964920).
Despite this stultifying environment, the 'golden agew was always present in the minds of the intelligentsia and used by Sarbah and others to Mgmintup their present discontents, w5
Identities
Ahuma and Sarbah had many identities. We should not simply think of th- as colonized Bfricans. For example,
Ahuma was an educator, minister, grandson of King Ahma of
James Town Accra, Akan, Gold Coast national, West African, African, Cape Coast resident, Christian, newspaper editor, imperial critic, imperial supporter, critic of British culture, exalter of British culture, and #racewpatriot.
AL1 these identities, despite their explicit and implicit contradictions, fit him. The identities of Sarbah are just as contingent and confusing. His identities might include the following : imperial critic, imperial supporter, West
African, Christian, Fanti, Gold Coast national, editor,
Bfrican, Akan, laver, legal historian, journaïist, and educator. Their identities were made up of many contradictorp aspects that cannoc be summed up as the Colonial Context
The British West African colonial context greatly af fected Ahuma a and Sarbah 's images of Africa. This context was shaped by changhg European needs during the colonial period, in that the intelligentsia's writings were influenced by British colonial ideologies of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Although Ahumars and Sarbahrs images of Africa certainly had seeds of their own experience and thought, they lived in a the where their ideas were restricted by, but not confined to,
European imperialist ideologies, During the the period in which Ahuma and Sarbah were nitinq (1895-1912) the idea of African racial inferiority was accepted by many participants-both African and European-in colonial discourse. This idea of inferiority can be found in the eliters own writings about Africa; for they had been educated for the most part at British oriented schools in the colonial areas or British universities and viewed
England as the height of civili~ation.~Although Ahuma and
%.A. Ayandde, The Educated Biste in the Hiqerhn Society (1bada.m University of -dan Press, 1914), pp. 73-91, f am not Sarbah might deny the over-arching application of inferiority, they thought that Great Britain was more civilized than African polities in the Gold ~oast.' They believed that for Africa to advance it was important to adopt many aspects of Western civilization and in Ahumars case discard many indigenous traditions, institutions and customs ,8
Ahuma and Sarbah were influenced by different schools of imperial thought that were in vogue during the nineteenth centtuy. In the early and mid-nineteenth century, many "British Imperialistsw believed that Africans were blank slates and seemed al1 too happy to spread the
Ublessings of their own English civilizati~n.~~Obviously,
Ahuma and Sarbah would not agree with this attitude completely, but similar to British missionaries of the nineteenth century a great deaï of Ahumars thought and images of Africa were based on the idea of adopting many
suggestinq that the educated elïte were brainwashed, but they wera certainiy influenced by schools whicb held England up as the pinnacle of civilization. %ee, S.R.B. Attoh Ahana, The Gold Coast Kation and Mationaï Consciousness (1911, repr. Londont Cass, 1971), pp, 37-42; John Mensah Saxbah, Pane Rational Constitution (1906, repr. London: Cass, 1968), -pp. - 228.56, 'Robart July, The Origine of Modern African Thoughtt Its development in West Africa dPriag the nineteenth and mentieth centuries [Londonr Faber and Faber, 1968) pp. 329-44- mard Porter, Critics of Empirez British Radical attitudes to colocialism in bfrica 18954914 (Sondom Macmiïîan, 1968) p. 26; Phrlip Curtin, Image of Arricat British Ideas and Action 1780-1850 (Londonz HacmiU~, 1965), pp- 262-69. aspects of English civilization in order to improve existing African colonies. As the nineteenth century drew to a close, the idea of molding Africans into Europeans began to change. Many UBritish Imperialistsw realized that
Africans had their own cultures (no matter how "primitive") and should not be treated as blank dates. Strikingly, this attitude was not born of respect for African cultures, but rather because many new imperialists doubted #the ability of the native to achieve the standards demanded by
Western civilization. "'O This view, of course, spawned the theory of Indirect Rule: the administration of natives thirough their own institutions. ALthough Sarbah certainly believed that Africans were capable of Western civilization, he cleverly accepted this colonial policy as an example of good govemment in order to advance his own goals. For example, he criticized the British goverment for not understanding the native institutions through which they were attempting to rule. 11
An in-depth study of colonial discourse in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries reveals that
Sarbahrs and marsimages of Africa were influenced by ideologies from the metropole about colonial deand
"Ibid*, p. 31, "Sarbah, Constitution, p. 121. racial identity. This was combined with theFr own goals for the Gold Coast: Ahmags hope of a nation-state and Sarbahgs hope for improved colonial legislation through the use of indigenous customs," This combination of metropolitan influence and the* individual agendas formed the basis of Ahumars and Sarbah's images of Africa. It is within this confusing array of colonial contexts and contingent personal identities that we must attempt to understand Sarbah's and Ahumara images of Africa.
This chapter examines Ahumars and Sarbahrs images of Africa, and then discuss the uses and Limitations of the categories "African Nati~nalist,'~YBritish ïmperiali~t,~ and UFriend of Africam. Before embarking on a discussion of Ahuma's and Sabah's images of Africa, it is important to provide brief biographical sketches of these writers.
Bioqraphical sketches"
S.R.B. Attoh Ahuma was born in 1863, Bis father,
James A- Solomon, was an itinerant minister for the
%lthough his uitimate goal might hava ben a nation-state, it cextainly vsould not have been divorced from British pmr or influence. Horeover, the idea that Sarbah wanted a nation-state is an inference made by histortans from his writings. I dfd no+ corn across any primaq evidence that mggesteci he wanted a self-govemhg nation- state. '%thin the confines of this thesis, 1 hava been unable ta examine in detail these ~~en*sparsonal lives. 1 beïieve this might have opened up manp issues about gender that would have added another level of complexity and tension to theis discotuse and actions. Wesleyan Mission in the mid-nineteenth century." Aithough
Ahuma was not able to pursue a grammar school education- for his father was constantly preaching the gospel in the southern areas of the Gold Coast-through his own initiative he learned to read and write, Thus, when Ahuma was able to attend school, he was inrmediately passed into high school. He performed well enough at Wesleyan high school that he was offered the position of vice-principal at the school upon his graduation. In 1886, he was sent to study for the muiistry at Richmond Collage in ~ngland."
Upon his return from England, Ahuma became principal of the Accra Grammar school and founded the Accra
Collegiate Çchool and African Methodist Zion ~ol1ege.I~ He spent the first part of the 1890s establishing schools in neglected areas throughout the Gold Coast, includlng Half-
Assinie, Kickam, Egyabra, Bonyereh, and ~ssiama.'' Ahumars greatest contribution to education in the Gold Coast was his CU-sponsorship of Mfantsipim in 1903." This school was
J, Sampaon, Gold Coast Hen of Affairs (1937, repr. London: Dawsons of Pall Ml, MW), p. 77. U~heGokt Coast Leader, Jan. 28, 1922. "~uLy, Oriqins, pL 342. 'f'Phe Gola Coast Leader, Jan- 28, 1922- to become one of the most important educationai institutions in the history of the Gold ~oast.'~
In the mid 1890s, Ahuma8s professional focus shifted from education to journalism. In 1894, he became the editor of The Gold Coast Methodist Times and began to take an interest in Gold Coast politics. Bis political activities increased with the introduction of the Lands
Bill in 1897.'O This bill was especially offensive to Gold
Coast Africans, for it declared that al1 unused lands were to be placed under govemment control. This was akin to blasphemy because al1 lanbwhether in use or not-belonged to some individual, family, tribe, polity, or stool. Thus a storm of protest emerged in reaction to the bill because its authors ignored indigenous traditions and customs, which culminated in the formation of the Aborigines Rights
Protection Society (ARPS). In this same year, Ahuma changed his surname from Solomon to Attoh Ahuma as a display of pride and patriotism.'' But there were other interests behind these nativist actions and rhetoric. For example, the Lands Bill gave the elite an opportunity to express discontent over direct taxation (hue or pull taxes)
%.A. Boahen, Mfantsipim and the Iakinq of Ghanar A Centenaw History, 1876-1976 (Accrat Sankofa Educaffonaï Publishars, 1996)- '"!rhe Gold Coast Hethodist Tm,Sept. 30, 1895. or a better and mre interesting ~cussionof this subjact, see The Gold Coast Hethodist 'P-8, Sept. 30, 1897- and constitutional matters. This discontent was expressed in 1898 when the ARPS sent a delegation to meet with the colonial secretary, Joseph Chamberlain. The AF@S delegation to London expressed concerns not only about land, but constitutional reforms and taxation as well.
Unile the Colonial Secretary rejected their demands for constitutional reforms, he accepted their views on the land question and agreed also to discontinue the Hut or Pol1
~ax.~'~Although Ahumars nativist rhetoric and actions were genuine, there were other intesests at play.
The late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were
Ahumags most politically active years; he was secretary of the AReS and at different times served as the editor of four newspapers: The Gold Coast Methodist Times, The Gold
Coast Aborigines, The Gold Coast Leader, and The Gold Coast
~ation." Ahuma spent the early part of the twentieth century composing two books and writing for The Gold Coast
Leader of which he was the temporary editor in 1910 and
1911." The fruits of his labore were Memoirs of West
African Celebrities and The Goid Coast Nation and National Consciousness, published in 3905 and 1911 respectively.
=A.A. Baahen, Ghana: av01ution and chanqe in the nineteenth and tmntieth centuries (London% Longman, 19751, p. 65. 2f~ampson,Goid Coast Men, pp. 87-92; The Gold Coast Leader, Jan 28, 1922, 2*The Gold Coast Leader, Jan. 28, 1922, Ahuma spent the last years of his life working in the
Methodist Synod mission.25 In 1921, he passed away, more devoted to religion than to the political causes that his life had once embraced.
John Mensah Sarbah was born in 1864 at Cape Coast. Re was the son of an established Gold Coast merchant, John
Sarbah, who was an Unofficial Mentber of the Legislative
Council from 1887 to 1892 and active community leader in
Cape ~oast.'~Sarbah spent the early years of his life receiving the education common to most sons of the wealthy
intelligentsia in Cape Coast. He was educated at Wesleyan high school and subsequently sent to study in ~ngland.'~At the age of sixteen, he comenced his advanced studies at
Taunton College in Somerset. After his graduation, Sarbah entered Lincoln's Inn in hopes of qualifying for the Bar.
