A Revival of the Benelux?
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Sophie Vanhoonacker (Maastricht) A Revival of the Benelux? Seit Mitte der 1990er Jahre scheint die Benelux neuen Auftrieb erhalten zu haben, nicht als internationale Organisation, aber in Form einer engeren Zusammenarbeit ihrer Mitglieder im Rahmen der EU. Durch eine Reihe von Memoranda betreffend die zukünftige Entwicklung der EU und spezifische Themen, wie Justiz- und Innenpolitik, waren sie bemüht, den Prozess der europäischen Integration in Richtung einer Vertiefung voranzutreiben. Durch ihren Zusammenschluss versuchen sie, größeren Einfluss auszuüben und die Interessen kleinerer Staaten besser zu vertreten. Gute persönliche Beziehungen auf höchster politischer Ebene haben bei der Herstellung der Verbindungen eine große Rolle gespielt. Die engeren Beziehungen bedeuten allerdings nicht den Beginn einer ‘ménage à trois’. Die Kooperation findet in erster Linie auf höchster Ebene (zwischen den MinisterpräsidentInnen) statt und ist in sehr flexibler und pragmatischer Weise organisiert. Die Kooperation ist keineswegs allumfassend, und es bestehen weiterhin wichtige ökonomische, kulturelle und politische Unterschiede zwischen den drei Ländern. Sie ist auch keineswegs exklusiv, sondern Teil einer breiteren Strategie der Netzwerkbildung innerhalb der EU. 1. Introduction This article examines the cooperation between these three countries in the framework of the The Benelux is by many still associated with European Union in recent years. What are their the customs union set up in 1944 amongst Bel- motivations to try to speak with one voice on gium, Luxembourg and the Netherlands. As its certain EU issues? Why does the co-ordination objectives have since long been realised in the of positions occur at this moment in time? What much broader framework of the EU, the organi- could the possible impact of such cooperation sation has today a somewhat anachronistic and be? What are the advantages or possible disad- even moribund connotation. Since the mid- vantages for the countries in question? Is it just 1990s, however, the Benelux seems to have re- an ad hoc initiative or is it the beginning of a ceived new impulses, not as an international more structured relationship? Before address- organisation but as a form of closer coopera- ing these questions, the cooperation will be tion amongst the three countries in the frame- placed in the broader context of a general trend work of the EU.1 During the Intergovernmen- in the EU to form cores and coalitions, and the tal Conferences (IGCs) leading to the Amster- relations between the Benelux countries will be dam and the Nice Treaty and in the Convention situated in a historic context. on the future of the EU, the Benelux countries have put forward joint memoranda outlining their views with regard to some of the major 2. On Cores and Coalitions4 issues on the agenda.2 In addition they have also issued two memoranda on cooperation in the The attempt of a smaller group of EU mem- field of Justice and Home Affairs (JHA).3 It is ber states of the same geographical area to closer interesting to note that the Benelux organisa- co-operate or to form a privileged partnership tion itself plays no role in this cooperation. is not an isolated event in the EU. Also the Nor- ÖZP, 32 (2003) 1 7 dic countries co-ordinate positions in the frame- a Security Council as in the United Nations work of the EU and with the Visegrad group, whereby some of the big member states would we have an example of cooperation amongst be permanent members whereas membership for prospective member states. Regional partner- the others would be on the basis of rotation. A ships are, however, just one of the expressions differentiation on the basis of size is an ex- of a general trend to closer cooperate amongst a tremely sensitive matter and proposals in this limited group of member states. The debate on direction have only made the smaller countries regional partnerships cannot be seen independ- more determined in their fight to defend the prin- ently of the broader discussions on: ciple of equality amongst the member states. – flexibility or ‘closer cooperation’ (Title VII The debate on cores and coalitions also lin- of the Treaty on European Union); gers on in the current discussion on the future – the formation of an avant-garde or pioneer of Europe. The German Minister of Foreign group; Affairs Joschka Fischer, in his much debated – the formation of a directorate amongst the speech at the Humboldt University (Fischer three biggest member states in the framework 2000), talks about a centre of gravity, composed of Common Foreign and Security Policy of a group of states who would conclude ‘a new (CFSP). European framework Treaty’; Jacques Chirac Since the launching of the so-called Schäuble- pleads for the development of a pioneer group Lamers paper (September 1994)5 , when two (Chirac 2000) and the former President of the prominent members of the German Christian European Commission Jacques Delors advo- Democratic party first openly pleaded for the cates the formation of an avant garde (Delors formation of a hard core of a small group of 2001). Although they don‘t necessarily agree member states, the debate on closer coopera- on the role and the institutional basis for such tion in the EU has taken full swing. In the IGC core, the fact that they all mention the issue in leading to the Treaty of Amsterdam, agreement their blueprints on the future Europe shows that was reached on a new Title (Title VII) laying the last word about closer cooperation amongst down the conditions under which a majority of a smaller group of countries has not been said member states6 can ‘establish closer coopera- yet. The imminent enlargement to a Union of tion between themselves’, making use of ‘the 27 makes the discussion all the more topical. institutions, procedures and mechanisms’ laid This paper focuses on the Benelux, an exam- down by the Treaties. The negotiations were ple of closer cooperation amongst a group of difficult as cooperation amongst a smaller group countries in the same geographical area. Gen- inevitably implies the exclusion of some of the erally, regional partnerships are, however, based players.7 Especially the Euro-sceptic countries on more than just having common borders. were afraid to be reduced to second-class mem- Other elements such as size, relative power, a bers. To safeguard the position of the non-par- common history or a similar level of economic ticipating countries, the conditions for enhanced development may also play a role. Before look- cooperation were defined very narrowly, to the ing at the recent attempts of the Benelux coun- extent even that