In 1887, at the aga of twenty-three, he became one of the
firat African Barriaters from the Gold Coast to qualify for the ~ar,*'
2s Sampson, Gold Coast Men, p- 77, 'bJUly, OriQhs, p. 329. ='Ray Jenkins, @In purs& Of the african Pastg John msah Safbah (1864-1903) Bistorian of Ghana," in Under the Imperia CattEssays in Black Histo~1780-1850, eds. R- Lots and 1. Pegg, (uaited nïngdomr Crawley, 1986), pp. Lf9-21. "SmTenkorang, 'John H-ah Sarbah, 1864-l91Orff Ln Transactions of the Bi9torical Society of Ghana, XIV (19?3), p* 68. This is su under debate. Robe* Jaïy and Ray Jenkins belieue that Sarbah was the first African from the Gord Coast ta qaalify for the Bar. Tenkorang argues that the first was G.E. Bminsanq, Sarbahrs political intrigues began soon after his return to the Gold Coast. In 1887, he wrote a letter to
Member of Parliament Alexander McArthur, in which he argued that African tax payers ' money was wasted.'' This letter proved to be a harbinger of the type of constructive criticism Sarbah would level against the British governmant for his entire life in that he suggested methods for improvement through the colonial structute, not rebellion against it . However, Sarbah saw a great deal of value in indigenous cultures throughout the Gold Coast, and in 1887, ha helped form the Mfantsi Amanbuhu Fekuw (Fanti National Society). This society was formed in reaction tu the wholesale adoption of British culture by many members of the intelligentsia in the Gold Coast. They encouraged other membess of the elite ta re-adopt indigenous customs and traditions. This rejection of British cultural traits was commonly referred to by colonial officials as having 'gone Fantee' . In reaction to the Lands Bill of 1897, Mfantsi muhuFekuw became the political pressure group the
ARPS. Sarbah played an important role in defeating this bill by preparing briefs and othet documents that demonstrated the absolute incompatibility of the Lands Bill with native custoxn and la^.'^ Bis work against this bill also resulted in the publication of his first book, Fanti
Customary Laws. During this phase of his career, the
18908, Sarbah founded two newspapers, The Gold Coast People
(1891) and The Gold Coast Aborigines ( 1898) through which he suggested that new policies should take into account the importance of native institutions in the creation of better legislation. In the early twentieth century, Sarbah involved himself in many educational endeavors including the founding of Mfantsipim and Fanti Public Schools. He also gave many books froxn his personal library to form the nucleus of the library at Wesleyan Methodist high school.
In 1901, the Gold Coast colonial government appointed
Sarbah to the Legislative Council as an Unofficial Member and he served in this capacity until 1910 In 1901,
Sarbah founded yet another newspaper, The Gold Coast
Weekly. He published Fanti Law Report in 1904, which outlined legai cases in the Gold Coast. Sarbah was constantly trying to improve other colonial intellectua2sr
"sarbah, Constitution, p. xvii. %uly, Oriqîns, p, 339. understanding of Gold Coast history and culture, as illustrated by what many consider his finest work, Fanti
National Constitution (1906). In 1910, he was awarded the Cornpanion of the order of St. HFchael and St. George by the
British government. Unlike Ahuma, Sarbah was active in Gold Coast politics and intellectual circles throughout his life, and was in the midst of writing a history of the Oold
Coast at his untimely death in 19 10.
Ahuma and Çarbah imagined Africa in a variety of different ways because these images or inventions were contingent on the point either man wished to make in a given article, pamphlet or book. Bistorians can no longer assume that because they were oppressed Africans their writings were simple, static, and nationalistic. It may prove more beneficial to examine why these African intellectuals thought certain things at certain timas, rather than assuming that because they were African and colonized their writings fit into the categoq of %frican Nationalistw or some other constrainhg classification. We
*he Gold Coast Leader, Dec. 10, 1910, Gold Coast Zeader, Dec. IO, 1910, must be iess categorical and more historical, and if we use categories they must be rather open-ended.
Ahuma invented a savage Africa and an Africa full of potential at various points in his book The Gold Coast
Nation and National Consciousness, for he needed these dual images to develop his ideologies about national consciousness and nati~nhood.~' In contrast, Sarbahrs image of Africa was somewhat positive not because he was an
"African Nationalistw, but rather because he was interested in improving imperial rule through the use of indigenous
institutions. Thus, his writings had two major goals.
First, he hoped to demonstrate that the Gold Coast had progressive customs and laws. Bis second goal was to convince the colonial authorfties that these customs and laws could be useful in the construction of future
legislation. Sarbah argued that for legislation "to be beneficial and successful in West Africa it must have some regard for local condition^.^'^ Here we see differences within the category of YAfrican Nationalistw: Sarbah
invented Africa positively, for the most part, because of his hope for reform through the colonial apparatus, while marsimage changed wifh the point he needed tu get
UAhamar Gold Coast Iation, pp* 11, 29. ''l?he West African waiz, ûct. 5, 1905. across about the importance of nationhood. Thus, at some stages in their writing Ahuma and Sarbah invented Africa in one way and in other passages a different image of Africa emerges . Ahuma believed that the creation of an African nation- state under the British imperial flag would lead to the salvation of the Gold Coast in particular and the black
"racew in general. Ahmars goal of a progressive nation- state required positive and negative images of Africa. For example, Ahuma had to invent faults in the traditional political 0rganizations-"triba1~ groups4nd demonstrate the importance for Gold Coast
Africans to find their way out of the Udarknessmof
"tribalw allegiances into the light of civilized nation-
States. This required a negative image. But in doing this he also had to show that Africans were capable of localized self-goverment and nationhood. This required a positive image.
Ahma saw *tribalm exclusiveness and utribaïw loyalty as an impediment to progress. Sarbah, on the other hand, believed that tribal structure was Uaportant, for it allawed hint to demonstrate in Fanti National Constitution
"the Wstence of an African State, to trace the broad outlines of Akan-Fanti communities, and to explain the principles controlling and regulating the govenunent there~f,~'~Sarbah hoped that this would prove the impressive and enduring nature of indigenous institutions and traditions in the Gold Coast, and their importance to the construction of improved colonial legislation. This image of a dynamic Rkan-Panti state was quite different from the picture that Bhuma painted of indigenous polities.
He argued that the African masses needed to be led out of their Udarknesstrinto the light Uwhere nations are madew.
Let us help one another to find a way out of Darkest Africa. The impenetrable jungle around us is not darker than the human mind unculttxred, and the darkness is only accentuated by the flickering glimpses of uncertain rush lights . . . We must emerge from the savage backwoods and corne into the open where nations are made. We pant for the restraining, softenfng, humanizing, formative influences that may expose this gilded but terrible menagerie, and we have always thought, even fsom the days of our youth, that the eaeiest way to become civilized, refined and enlightened is to endeavour at al1 tintes, in al1 places and circumstances, to remah a me-born West African-nothing me, nothing less; and that Grand Reformation, which is after al1 an intelligent backward movement, should begin here and now."
Here, we see Ahuma's two main images of Africa, one positive and the 0th- negative. On the negative sida, ha believed that Afsica needed to be led out of its udarknessm because he associated its saïvation with the development of
''sarbah, Constitution, p. viii. 38Ahuma, Gold Coast Nation, pp, 11-12, a European nation-state. Ahuma used this type of animated laaguage to emphasize the contrast between dark, uncultured and de-nationalized africa with the open and cultured European nation-state. A positive image is also evident because Ahuma believed it was important to demonstrate the basic and simple goodness of indigenous culture in the Gold
Coast as an indication of the potentiai that the African population possessed in regards to a future nation-state.
Thus, he extolled the virtues of an 'intelligent retrogressionw to highlight the potential greatness of indigenous customa. Ahuma encouraged West Africans to usher in an era of uBackward Movementm (intelligent retrogression) for one major reason. He wanted to demonstrate the applicability of indigenous African agriculturai institutions to the future development and progress of the Gold Coast- Ahuma romanticized Africa's past to make up for its present state of degradation-as he saw it--and as evidence that Africans were capable of high levels of civilization. Intelligent Retrogression is the only Progression that will save our beloved country. This may sound the perfect paradox, but it is , nevertheless, the truth; and if al1 educated West Africans could be forced bp moral suasion and personal conviction ta realize that 'Back to the Landw signifies a step forarard, that UBack to the Simple Life" of our progenitors expresses a burning desire to ad~ance.~~
Ahuma did not think an Uintelligent retzogressionw was the onïy factor necessary for an African nation-state; it was in fact a very small part. He believed that by Ycopying the bright examples that stud the pages of British History, we may al1 wake up to the glorious poasibilities of ou
Country and take posession [sic] of our grand inheritance. Uthough he does mention the idea of *intelligent retrogression" in a few select passages of The
Gold Coast Nation and National Consciousness, it is clear that he believed following examples of European civilization would lead to a successful nation state. What is interesthg here is why he classified a return to indigenous African cultures as a bachard movement- intelligent retrogression-rather than an intelligent progression that could play an important sole in a future state. He classified it as backward because the opposite of this backward movement was the sober and mature civilization of the West, which Ahuma thought African nation-states needed to adopt for the most part to offset the retrogressive effect of tribal stnictures." This is not to dismiss the importance of an "intelligent retrogression" in his argument for an African nation-state, but the majority of his writing indicates that European civilization was more important to progress and development in the Gold Coast than an %ntelligent retrogression".
Sarbah believed that aspects of British culture could be beneficial to the development of the Gold Coast, but he did not see the masses of the Gold Coast needing to be led out of the "darknessm of Africa. This is one of the major differences between the writings of Ahuma and Sarbah. Sarbah saw the customs, cultures, and institutions of the
Gold Coast as dynamic and as the foundation for al1 future development, while Ahuma saw them as an impediment to national consciousness and progress. Sarbah saw indigenous institutions and customs as inherently dynamic, not as potentially dynamic with the help of Eusopean culture." Here we see a major difference between Ahuma and Sarbah, but the extant literature has simplified the divisions within the category of uAfrican Nationalistw. As the preceding example illustrates, Ahuma and Sarbah may have held similar opinions concerning soma aspects of colonialism, but the& writing indicates that they also held vastly divergent opinions about indigenous cultures and strategies for improving the Gold Coast.
Treatments of the Gold Coast intelligentsia have usudly discussed Sarbah and Ahuma together with little regard for the differences in their thought. Sadly, it has been assumed that because the educated elite were African and victims of British imperialism that they were united in anti-colonial protest? For example, Robert July discusses
Ahuma and Sarbah in a chapter entitled "Nationalism on the
Gold Coast,* in which he sweeps their writings under the title of African nationali~rn.~~The category of 'African
Nationalist" is monolithic in that not enough attention has been focussed on division and disagreement within its ranks. An example of this is Ahumars and Sabah's opinions about progress and African polities. Ahumars depiction of tribal structures was quite different from Sarbahrs. He believed that indigenous African States were impediments to progress . The tesidual anomaly of tribal exclusiveness has the regrettable tendency of evolving unhappy antagonisms against those called of and qualified by God to harmonise the disorganfsed interests of our Country. So Long as Kobina, Kodwo, and Kofi do not belong to Quacoers tribe or family, they must be opposed, tooth and nail, with vehemence, tenacity of purpose and strenuousness worthy of some better cause."
He portrayed the existing political structures as faulty
and in need of radical change and improvement in hopes that
he could gain support for his own end: the creation of an
African nation-state under the direction of the British
Empire,
It cannot be denied that in this country, living as we do in the midst of a heterogeneous conglomesation of people, the majority of whom cannot discern their right hand from their left; in a land where wiadom is generally measured by the beard, or by the dimensions of oners money bags, and old age or wealth-no matter how acquired-has a special claim to a monopoly of al1 honours and considerations, "the atrocious crime of being a young man" must remain an axiomatic principle, and in absence of facilities, chances, openings, and opportunities to better their condition, not only by precept, but particularly by example, the rising generation as a corporate entity appeazrs to ber in most instances, more sinned against than ~inning.~~
Ahuma displayed a fair amount of animosity toward tribal
structures because they were small scale and tended to empawer people by birth, not by Ymodernw skills. The contemporary European nation-state was not compatible with
these aspects of tribal life. Thus, tribal allegiance was
an obstacle to his idea of progress: the nation-state.
cfAhttma, Gdd Coast Nation, p. 35, 46ïMd.r p. 27. Sasbah rejected Ahumars assertion that they Xved
among a group of people who could not discem their left
hand from their right, for this type of imagery was
damaging to his argument that African institutions in the
Gold Coast were progressive and should be used to improve
colonial legislatione4' Sarbah believed that indigenous
customs and institutions were the building blocks upon
which progress could take place in the Gold Coast. He
stated that "for any reform to be permanent and enduring in
West Africa, it must be based on, and rooted in, the
principles of the aboriginal institutions.*'' It is a
truism that Sarbah had his own reasons for the positive
image of Africa, nonetheless it was grounded in a thorough
study of indigenous customs and institutions. In Fanti
Customary Laws, he went to great lengths to illustrate the
advanced nature of the aboriginal legal system. In his second book, Sarbah demonstrated the enduring and adaptable
aspects of indigenous political, social and economic
structures. For example, he maintained that al1 people
played an equal and prominent role in the government without regard to money or age.
Causes of great public importance are heard in the open air, and in the presence of as manp as it pleases
%-bah, Cu8toma.r~Laws, pp. 1-116. ''~arbah, Constitution, p. 149. to attend. On such occasions, any one-even the most ordinzuy youth-will offer his opinion or make a suggestion with an equal chance of its being favourablp entertained on its merits as if it proceeded from the most experienced sage.''
Sarbati hoped by offering examples of indigenous enlightenment that British administrators would be more likely to take into account native customs if they were seen as enduring, democratic and dynamic, rather than static and savage. As David KUnble argues,
The awakening of national consciousness was partly responsible for--and paztly stimulated by--the revival of interest in the past. Both Mensah Sarbah and Casely Kayford, by taking @de in their early history and forma of govanment, encouraged their countrymen to strike dom roots into the past. Perhaps they tended to rationalize and idealize the tribal past . . . But they tried to show, to the British as well as to educated Africans, that their ancient institutions had adequate rhyma and reason and that their own customs, ways of life, and ideas were essentially democratic; and that theh own customs, ways of Life, and ideas were a sufficient basis for educational and constitutional advancement.
When we contrast Sarbahrs image of Africa with Ahumafs it becomes clear that they perceived indigenous political structures differently. More important, we see a disaqxeement between two individuaïs who have been categorized as 'African Nationalistsw. Unfortunately the historiography has hidden examples of disagreement and maintained that al1 African intellectual thought during the colonial period can be subsumed under the label nationalism, because they were colonized Africans. This is detrimental to a clear historical understanding of the educated elite, and it does not allow us to unpack fully the complexity of their writing.
Many British Africanists agreed with Sarbah that it was foolhardy of the colonial govemment to attempt to rule the indigenous population of the Gold Coast without regard to local institutions. Although these British goverment officials and intellectuala may have supported ruling through indigenous institutions for different reasons than
Sarbah, they still believed in the basic importance of aboriginal institutions to the improvement of colonial nile. Sarbah cites a speech given to the Colonial and
India Exhibition in 1886 by Judicial Assessor J. Marshall, who explainad the importance of native customs and institutions tu the development of the Gold Coast.
The result of my own experience is that the way to rule and improve these Native populations is to take them as we find th-, making use of what we believe to be good and harmless, whilst repressing what is cruel and unjust. And one who treats these Natives with consideration and, as far as possible, with respect for the beliefs, law, and customs which are theirs, and wbicb have corne down to them from the& forefathers, soon finds that he gaine an influence among them which nothing else will bring
In short, Sarbah found more agreement In the words of this
"British Imperialist," than with Ahuma when discussing the usefulness of indigenous institutions to the ucivilizingw mission.
In The Gold Coast Nation and National Consciousness,
Ahuma argued that it was important to "remain a true-born
West Africanw. This West African identity is very confusing. His clah to remaining a true-born West
African may have been nothing more than a rhetorical device to anchor his writings in a larger geographic and cultural region; or perhaps he was expressing the hop for a future West African identity that encompassed a larger portion of the black *racew than did the boundaries of the Gold Coast. Ahuma did not dream up the idea of a West African identity for obscure reasons, but rather because his future nation- state could encompass the Gold Coast colony or the other
British West African coLonies as well. At that point in
West African history, as in the the of decolonization, the borders of future nation-states were not concrete. Thus,
Ahuma played with various ideas for borders of an African nation-state. At different times in his discourse, Ahuma argued for a nation-state based on different geographic
regions and cultural identities. This ranged from the territory of the Gold Coast colony (based in an Akan
identity) to that of all British West African colonies
(grounded in West African identity). For example, in 1911,
he note of the Gold Coast as a nation.
We are a Nation. It may be "a miserable, mangled, tortured, twisted tertium quidp or, to quote a higher authority, a Nation "scatterad and peeled . . . a Nation meted out and trodden dom,' but still a Nation. If we were not, it was the to hvent one . . . We own a Political Constitution, a concentric system of goverment, of one Race, born and bred upon our aun soil. With the Akan laquage one can cover a seaboard of 350 miles in extent and an area of 105,900 square miles more or less. The so-called laquages may perhaps be simply regarded as so many dialects, often mere provincialisme. 52
In contrast, a year later, he asserted that the British
colonies of West Africa needed to be fused together. #Are
there not a dozen inspiring leaders ready to fuse into one
indivisible whole matured thoughts and ripened judgements
for counsels or for fight in Gambia, Sierra Leone, the Gold
Coast and Nigeria [sic'j .m53
"J. Marshall in John mnsah Sarbah, Taclean and the Gold Coast JudicM BssessorsrW in Journal of the african Society, In (1910), pp. 355-56. '2~uma, Gold Coast Nation, p, 2. "~heGold Coast Nation, Aug. 15, 1912. klthough Ahuma painted a rather negative picture of
Africa, he also imagined Africa in a positive way to psove that there was potential for the future development of an
African nation-state. Throughout his political tract, The
Gold Coast Nation and National Consciousness, he provided the reader with examples of Africars past glories; these images of Africa are quite a contrast from his assertion that Africans needed to help one another out of the dark and unenlightened continent. "In prehistoric days, Europe looked to Africa for new ideas, for fresh inspirations, and the saying was perpetuated and handed down from generation to generation, Semper aliquid novi ex Africa-There is always something new from ~frica.~~'Ahuma usually supported this romantic view of Africa by quoting from multiple European sources. For example, in explainhg the
"golden joysw of the African continent, he did not turn to an indigenous source or example, but rather a European poetrs positive image of Africa. YWe ought to be proud of our nationality. '1 speak of Africa and golden joyser
Thus the immortal poet asrociated glorious things, mighty discovaries, and vast developments with our despised and degraded country. Golden joys and the dark continent^^^'
S4A.ùrrma, Gold Coast Nation, p. 8. "Ibid.. p. 29. What is striking about Ahumars writings is that he rarely portrays a positive contamporary image of Africa; it is presented as a place of ancient glories and present degradation. Once again, this is because he needed to depict Africa as having potential for improvement, but king in a contemporary state of mdarknessw.
Ahuma drew his examples and inspiration about Africa
from previous authorsr romantic views of African cultures and histories. This line of argument, that Africans played an important part in the development of civiliaation, is illustrated in the works of nineteenth century abolitionists and Afro-American intellectuals. JoW*C.
Pennington was the one of the first, in 1841, of a long line of black American intellectuals, including Henry Highland Garnet, Martin Delany, and William Wells Brown, that presented a romanticized picture of Africa? These individuals atgued that the ancient Egyptian dynasties were the result of black innovation, and ancient Greece owed its civilization to African geeit~s.'~This type of argument was
=%ee J.W.C. Pennington, ~extBOO~ of the Oxiqin and ~ist~f~BC~ of the Colorad People (Hartfordt t. Skianer, 1841); HIHI Gamet, The Past and the Present Condition, and the Destiny of the Colored Race (Troy%J-C* Kneeïand, 1848); KartZn belany, The Condition, Rfe..t5on, Wcrration and Destinv of the Coloreci People of the United States, PoEticaUy Considemi (Phiiadelphiar The Anthor, 1852); W.W. Brown, The Black Han: his Antecedents, M.8 Geaius, and his Achke~8m~nts (Boston%A.G. Bzm, 1874)- rrImanael -8, The Pan Bfrican Hovement (Loadont Hethuen, 1974), p. 101, also adopted by the abolitionist Wilson Armistead in his A
Tribute For The Negro.
With regard to the intellectual capabilities of the African race, it may be observed, that Africa was once the nursery of science and literature, and it was from thence that they were disseminated among the Gseeks and Romans. Solon, Plato, Pythagoras, and others of the master spirits of ancient Greece, perfonaed pilgrimages into Africa in search of knowledge; there they sat at the feet of ebon philosophers to drink in wisdomf How many multitudes flocked from al1 parts of the world to listen to the instructions of the African Euclid, who, 300 years before Christ, was at the head of the most celebrated mathematical school in the world? Africa had once her own churches, her colleges, and repositories of learning and of science; once, she was the emporium of cornexce, and the seat of an Empire which contended with Rome for the sovereignty of the world. . .58
In short, Ahuma was one in a long line of African, Afro-
American, and abolitionist thinkers that painted a romantic picture of Africars past to explain away its present state of degradation, while demonstrating its potential for the future. In this we see how tied to Black Atlantic thought and discourse Ahuma and, 1 suspect, 0th- African intellectuals were. Herein lies an important difference between Ahuma8s and Sarbahrs images of Africa. Ahuma believed that Africa was a place of past gluries and future possibilities, but of contemporary stagnation and savagery.
- - -- '%ilson lumistead, A Tribute For The Negro: Bain~a Vindlcation of the KoXal, Xntellectuaï, and Wigioas Capabiliffes of the Colotxed portion of nantindr with partfcp1a.r refexence to the AfrZcan race CL848 repr. Westportt Negro UnLversities Press, 19692, p, 120. In contrast, Sarbah saw contemporary Africa as a place of
progressive institutions and enduring customa.
The Problems of Categorization As the preceding pages might indicate the discourse
that resulted from such a confusing colonial structure Fs difficult to define and understand. In hopes of clearing
up this confusion many historians have admirably attempted
to classify participants in colonial discourse as *African
Nationalistrw uBritish ImperialistrW and "Firiend of Afri~a."~' These categories serve as useful devices for
beginning an investigation into colonial discourse, but end
up overlooking and obscuring the subtleties and
contingencies within and between these categories. Nevertheless, the accepted categories of "African
Nationalistfw YBritish Imperialistrn and "Friand of Africaw
are the result of excellent research by respected scholars
and remain valid and useful. First, it is important to
demonstrate the applicability of the tenu uAfsican Nationalistw as well as its limitations.
The term %frican Nationalistff has different meanings
in an old debate within the nationalist historiography, but
1 think that Thomas Hodgkin and David Kimble provide the best definitions of this morphous categoq. They both argue that "African Nationalismm must be understood in the broad sense of the phrase. Hodgkin maintains that 'African Nationalismm is anp economic, political, religious, and social movement against European authority. Hodgkin's
inclination is to use the term unationalistR in a broad sense, to describe any organisation or group that explicitly asserts the rights, cl- and aspirations of a given African society (from the level of the laquage-group to 'Pan-Africa' ) in opposition to European authority, whatever its institutional form and objectives .'O
In Kimble's broad definition, "African Nationalismm is taken to include (a) opposition to alien control, (b) the consciousness of belonging to a particular African nation (actual or potential), to Africa in general, or to the Negro race, (c) pride in the nation's culture, traditions, institutions, and achievements , (d) awareness of common political rights and responsibilities, (e) an articulate demand for a self-governing nation-state, and especially (f) al1 forms of persuasion, agitation, and concerted action through which such sentiments are expressed and encouraged. 6'
These definitions are helpful, yet problematic. Many African intellectuais classified as *African Nationalistw certainly asserted rights and aspirations on behaLf of
African societies, but not always in opposition to European authority. For example, Africanus Horton believed that on
'-le, Poiitical; Porter, Critics. 60~onssHodgkin, àTationaUsm in Colonial hfrfca (Hew Yorkr New York Universitp Press, 1957), p. 23. %imble, Political, p. UV. the Gold Coast, "the English element is unquestionably the best civilizing agen~y."~~Here, it is clear that an
"African Nationalistw can aseert aspirations on behalf of
African societies, but not always in opposition to European authority. Another example is Sarbah's attempt to convince colonial authorities that indigenous institutions could be useful in the construction of improved legi~lation.~'His views were based on the hope of improving, not opposing,
British rule, but Hodgkin and Kimble classify him as an uAfsican Nationalist .m64 The educated elite of British West Africa were rarely united in their opposition-if we can even cal1 it that--to the British colonial govemxnent. In the Gold Coast for example, some members of the educated elite believed that reform under the imperial flag was the correct route for indigenous improvement and progress. Others, like King
Aggrey of Cape Coast (1865-66)' radically challenged the authority of the colonial government. In the 1920s Nana
Ofori Atta, the Omanhene of Akim Abuakwa, and his brother,
J.B. Danquah, asserted the "rights, claims, and
6zAfrï~anusB. Horton, Letters on the Politicaï Condition of the Gold Coast (1870 repr. Londonc Cass, 1970), p- iii; For another example of this, see S.E. Casely Hayford, Gold Coast Mative Institutions Ci903 repr, fiondom Cass, IWO) =~heWest African Kail, m. 13, 1905. 6'Thomas Hodgkin, ,CPlon.iaï mica, p. 175; icimble, PoEticaï, pp. 517-28- aspirationsm of his state and the traditional elites not in opposition to alien control but through the devices of
colonial government. Their protests were usually in
opposition to another UAfrican Nationalist," J.E. Casely ~ayford.~~Moments of united protest such as the opposition
to the Gold Coast Lands Bill of 1897 were rather rare in
the history of Gold Coast intellectualsr protest against British colonial policy.
More a1-g for the historian is that Hodgkin and Kimble view "African Nationalistsw as a monolithic group united in opposition to European authority. These scholars recognize some variations of thought, but hardly offer a
detailed treatment of the differences among the British
West African intelligentsia. Tt is not enough to assert that there were radical and consemative members of the educated elite, when in fact the elite presented a variety of opinions, positions, and beliefs that can hardly be understood as either radical or conservative. Furthemore, it reduces the complexity of the educated eliters discourse to taro opposed political ideologies-consexvative or radical, There are 0th- problems with the extant definitions of uAfrican Nationalistw. For example, Kimble argues that
"African Nationalistsw demanded a self-governing nation- state. In fact until the more radical protests of the
19408, the Gold Coast educated elite, with the exception of the Youth League of the 19309, argued for limited local self-government and greater representation in the colonial g~vernment.~~Ahuma and Sarbah never demanded self- govermuent on a level greater than local areas. For example, Ahuma believed that the Gold Coast was a nation under the direction of the British government,
We are being welded together under one umbrageous Flag-a Flag that is the symbol of justice, freedorn, and fairplay; and we have ruling over us, as king of our kings and in the bond of peace, one paramount empemr--His Majesty George V. The Gold Coast under the aegis of the Union Jack is the unanswerable argument to all who may incontinently withhold from us the common rights, privilegee, and status of nationality ."
Sarbah also believed that any nation-state formed in the
Gold Coast would have to be under the direction of the
British colonial government. He certainly was not demanding a self-governing nation, but rather one under
British rule.
- - --- "~ora note in-depth üisciission of thts, see A.A. Boa&, Ghana, p. 149. 67~~,GOM ~0as.t Hation, p. 2. Perhaps it is not a vain dream to hope a the is coming when severaï nationalities, united under a beneficent and enlightened Government, will develop and foster clan feeling and instincts, which in times past have been free from impulses, which hava degraded the African nature, as great in qualities, which have ever graced manhood in al1 ages and under ail climed8
Hodgkin's and Kimble's definitions of %frican NationalismN are useful in a number of different ways. As Kimble argues many members of the intelligentsia were conscious of belonging to an African "nationw or the Negro "racew. Ahuma once wrote that the only way to become civilized was
&to remain a true-bon West frica an."^^ Additionally, many
African thinkers classified as "African Nationalistsw did assert rights in opposition to European authority. In
1865, King Aggtey openly questioned the limits of British authority and criticized the methods of Governor Maclean
(1830-43) whom he accused of usurping indigenoue chiefly rights. Aggreyrs criticism came many years after Maclean's governorship because he was not appointed King until 1865. . . . Governor Captain Maclean . , . in a very peculiar , imperceptible, and unheard-of-mannes , wrested from the bands of our Kings, Caiefs, and head men, their pawes to govern their own subjects. The Governor, placing himself at the head of a handful of soldiers, had been knm himseif to travel to the remotest parts of the interior, for the purpose of compelling Kings, Chiefs, and head men (through fear of man or othar feeling) to obey his Excellencyrs
68~axbah,Custoipâry Lam, p. 5. 6gBhma, Gold Coast Kation, p. 11. summons or to complp with his excellencyrs decrees. A blow was thus firmly, slowlp, and persistently struck . . . A white face, a red jacket was, in consequence a terror on the Gold Coast . . . many a subject was encouraged and countenanced to throw off with impunity their very allegiance, an allegiance which could not well be disowned and ignored and denied without endangering the security of the King."
Another example of indigenous protest against European rule was Ahumars and Sarbahrs opposition to the Lands Bill of
1897. For example, during the protest against this bill,
Ahuma rejected the colonial governmentrs claim of ownership over unused lands.
No legislation about imaginary Public Lands can be applicable in the Gold Coast. The idea is preposterous, outlandish, unthinkable . . . Before Europe ever dreamed of coming into contact with our Ancestors we were the absolute possessors of the field . + + We are natives of the soiL71
Some of Sarbahfs writings are in line with Hodgkin and
Kimble s def inition that %frican Nationalismm was a movement that asserted the rights and claims of indigenous groups against alien control. Sarbah was critical of certain aspects of British colonial rule when it was expedient and helpful. For instance, he criticized the hegemonic nature of late nineteenth-century hperialism and its himical effect on the Gold Coast.
'%etter of =ch 16, 1865, from King Aggray to Richard Pine: CO196167 in Great Britain and Ghanar DoanÏknG os Ghana History 2807- ed. G.E. Metcalfe, (Londonr Thomas Hel-son, 19641, pp, 308-09. 1 first came aaoss thirs information in Kimble, ~oLitical,p. 90. The new ïmperialism [has] declared these territories undeveloped estates, to be specially axploited with al1 expedition primatily, if not mainly, for the benefit and profit of Great Britah. While the policy was in vogue, much harm was done to British West Africa . . . [many government officiais] thought it good policy to ridicule and try to break up the aboriginal institutions of the people, to undermine the authority of their natural mlers, and to subordinate everything possible to the paramount claims of what they called Imparial uniformity.'*
In these examples, the label of %frican Nationalist" works, but what of the intelligentsia's writings that were not opposed to European authority, but actually very similar to imperialist ideology? For example, Sarbah's ideal future for the Oold Coast was to garner legislation that took into account local conditions and circumstances.
He believed that for colonial policies to be successful they had to be grounded in native institutions.
To effect beneficial legislation, it is prudent for the lawmaker to understand the reasons of any existing system and the exact advantages to be gained by its alteration. Due regard should be given to the fact that lines of advance are settled in preceding ages, and it is vain to imagine os expect that nations, mal1 or great, civilized or otherwise, can discard their inheritance and create a system anew. No country can benefit from the wholesale adoption of foreign institutions, nor by things which have not grown with its own growth or which have not baen the naturaï outcome of its own hi~torp.~
?Phe Gord Coast Methodist Tinms, Sept. 30, 2097. n~éub~,Conatitation, p. 226. "Ibid.. p. U1. Sarbah was not proteating against the continuance of
British rule, but rather hoped to improve British rule by gently pointing out its inconsistencies and faults. Interestingly, this type of thinking was similar to those categorized as "British Imperialistw. John Rodger,
Governor of the Gold Coast (1904-1910), held similar opinions to those of Sarbah concerning the importance of understanding native institutions. In a speech at the
~egislativeCouncil in 1905, Rodger argued: The civilization of West Africa should proceed on linee suited to the environment, which are not necessarily identical with those considered most suitable in Europe. Natives should retain and hprove on al1 that is good in the traditions of their ancestors, as well as adopt what is good-and only what is good-of that which they learned from contact with Eusopeans
Surely we cannot simply disregard and dismiss examples such as this as aberrations to the true nationalist thought of the British West African educated elite. For example,
Ahuma argued that Africans needed to follm the "whitemanrsW examples in order to experience progress and prospesity." This is where the label of %frican
Nationalistm becomes a problem, for it denies the tensions within Ahumars writings. In short, Hodgkin and Kimblers
7iJ0hn Rodger in Sarbah, Constitaation, p. 121. ?Che Gold Coast Leader, ôct, 29, 1910. definitions of "African Nationalismw are applicable sometimes, but hide the subtleties that lie within Ahumars and Sarbahrs writing.
As Bernard Porter argues, imperialism 'is a contentious tesm, whose meaning at any one the is detedned by its etymological history, by the political circumstances in which it is used and to which it is popularly applied, and by the interpretation which those who write about it wish to give it. w76 For oupurposes, the tarm "British Imperialistsw can be taken to mean a group of people who supported and believed in the overseas expansion of British influence at the expense of aboriginal authority. There were two major groups of "British
Imperialistsm at the the that Ahuma and Sarbah were politically active (with a variety of different kinds within these categories): some fanaticaïly supported the oppression of 'inferior racesw because it was the proper role of the *ciPilized racesw to bring these lawer uracesw up to speed with Western civilization. This type of imperialism found its supporters in the likes of Joseph
Chamberlain, Alfred Milner, and Cecil Rhodes. Others, such as LA. Hobsori-also a staunch imperial expansionist- thought that the British Empire needed to benefit the English working classes more. These categories of 'British Imperialistw have been usefully subdivided into competing
interests: colonial office versus traders, men on the spot
versus governent officiais, miasionaries versus traders,
missionaries versus the colonial office, and large
corporations versus smaller traders. 1 have the least
trouble with the category "British Imperiali~t,~for the
extant literature adequately covers the diversity of thought within British imperial circles . The category of "Friend of Africaw is misleading.
Triend of Africaw implies that certain British
intellectuals were concerned about the welfare of Africans.
In reality, the majority of people or groups assigned to
this category such as Mary Kingsley, E.D. Morel, and
missionaries were imperialists." I believe it falsifies
the colonial context in asserting that some British
thmers were concerned about the welfare of Africans,
before that of the British working and tsading classes.
This category is misleadhg in the sense that those usually referred to as Triends of Africaff were not anti-
imperialists, and the& arguments which map be construed as pro-African were a facade for their true intarests which were usually the British trading and working classes. For
example, Mary Kingsley argued that her main concern was the welfare of African communities, when in fact she wanted to
better the position of the traders.
Mary Kingsley was the intellectual and philosophic spokeswoman for the British traders to West Africa . . . Every argument that she put forward, though usually developed logically from an analyois of African society and its needs, was directed to these ends. Her support for the traders was fanatical and unbalanced.
Although not an imperialist of the Ethodesian model,
Kingsley was an enthusiastic supporter of British
expansion. We must remember that she described herself as
a "hardenad, unreformed, Imperia1 expansionis t .m79 Kingsley, Horel, and the missionaries were, however, more conce~edabout Africans and African institutions than were Rhodes or Milner. The difference between these
"Friends of Africaw and "British ïmperialistsm was that
they thought overseas expansion needed to have
qualifications and limitations. For example, they did not
believe that the tesources of africa shouid be exploited and indigenous institutions disregardad indiscrimuiataly.
In this sense, the Kingsleyite group was quite different
78~ohnK. ~mt,"M;lfp iCingslay-A Reasses~mt,~in Journal of African Bistom, TV (19631, p. 96. Kingsley, West AErican Stuaies (1899 repr, Londonr Cass, 1964), 431- from other imperialists who thought that Africans had no
redeeming qualities. For example, Kingsley blamad the white "racew for failing to understand African
institutions. "The white race seems to me to blame in
saying that al1 the reason for its interference in Africa
is the improvement of the native African, and then proceeding to alter African institutions without in the
least understanding them. More important, this group suggests that the categories based in racial identity and geographic location do breakdown. It is a truism that they were self-
interested, but the way they defended traditional African
institutions allowad West African intellectuals (such as
Sarbah and Edward Blyden) to use their writings as a foi1 against the racist books of people such as Richard Burton.
For example, Sarbah was able to use Kingsley's writings to support his agenda of improving colonial legislation through indigenous customs and institutions.
For any real progress to be made, new methods must be attempted. Mary Kingsley visited and studied the African in hfs own home. She supplemented her knowledge of things about the Krican on the spot, and corrected erroneous ideas not a few. She discovered that Europe had failed to teach Africa; ao to arouse her countrymen fron their mistake she used rather strong language. PYou have a good region there," sbid
'%Guy Kingsley to the Edftor of Kew Africa, in Sarbah, Constittztioa, p. XE, she, *populated by uncommon fine sort of human beings. You have been trying pour present set of ideas in it for over four hundred pearsl They have failed in a heartbreaking, drizzling sort of way to perform any single solitary of the things that you say you want done there." When she found African affairs clumsily handled, she was restless, she couid not help dissenthg front what she called the confusion or darkening of counael."
Although the category of "Friand of Africamis somewhat problematic, it semes as a useful sub-division of those overseas expansionists who believed imperialism needed
limitations.
Sarbahrs and Ahma's images of Africa were contingent on their personal agendas, not on the fact that they were colonized Africans. Uthough their discourse contained strands of nationalist thought, it was not based in this concept. We must recognize the complexity of the British
West African educated eliters discourse in order to gain a cleéu historical understanding of their images of Africa.
a~â;rba&, Constitution, p. 127, alse pp. 248, 259. Chapter Three
images of England and Images of British Colonial Policy Introduction
This chapter examines S.R.B. Attoh Ahma's and John
Mensah Sarbah's images of England and its colonial policy.
Historical treatments that deal with the educated eli.ters representations of England conclude that they blindly worshipped British culture. These atudies are not in-depth or lengthy investigations, but rather basic treatments of the eliteOs ideas about England. For example, Basil
Davidson argues that the elite were so deluded and mixed up that they were unable to have a critical image of ~ng1and.l
Although an understandable position, Davidson takes away the eliters agency. The intelligentsia were not so deluded that they held only positive images of England. My case study of Ahuma and Sarbah reveals that their constructions of England were not the result of deluded hybridism or mimicry as some scholars claim, but rather carefully thought out and critically written critiques of English culture and civilizatione2 I+ is important to examine their images of England for severaï reasons , This chapter allows
'Basil Daoidson, The Black MmpsBordent Bfrica and the Curse of the Nation-State (New York: Tiam Books, 1992), pp. 21-51. %th= treatments of the elite that discuss them as sycophantic worshippers of British culttrre inclade, Rantz Fanon, The Wzetched of the Be[New Yorkz Grove Press, f963), pp- 43-56: B.A. Apandele, The Educated Elite in the Kiqerian Society {fbadaot Univezsity of Ibadan, 1974), pp. 55-93. 65 the %ubaltern to speak," and we shall see how two African intellectuals invented or represented England, rather than how European intellectuals const~ctedAfrica. Secondly, this examination of their images of England and its colonial policy reveals the critical and cornplex nature of these representations. Third, these images serve as another building block (images of Africa serving as the first building block) upon which their world view was constructed. Lastly, Ahuma and Sarbah have been labeled as
UAfrican Nationalistsw with presumably similar representations of England, but this was not the case at all. A detailed study of AhumaKs and Sarbah's discourse reveals that they wrote about different aspects of the Gold
Coastrs relationship with Great Britain, in that the majority of Sarbahrs mitings about England were related to its colonial policy in Africa, while Ahuma wrote about the universality of British culture.' Nevertheleas there is a fair amount of overlap, for Ahuma treated British colonial policy, and Sarbah also presented images of England. Zn short, this chapter explores hm Ahuma and Sarbah imagined England and why,
%John Mensah Sarbah, Fanti Customdfy Law (1897 repr. Londonr Cass, 1968); John Mmmah Sarbah, Fanti National Constitution (1906 repr. Londona Cass, 1968); S.R.B. Attoh Bhuma, The Goid Coast Nation images of England
Ahuma and Sarbah imagined England in different ways because these representations were contingent on certain points that both wanted to make in various articles, letters, speeches, or books. Ahuma believed that British civilization was the universal measuring tape agahst which al1 other societies should be judged.' Sarbah, on the other hand, constantly argued against the universality of British civilization and c~lture.~This led to vastly different images of England, for Ahuma attempted to depict English nationhood as the height of civilization in order for his goal of an African nation-state to become reality, while Sarbah maintained that English laws and customs were particular to Great Britain in hopes of protecting indigenous African institutions in the Gold Coast. The writings of these African intellectuals were complicated, and only a thorough examination of the* images of England and its colonial policy, without an inherently restrictive categorization such as "African Nationalist," can we hope to unpack the complexity of their thought.
Ahumars image of England aras positive because ha comected the European nation-state of the nineteenth
and National Coasciousness (1911 reps- London: Cass, 1970); The Gold Coast Lead-, Oct- 29, 1910, 'Bhuma, Gold Coast Nation, pp. 37-42. 'subah, Custoii~arvLam, pp. 41-43, 60. 61, 65, 68, 81, 90, 113. century with progress and civilizatiod These images were juxtaposed to contemporary Africa so as to highlight the advanced nature of British culture. In imagining England,
Ahuma believed a number of different things made it the universal example of civilization and progress. These images can be broken dom into two major components.
First, Great Britainrs history, nation-state statua, and imperial power were al1 aspects of English culture that
West Africans should strive to emulate. Secondly, Ahuma believed the English had many personal traits that Africans should attempt to understand and f~llow.~
This is not to Say that Ahuma thought al1 aspects of Western civilization were good for Africa. Be realized that Africa had a great deal of indigenous potential that could be harnessed through an "intelligent retrogression," which involved a rejection of European industrialism in favor of a return to the land. Ahuma believed that
Uoutwardmexamples of British culture were worthless without an understanding of the inner traits that they were intended to reflect.
In these notable respects [uiity, friendship, camaraderie, and 0th- inward trditsl, the Englishman is worthy of imitation. It is never to the credit of any West African to strive manfully fo beconte Anglo- African, Europeanised, or Anglicised in anything. A Black White-man is a creature, a freak, and a
%huma, GOM Coast Nation, pp. blf, 37-42. 'Ibid., pp. 39-42, 61. monstrosity. It is a weakness, and a suicida1 weakness, to copy the outward and visible signs of refinement without making any effort to appreciate and follow the inward and spiritual grace, those symbols or signs were intended to signify.'
Ahuma believed that many young Oold Coast Africans were
copying outward traits of English civilization without making an effort tu understand the more important inner
trait. He did not want Africans to accept blindly al1 of
British culture, but rather to understand those aspects of
it which were important for African development. Thus, he warned Africans that the "Whiteman has his vices as well as
his virtues, and sometimes the vices of his virtue~.~~
Although Ahuma did not think that ail aspects of western civilization were good for Africa; he believed that the
advance of British culture in the Gold Coast was an essential step towards civilization. This quotation also
illustrates something important about Ahumars images of
England, in that they were not the result of his drunkenness with the wine of British civilization. Rather,
in the preceding quotation, he is critical of certain aspects of English culture that some Africans had blindly accepted. Ahuma did not believe that al1 English civilization was wonderful and should be accepted by
Africans, for he realized its faults and limitations. Ahuma advocated a specific agenda of adoption that encompassed aspects of British culture he believed to be necessary for Rfsican advancement. If Ahuma was as uncritical, sycophantic and agentless as Frantz Fanon, E.A.
Ayandele and Basil Davidson paint members of the alite, then why did he criticize some aspects of British culture, while arguing that 0th- aspects wese important to development in the Gold Coast? This is because Ahuma was a critical observer of British culture and realized that some of it was important to the advancement and progress of the
Gold Coast, but not al1 of it-
An example of this was Ahumars belief that the only way for Africa to be led out of its daxkness was to emulate (or at least undesstand and follow) the events of British history that made ft a great nation.'' He argued that %y copying the bright examples that stud the pages of British
History, we may al1 wake lrp to the glorious possibilities of our Country and take entire posession [sic] of our grand inheritance. Ahuma believed that British history was a universal medium by which Africans could realize their grand inheritance, presumably an Afrfcan nation-state and the other bleaaings of civilization. Seemingly, he admired
England's history because it was an expression of the Fer and progress that a nation-state could attain. The power that Britain had obtained was comparable to other powerful nation-states throughout history. Ahuma believed that
Africans needed to develop along the path of civilization that made Britain so great. This path to civilization was not particular to England or other Europsan nations, it was a universal standard of civilization. Ahuma compared early twentieth-century English civilization with the ancient powers of Greece and Rome, and seemed convinced that if
Africa was ever to reach Greek, Roman or British greatness then it was imperative to travel dom the Uwhitemanrsmpath of civilization.
England has eclipsed Rome in her palmiest days; outrun Greece in her glorious years of brilliance and wit; she has outflanked Great Babylon in her wonders of old . . , And the whiteman has prospered; so shall we, if our souls develop on the lines that have made the whiteman what he is to-day as a ~ace.'~
Herein lies what made England great in Ahumars muid: imperial power. This powar was to be admired and emulated by African cultural linguistic groups, such as the Akan.
As the quotation implies, Ahuma believed that Africars
Uevolutionmaeeded to be along the same path Englandrs had been, for there was no other way to equal or surpass Greco-
Roman greatness. Ahuma admired the paver and prestige that a
Unid., p. 42. *~heGold Coast Leader, Oct. 29, 1910, England held in the world during the early twentieth century and hoped that Africa would eventuaïly be able to wield such influence throughout the world. In discussing the development of African souls along the lines of the
*whitemanrWAhuma was implicitly encouraging Africans to adopt his positive image of England which was grounded in the concept of the European nation-state. He believed that if African Usoulsw developed along the same lines as
European Usoulswthen it was possible to emerge from the
*darknessw of tribal Africa into the light of European- style nationhood and nationalisme This type of thinking was similar to British Africanists of the early and mid- nineteenth century who believed that Africans needed to develop along the lines of British civilization. They thought that Western civilization was the only path, not one of many, to progress and improvement. As Philip Curtin argues, "Western civilization was thought of as the only tme civilization, the only one epitomizing mankindrs path of progress. Seemingly, Ahuma adopted some aspects of this type of thinking, for he believed that Africans needed to follow the only path to progrescl: Western civilization, the manifestation of which was the early twentieth cent-
British nation-state. According to Ahuma, if Africans were
%hi'Lip D. Cnrtin, The mqe of africai British Ideas and Action L7804850 (Londonr Macmillan, 1965), pp, 260-61. able to follow the examples of British history, Men they too might be able to equal the heights of Rome, Greece and
Gseat Britain. One might wonder about the racial theme in
Ahmars preceding quotation, in that if the white YraceN did ail this how could an African "racew follow suit?
Although Ahuma maintained that "racesw had different characteristics, civilization was a universal goal that could only be achieved by following the road that led to this goal. This road had been paved by European civilizations, but an African "racewwas capable of following suit if its members allowed their Ysoulsm to develop along the lines of the white #race," and if they followed the historical examples of an already civilized state. British history was an indispensable example that
Africans needed to understand in order to take possession of their grand inheritance. In fact, this grand inheritance was nothing short of a European nation-state on
African soii.
Ahumars idea that British history was a universal lesson and that african societies hoping to experience progress needed to copy it was quite different from
Sabah's views on adopting foreign influence. Sarbah argued that no country coud benefit 'bp things which have not grown with its ooln growth or which have not been the natural outcome of its own hist~ry.~" Herein lies a disagreement between two #African Nationalists," for Ahuma believed that it was important to follow the examples that
*stud the pages of British historyw in order for Africa to obtain its grand inheritance, while Sarbah maintained that
Africa would not progress if it failed to follow its own indigenous histories. Interestingly, this example brings to light a problem with the category uAfrican Nationalist," for it cannot be assumed that slnce Ahma and Sarbah were colonized Africans that they imagined Great Britain in the same way. The difference in their representations of
England is that Ahuma saw British history as a universal example of progress and civilization, while Sarbah thought it--like many other English laws and customs-to be paxticular to the British Isles or ~urope."
Sarbah was of the opinion that many aspects of English law were incompatible with conditions in the Gold Coast.
The majority of his discourse about English law suggests that he did not hold it to be a universal ideal which should replace indigenous legal. customs. For example, he argued that #the tenu 'fee simple,' as used in English law, cannot be correctly applied or used when speaking of the
L4~arbah,Constitution, p. 121. '%et ms be clear here 1 do not mean that Bbuma and Sarbah bad agendas and made images of EngIand to fit these agendas; rather th& goais were reflected in their images of England. highest kind of the tenures obtaining on the Gold ~oast,~"
Sarbah was constantly questioning the applicability of
English jurispmdence to the Gold Coast. Why? Because he
did not believe that aboriginal legal customs had become
outdated since the arrivai of English common law on the
Gold Coast. He thought that ~nglishlaw should only be
applicable in the Gold Coast when a particular litigant
preferred to be bound to it, or when customary law did not
cover a certain topic that came before a native court."
When it does not appear to the Court, either by express contract or from the nature of the transactions out of which any suit or question has arisen, that such party agreed to be bound to exclusively by English law, the Customary Law is to prevail, but if there is no Customary Law on the point, the Court is not to be governed by the doctrines of equity, but by the principles of justice, equity , and good conscience. "
It is important to realize that when Sarbah argued that cases should be decided by Yjustice, equity, and good conscience," this was not necessarily handing over decision making power to the English legal system, for he believed that many aspects of customary law were mose in tune with these principles than English jurisprudence. An example of tnis was the customary legal stance on slander.
The native custom is more in accordance with natural justice, equity, and good conscience than the English law, wfüch has been denounced by many a learned judge. Says Lord Chancellor Campbell, in Lynch v. Rniqht and Wife, "1 may lament the unsatisfactory state of out Law, accoràing to which the imputation of words, however gross, on an occasion havever public, upon the chastity of a modest matron or a pure vkgin is not actionable, without proof that if has actuaïly produced special temporal damage to ber." Instead of the word uunsatisfactory* 1 should substitute the word "barbarous, said Lord Brougham on the same oc~asion.'~
This quotation is significant for a few reasoas. Pirst,
Sarbahrs image of England is not uncritical as some scholars assert. He is openly critical of English law, and presents this aspect of English law as not only unsatisfactory, but bordering on barbarism. Secondly, he demonstrates fluidity of thought between an "African Nationalist and two "British Iiuperialist~'~. Although Sarbah, Lord Brougham and Lord Campbell might have entertained this image of English law for different reasons, it demonstrates the shared thought between the metropole and colony that has been reduced by a nationalist paradigm which only allows us to examine colonial discourse through the jaded spectacles of racial identity and geographic location. It is clear from this discussion of
Sasbah's images of English law that he was indeed a critic of its applicability in the Gold Coast, and he did not believe that English laws were more progressive than customarp laws. mat did this mean for Africa? We must remember that nearly aï1 of Sarbahrs and Ahumars imagea of
England were related in some way to their ideas or hopes for Africa. In short, Sarbah painted English laws as having limited applicability in the Gold Coast because he wanted to prove to British authorities that the "natives of the Gold Coast and West Africa have a system of laws and customs which it would be better to guide, modify, and amend rather than to destroy by ordinances and force."20
Sarbah spent an entire book explainhg the importance of indigenous customs and institutions to progress and advancement and the misapplication of British customs to circumstances in the Gold Coast. We should remember that his goal was the preservation of indigenous institutions in the Gold Coast, thus the majority of his images of England reflected the idea that British culture was not universal.
Although Sarbah believed that some aspects of British culture were relevant to advancement in the Gold Coast, he did not maintah that the English route to civilization was the only route. For example, Sarbah argued that the advance of British civilization tended to destroy family units in the Gold Coast. *As in India, even so in this country, the advance of civilization [in this case British1 tends to break up the tinity of the familp.mu Hete, Sarbah makes it very clear that the intrusion of British institutions in the Gold Coast damaged one of the major foundations of indigenous stability: the family. An even more critical image of England se- to be implied in this passage. Sarbah is not onïy criticizing the affect of
British civiiization on families in Africa and India, but in England as well. This criticism was aimed at the ef fect that civilization has had on the British family structure, and seems to hope that it will not happa in the Gold
Coast. Sarbah constantly contested the appropriateness of
British customs in the Gold Coast. Zn discussing lineage and property, he argued that English customs were not applicable in the Gold Coast. In terms of lineage, Sarbah stated that from 'the English law point of view, a manrs family is that of his father, and pedigree is generally traced through in the male line. The converse is the case with the inhabitants of the Gold Coast, Asanti, and other neighbouring places.ff22 In terms of property, he argued that in 'the English Law, individual property is the rule, but corposate property is the rule on the Gold Coast and among the Akan and Fanti ttibes ."" Sarbah believed that the concept of imxnovable gifts in the Gold Coast held a different meanhg in Europe. "Gifto, in the Etzropean sense of the term, as fat as regards immuvables, seamto be unknown here. w24 These four examples illustrate Sarbahrs conviction that British customs and institutions were not universal. Throughout Fanti Customary Laws, Sarbah picked aspects of Fanti culture and juxtaposed them with images of
British culture in order to demonstrate their limited applicability on the Gold ~oast." Sarbahrs images of
England were more tangible and specific than Ahumars, because Çarbah had a fairly intimate knowledge of indigenous laws and customs, as well as English laws and customs. Thus, it was clear to him that English civilization was not a universal standard by which all societies should be judged.
Ahuma argued that it was important to follow many aspects of the YWhitemanrsmcivilization, in order for
Africa to reach the heights of power that European States were occupying in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Ahuma saw England as the height of civilkation and power, thus he encouraged Africans to emulate the traits that he believed made European nations powarfuï.
In things that are seen it behoves every Afsican, East, West, North, and South, to pursue the Whitman afar off-but in mental, moral, social, economic, and spiritual qualities, we must run him as closelp as circumstances and opportdty map permit, so long as by these means onlp, our race is destined to attain the sublime and splendid heights, more favoured Nations and Races are already o~cupying.~'
Here, Ahuma was implicitly encouraging his reader to accept the universality of European culturaï traits as a means to the end of creating an African nation-state that may some day Nattain the sublime and splendid heights, more favoured
Nations and Races are already occupying". Some scholars might use such a quotation as evidence that Ahuma was a deluded hybrid and uncritically accepted the idea that
Africans needed to follow the examples of Eusopeans. It seems more likely, however, that these traits were part of
Ahumars agenda of adoption. We must remember that thio agenda of adoption did not blindly advocate an acceptance of al1 British culture, but rather the parts of it which he believed were essential building blocks to civilization.
He held this image of England because it simply reflects his goal of an African nation-state. In short, Ilhuma painted this picture of British qualities that al1 Africans needed to emulate because he wanted his reader to see them as essential aspects of progress and civilization.
Ahuma mkintained that the British had many personal traits that Mricans needed to copy. He imagined English traits as important to a progressive nation. Thus, he invented British traits as important elemants for succeas in West Africa. For example, Ahuma depicted a British trait and juntaposed it to an Africa that was lacking in this trait. West Africans, we generally lack one thing, and that is Continuity of Purpose-the sheer, persistent British doggedness that keeps at it from start to finish, through shhe or rain, by night or day.~~' This image of EngLish culture was a direct assault on tribal structure and tribal aïlegiance throughout West Africa, for these parochial allegiances, as Ahuma saw th-, were an impediment to his hope for an African nation-state. The above quotation is also illustrative of Ahumars writings in that he usually compared a positive image of England-its imperial power, religion, culture-to aspects of African societies that he felt were impediments to progress and civilization. He believed that Africars recent history was somewhat of an embarrassment, thus he encouraged Africans to look to England (or the uwhitemanm) in order to understand what true progress entailed. Although the ma jority of Ahumars discourse treats England and Africa as opposites, he still held civilization as a universal goal that most 'racesw could achieve if they followed the road to this civilization, a road that had been traveled by
Greece, Rome, and Great Britain,
nkhuma, Gold Coast Nation, pp. 60-61. If, therefore, by reason of our irregular, imperfect and entraneous training, we must leam from them [Great Britain and 0th- successful European civilizations], it is absolutely necessary, for our own good and in the higher interesta of our Country, Nation and Race, that we imitate them in those excellencies that make for genuine progress and advancement .le
It is clear from the preceding quotation that Ahuma thought it was necessary for Africans to imitate the universal qualities of European civilization.
Ahuma maintained that the British traits of friendship, unity, and steadfaatness were important for young Africans to attempt to understand and emulate.
The whiteman is essentially a clubable fellow; he is naturally gragarious, and has, in his mental and moral equipment, those graces and virtues which help to cement Friendship, promote Unity, and king about successful issues in al1 undertakings . . . And in the same proportion and with equal sincerity, he extends the right hand of fellawship and camaraderie to his compatriot wherever, and in what cUrcumstances soever found. He stands shoulder ta shoulder with hlln in weal or woe, by good report or ill, and in the bond of perfect amity. In these notable respects, the Engliahman is worthy of imitation.
Ahuma wanted Africans to copy the Englishman in his clubableness, gregariousness, and mental and moral equipent. Strfkingly, he believed that Mricans needed to emulate or adopt these English traits, as if they did not exist in Africa a2ready. This is a very curious aspect of
Ahumarr images of England, for the things that seem universal, such as camaraderie, unity, and friendship, he comected with Great Britain; while aspects of English culture that might be construed as specific to the British isles, such as religion, politickL make-up, and economic structute, Ahuma considered universally important if civilization was to be achieved in the Gold Coast. Zt is clear that Ahumars image of England was positive, but not deluded, and 1 suspect it was grounded in his belief that the nation-state and English culture signified progress and civilization.
Ahuma did not concentrate on many of England's faults as a nation-state, sucti as its economic decline since 1870, the condition of its imer-cities, or the exploitation of its working classes. Despite this oversight, he rejected racist doctrines from which asrigned and
b their sons and daughters to demeaning tasks. "Our sons and daughters shall no more be regarded as KEWERS OF WOOD AIID
DRAWERS OF WATER.~'~ Nevertheless, he believed that one should love herlhis country despite its faults, especially if that country was Great Britain. In The Gold Coast
Nation and National Consciousness, Ahuma cited the poetry of Churchill and Cowper to explain away the faults of
Britain. And as Churchill has taught him [Englishman), he could always Say with unction and pride of Race and Country: -- Be England what she will, With al1 her faults she is my Country still: Or Cowper:--
England with al1 thy faults 1 love thee still, MY Country. 30
When Ahmars writings about England did tuni sou it wae usually in regard to its colonial policy in the Gold Coast, as we shall see in the following section.
Imaaes of Colonial Policv - - - --
Ahumars and Sarbahrs images of British colonial policy were the result of a critical investigation, not blind optimism or extrente pessimism. Sarbah believed many colonial policies were in need of improvemant, nevertheless his images of colonial policy changed throughout his writings and cannot be classifiad as completely negative or positive. At some points in his writing, colonial policy is applauded, in other passages it is criticized. For example, Sarbah imagined an England whose rule Africans preferred, while in another passage a more dubious pictute of British rule emerges. For example, he argued that Gold
Coast Africans 'prefer the protection of Great Britain to any other European nation. *" In another passage, Çarbah criticized colonial officialsr canduct towards traditional African authority. To smash up or gradually undermine aboriginal authority, to degrade or belittle African rulers, although professing to rule through them, can only end in the failure of European rule and the demoralization of frica ans.^^^ In other words, Sarbah had to walk a fine rhetorical line in discussing British colonial policy, for he wanted to demonstrate that Africans were loyal subjects of the King, but at the saxae the highlight problems within the colonial structure. Thus, he had to remain critical without becoming or sounding subversive to colonial officials and authorities,
Sasbah's image of colonial policy was slightly more critical than Ahmars. In discussing imperial unifomity, he criticized the colonial government for attempting to abolish indigenous customs and traditions, while replacing them with British institutions. While the policy [new imperialisml was in vogue, much harm was done to British West Africa, for there were not a few Government officials, with more zeal than discretion and more assurance than knawledge, who thought it good policy to ridicule and tqto break up the aboriginal institutions of the people, to undermine the authority of their natural rulers, and to subordinate everythbg possible to the paramount claime of what they caïled Imperia1 uaiformity. In the minds of such persons, the doctrine of
"~arbah, Constitution, p. xii. *-O., p. 231. individualism or distinct racial characteristics of each nation or race had no existence; to introduce English laws wholesale, abibolish what is peculiar to Africans, and to treat them as subject races, saved them much tsouble, patient study, and the effort of thinking.
Here, Çarbah invokes anhated Language and examples of carreleas local officials because he believed that imperial uniformity would render useless his position that colonial policy needed to take into account indigenous institutions. He discouraged imperial uniformity because he saw it as a way to prevent the presenration of aboriginal customs and replace them with an over-arching colonial policy that ignored the peculiarities of different areas of the British
Empire. Sarbah wanted an imperial policy that made use of aboriginal institutions, custome and traditions. Be believed that the use of indigenous institutions would force British colonial officials to take into accouat the peculiar nature of aboriginal customs in the Gold Coast.
Sarbah attempted to protect indigenous institutions by demonstrating that they had an important role to play in the colonial structure. Thus, he commended the colonial government for attempting to adminlster through indigenous rulers and institutions. *There is much, therefote, to comend and defend the policy to govern the African through his natural nlers under the direction of the British govern~nent.~" He applauded this type of colonial policy, for he realized that it supportad his agenda of using indigenous institutions to improve colonial legislafion. Sarbahrs greatest fear was that the colonial government would destroy indigenous customs and institutions and replace them with a uniform colonial structure. He feared this because if the colonial government ignored indigenous institutions then it was more likely that aboriginal customs would be lost in a flood of imported cultural standards. He wrote Fanti Customary Laws and Fanti
National Constitution in order to preserve African institutions by the safest means possible, which he believed was through their protection and use by the colonial apparatus. Thus, it was important for him to encourage signs of the British govemmentrs willingness to rule through aboriginal institutions. Here we see a difference in the thought of Rhuma and Sarbah, for Ahuma hoped that British rule would dislodge traditional political structures and institutions, while Sarbah hoped it would help reinforce tha.
Sarbah and Ahuma believed that the autocratie powar given to a sitting governor was a mistake. Ahuma wrote an entite chapter on the dangers of one-man ~lein West
Africa, for he argued that it vested too much pawer in a single individual* YONE-MAN-POLICY, OR ONE-MAN-GûVERNMENT,
IS INDEED THE CURSE OF WEST AFRLCA.~~' Interestingly, here we see Ahumars image of colonial policy take on a different form from his images of England. In other writings, Ahuma presented a positive image of colonial policy and England, but as his need to constnict another image of it arose, a more critical picture of the colonial governmentrs policy emerges . This is because Ahuma s and Sarbah s images of colonial policy were not static, but rather contingent on a point that either man wanted to make at a given the.
Ahuma was critical of one-man policy, for it did not
"advocate [a] variety of ideas, and exchange of thought, which spell freshness, vigour, and innn~rtality.~~~Sarbah also did not support one-man govermuent in the Gold Coast because of the lack of debate concernhg policies and legislation.
The governor alone is responsible for the colonyrs administration. His authority in the colony is practically autocratie . . . Human nature, however, does not encourage opposition; govemore are but human. If ie no wonder, then, to find the govarnorrs opinions prevailing, the official members invariably supporthg him, and uttering not a word of comment, or criticism or suggestion of any kind, when the governor, introducing the annual estimates of revenue and expenditure, discasses subjects of general policy and questions of administration. One-man government has its adpantages, but in West Africa the defects have outweighed the advantages ."
3s~~,Gold Coast Nation, pœ 54. Sarbah and Ahuma objected to one-man goverment in the
Gold Coast because it did not allow profitable debate in the Legislative Council, but there was another reason.
Unofficial mambers of the Legislative Council in the Oold
Coast usually included a few members of the educated alite, thus Sarbah (who was an unofficial Member) and Ahuma thought that the intelligentsia were not being used to the* full potential. Sarbah vigorously argued in Fanti
National Constitution, the Legislative Council was an important vehicle for change and progress. He believed that the Legislative Council was important because he regarded if as a vehicle that could be used to prevent the destruction of indigenous institutions. It was of great concern to him that the masses and the educated elite were not making use of this institution. Thus, he saw rule by one-man as discotxaging the unlettered masses and the intelligentsia from participating in the legislative processes of the colonial government. According to Sarbah, the ~egislativeCouncil was an opportunity for Africans to became involved in the policies of the colonial government.
The African, unfortunately for himself, is not always alive to his intaest in safeguarding and protecting from neglect and discredit, when he comes under European jurisdiction, nia greatest priceless heritage-the Corncil. When men with suitable education and better training fully understand, the invaluable nature of this popular assembly and its great possibilities, at present lying dormant or undeveloped, they will be as proud and jealous of its efficiency and good name, as the Briton is of the Houses of ~arliament.38
Here we aee Sarbah link the Gold Coast Legislative Council to the Houses of Parliament. This is highly significant because it points to the fact that Sarbah believed certain institutions crossed the barriers of *racew. Although
Sarbah wrote about England and Africa in opposed racial terms in some places throughout his books and articles, ho still maintained that certain English institutions could be useful in the Gold Coast. This chapter highlights a few things of value concerning colonial discourse. First, Ahuma and Sarbah imagined England differently. This was based on their opinions concerning British civilizationrs universality, especially in comparison to Africa. Secondly, it is clear from their images of England and its colonial policy that discourre from African intellectuals about England is severely simplified by the categorization of "Atrican
Nationaliatm. This categorization implies that they wrote about England in a predictable merbecause they were colonizeci Africans. In reality, the* images of England were the result of criticai observation and careful writing, not of deluded hpbridisrn. Lastlp, these
intellectualsr writings about Britah shed light upon the
fact that African thought has been simplified through constnicted categories and an opposed paradigm; and that it might benefit from studies that examine the complexity of the educated eliters writings, rather than assuming they wrote from a nationalist point of view because they were victims of imperialism. Chapter Four Conclusion The history of the British West African educated elite
is obscured when examined through an opposed paradigm and constructed categories that hide the complexity of colonial discourse. This thesis has offered a few provocative
insights into the history and historiography of the Gold
Coast intelligentsia in particular, and the British West
African educated elite in general. It needs to be stated that none of the conclusions on this subject are final, but rather temporary until historians offer more detailed studies . That said, as it stands, my findings hply a few important things for African intellectual history. First, not al1 African intellectual history can ba subsumed under the label of nationalism, for this greatly simplifies the educated elitets writings. Second, we can no longer assume that because the intelligentsia were victims of colonization that they mote from a nationalist standpoint.
Third, ifs image of England was the result of critical observation, not deluded hybridism. Aïthough it is acceptable to use the tenus nationalist and imperialist, historias should not think of them as inevitably opposed terms, for this reduces the complexity of colonial discourse. Ahuma and Sarbah were complicated, as was the
92 British West African intelligentsia, but both have been simplified by a historiography that only looks at colonial discourse in opposed terms, and the writings of African intellectuals in nationalist terms. This chapter examines the supposedly contradictory and uncritical nature of the elite's writing, the historiographyrs reliance on racial identity and geographic location, and the problems of categorization. Many historians have argued that the elite's writings were contradictory.' If we examine their writings tkough the nationalist paradigm then this conclusion is plausible.
But, this paradigm is myopic because it assumes that since the elite were colonized Africans that they had to mite about Africa in a certain way: in opposition to European authority and cultural influence. Thus, when these scholars examine writings of the intelligentsia that were not in opposition to European authority or influence, they label the elite as paradoxical. An example of recent nationalist historiography is Ismail Rashidrs study of the elite and EJ. Morel. uParadoxically, in spite of their spirited defence of African 1nstitutions , these men exhorted their countrymen to ewilate British virtues and
%ohn Hm Flint, Niqerfa and Ghana (Englewwd CLiffst Prentice- Hall, 1966), p. 121; Isinair O.D. Rashid, MEID. Morel, The Educated African Elite and the West Bfiican Land Question, 1910-1924u (anpublished Mm&. thesis, WUfred Laurier Oniversi.ty, 1992), pm 29. values.w2 In this thesis, Ahumars and Sarbahrs images of
Africa were not paradoxical if one accepts that they
imagined Africa in accordance with their individual agendas
for the Gold Coast's future. SMlar nationalist
historiography has concluded that the eliters images of
England were un~ritical.~My study reveals that the
opposite may hold true. For example, Sarbah was very
critical of English law, and challenged any notion that it was a universal fonn of jurisprudence.'
On a broad level, this is very significant for West African intellectual history in that if we recognize the
reductionist tendency in most nationalist studies of the elite; then it is important to re-evaluate them in light of
the realization that the nationalist paradigm only hides
the complexity of the intelligentsia's writing. It also
emerges from this bsief treatment of British intellectualsf
images of Africa (both UFriendsm and *ImperialistsW)that
historias have also assumed that they wrote about Africa
in a certain way because they were English colonizers. It
seems that the history of colonial discourse in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries might benefit from
%A. -dele, The gdacated EUte in the Kigerian Society (fbadanz University of Ibadan Press, 19741, pp, 55-93, 4~ohnMensah Sarbah, Panti Customaxy Laws (1891 repr, Londoa: C~SS,1968), pp- 25-30. historical investigations that do not rely on the nationalist paradigm.
The categories of "African Nationalist," "hiend of
Africa," and "British ïmperialistw are useful starting points for opening up an investigation into the discourse of colonial intellectuals, but in the end they hide the disagreements within and between these categories. The categories have been applied accoràing to racial identity and geographic location, which, in turn have obscured the shared thought between the metropole and colony. For example, Sarbah believed that true progress in the Gold
Coast would began when the colonial government took the the to understand indigenous customs and institutions.
A great deal of his thought concerning the importance of aboriginal institutions for the improvement of British colonial policies was shared by "British Imperialistsw and
Triends of Africa," such as John Rodqer and Mary Kingsley. Kingsley criticized the colonial governmant and the white
'racew for tearing dom native institutions without understanding th-.' Soma scholars, such as David Kimble, attempt to deny this type of common thought between the metropole and the colony, for he argues that the difference between Sarbah and Kingsley was that he highlighted native
%ary Kingsley, West Bfrican Studies (1899 reps. Londom Cass, 1964), pp- 311-58. institutions to promote pride and understanding among
Africans, while her main interest "was for the purpose of improving the methods of imperid ruleOw6 It is true that
Kingsley wanted to improve imperial rule (for the needs of the traders), but so did Sarbah (for different reasons).
Nevertheiess, he did not want to promote understanding of indigenous institutions exclusively to Africans, but rather to al1 those interested in colonial relations.' He was successful in this endeavor, for his books were used "in Africa and by imperialist~.~~Sarbahts publications attempted to explain to the British Colonial Office that their nile would be improved if they made use of native institutions. ALthough Sarbah and Kingsley might have had different beneficiaries in mind for their respective plans, they both supported the eqansion of imperial rule.
The rhetorical label of "Friend of Africaw does not fit Kingsley any bettes than 'African Nationalistm fits
Sarbah in this instance- Whatever category people wish to assign to Kingsley, it cannot deny her criticism of the colonial govetnmentts policies in British West Africa. If she criticized the goverment on behalf of British
dD&d Kimble, h Political History of Ghana 1850-1928~The Rise of Gold Coast Nationalhm (Oxford: CIarendon press, 2963), p. 523. 'John Measah Sazbah, London: Cass, 19681, pp. 1 Oct- 13, 1905- %ef frey Green, BIack Bdwardiansr Black People in Britain 1901- -1914 (tondont Cass, i998), p. 240. merchants, tfiis does not minlmize the fact that she shared similar opinions to those of Sarbah that transgressed the categories of "African Nationalistw or UFriend of Africam.
More important, if we accept the argument that she was fanatically devoted to the recovery of merchant rule in
West Africa, this is actually another example of shared thought between her and Sarbah; for he held that the rule of the merchants under Maclean and others was an age of positive Afro-European intercourse in Gold Coast history. 9
He believed that "British administrators needed to follow the example of their predeceesoss: the merchants and missionaries of the second third of the nineteenth century. *'O Herein lies an agreement and disagreement between Kingsley and Sarbah, for she agreed that the colonial government ought to follow the policies of the merchants of the mid-nineteenth century, but certainly not the examples set by the missionaries." Kingsley disliked the missionaries because she thought that they were attempting to turn Africans into Europeans, something she thought was impossible. In contrast, Sarbah realized that
'John Mensah Sarbah, UMaclean and Gold Coast Judiciaï AsSeSSOrS," in Journal of the African Societv,(fX) 1910. "'Ray Jenkins, "In parsuit of the Afxican Past: John Mensah Sarbah (1864-1903) Eistorian of Ghana," in Undex the fmperial Carpet: Bssays in Black -tory 1780-1850, sds. R. Lots and 1. Pegg, (United Kingdoms Crawley, 1986), p. 127. UKingsley wressed an arfiuist fanaticaï hatred for the missioaaries, John B. Flint, %azy Kingslep-B Reassessment," in Journal of Afzican History, IV (1963), pp. LOO-101. missionaries were important to the educational process in the Gold Coast, and thought their presence in the Gold
Coast was positive. Colonial thought was more complicated than the extant categories imply, for there were agreements between "African Nationalistsm and YFriends of Afri~a,~and disagreements inside each category. One interesting aspect emerges from a study of these categories: they are helpful, but tend to hide the complexity of colonial discourse.
Another example of the reliance on racial identity and geographic location is Robert Julyts conclusion that Ahuma was an "African ~ationalist~.'~Ahuma argued that for
Africans to become civilized they needed to emulate certain
British characteristics." In this instance, his line of thinking is not so different from F. Fitzgerald, the editor of The African Times, who argued in 1872 that Africans should be encouraged to develop along the lines of British civilization-in terms of English laquage, law, and institutions." Additionally, many British intellectuals and government officials thought that Africa had to be brought toward civilization, the height of which vas early
*Robert JuIy, The Oxiqins of Modem Bfrfcan Thought: Its development in West africa durinq the nineteenth and twentïeth centuries (London: Faber and Faber, 1968), pp. 341-44, %.R~B. Attoh Ah-, The Gold Coast Nation and National Consc~oasness(1911 repr. London%Cass, 1971), pp. 39-40, twentieth-century ~ngland.'~ Some scholars may argue, as
July does, that the ciifference between Ahuma and *British
Iiaperialistsw or "Friends of AfricaM was that he saw value in African institutions. This view is problematic for the same could be said for 'British Imperialist~,~many of whom saw value in certain African institutions. For example,
John Bums, an engineer for George Goldie during the 18808, argued that it was foolish to interfere with indigenous social and political cu~torns.'~ Mary Kingsley certainly saw value in African institutions and was critical of those who wished to destroy these institutions. UBy destroying native institutions there [West Africal, you merely 10wer the moral of the African race, stop trader and with it the culture advantages it brings both to England and West e fric a. July maintains that this type of thinking makes Ahuma an '*African ~ationalist~.'~This label seems misapplied because many *otitish ïmperialistsw held similar views about ~fsica.'~Why are these British intellectuals considered imperialist and Ahuma an %frican Nationalistm if their ideas demonstrate fluidity of thought between the
%emard Porter, Critics of Empire% British Radical attitudes towafds coloniaiism in mica (London: an, 1968), pp- 49-55, '61bid., pp. 134-35, L7Kingsley,Studies, p- 332. Jdy, The Oriqins, p. 344. 'gKimble, PoUticaï, pp- 485-500. metropole and the colony? Sadly, the answer lies in geographic location and racial identity. The aforemantioned categories are useful when historiana do not use them to dismiss examples that may contradict their applicability to particular situations in the colonial context. In short, if labels and categories are used, we must understand and readily admit their limitations. This seems not to have been done in regards to the Gold Coast intelligentsia. And, when this is not done, the elite are depicted as a group of nationalist heroes or deluded hybrids, whose writings did not reflect their personal agendas, but rather cn their status as colonized Africans. Examples of the educated elite's complexity seem to have been reduced by the application of a category, "African Nationalistw that proscribes their thought to the level of nationalist or Uproto-nationatistw sentiment, which implies opposition to British colonialism. In reality, the elita were not always opposed to British imperialism, for soma believed it to be a force for good, while others thought itwas both a positive and detrimental force . It is difficult to categorize Ahuma or Sarbah as an
"African Nationali~t,~for the* ideologies were not simply the result of opposition to European authority as some scholars clah." &huma did not always display a pride in his nation's *culture, traditions, institutions and a~hievements,~~~but rather highlighted those accomplishments and faults within the traditional society that would lend support to his hope for a future nation- state under the direction of the British Empire. In contrast, Sarbah was proud of contemporary aboriginal institutions, not because ha was an YAfrican NationalistrW but because ha needed a positive image of Africa to help his agenda of using native customs in the construction of improved colonial legislation to sise to the forefront of
British West African colonial protest. In short, we cannot pin dom the many different types of thought among the elite under the label of "African Nationalistm. This said,
1 do not wish to give the impression that Ahuma's and
Çarbahrs writing did not contain nationalist or Mproto- nationalistn sentiments. Rather, their discourse was not based on these sentiments.
My casr study of Ahuma and Sarbah indicates that a broader definition of the African participants in colonial discourse is more beneficial to understariding their images of Africa and England. Perhaps a better form of categorization for the elite who both criticined and
20~h~~~odgkin,Nation- in co10niaï mica (~ew~ork: New York Uniwerslty Press, 1957), p. 23; Kimble, Politicaï, p. xiv. exalted English cultural influence is uAfrican
Intellectualw--those Africans who participated in the colonial discourse thsough speeches, journal articles, pamphlets, books, and newspaper columns. Of course, this broad definition may be sub-divided-but not limited-into the following: the period, political stances (not simplified to conservative or radical), and specific geographic location (such as sauthern Nigeria or the southwest portion of the Gold Coast). Ray Jenkins offers useful classifications in his article concerning Ghanaian historiography. As he argues, it might be useful to divide intellectual thought among cities in the Gold Coast, such as Cape Coast, Accra, and ~kropong.~~Although my category includes geographic location, it is not used in conjunction with racial identity. This definition is broad in ordet to highlight the differences, complexities, and tensions within the British West African intelligentssia, for it is important to sealize that not al1 %frican Intellectualsff who discussed govetnment policies were agaLnst British colonial rule.
2LKImble, Poïitical, p. xiv. *Ray Jenkins, mInte~lectuaïs,publication outlets and 'past reïationshipsr. Som observations on the emergence of early Gold Coast-Ghanaian historiography in the Cape Coast, Accra, and Bkropong %r5.angler: c. L880-1917,w fn Self Assertion and Bfokeraqe: Early Cuitmal Nationalhm in West Africa, 868. P.F. de Moraes Parias and Kasin Barber, (Birminghamt Centre of West Afkican Studies Uaiversltp of Birmingham, 1990)- In short, the Gold Coast educated elite of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were not a group of people that had a monolithic image of Africa and Great Britain. Although the intelligentsia were colonized
Africans, we should not assume that they entertained similar images of Africa and England, for these designations ignore the contingencies and tensions within the terms ucolonizedw and *AfricanW. As we know, these colonized Africans disagreed over the universality of
British culture and civilization. Lastly, the British West Africa educated elite imagined England and Africa in accordance with their personal agendas, rather than simply nationalist sentiments. Within the narrow confines of this thesis, I have been unable to examine many areas of possible historical study that warrant serious investigation. It might prove very interesting to examine othet members of the British West African educated elite and detdne if their writings were also as cornplex as Ahumars and Séubahrs. A few questions emerga from my study that might prove to be areas of interesting historical research. Did the educated elite of other British colonies imagine England and Africa according to their personal agendas; or does the label of %frican
Nationalistm fit th- better than it dtd my subjects? Will studies into different the periods reveaï as much
complexity? 1s there as much shared thought between the colonial intelligentsia of other British West African possessions and the metropole? Was there as much difference of thought in the category of *African
NationalistM in other colonies as in the Gold Coast during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? How do
issues of gender fit into the educated eliters existence?
How does Black Atlantic thought fit hto the eliters images of England and Africa? Further studies about colonial
Africa, it is hoped will focus on the complexity of thought among the British West African educated elite. Primary Sources
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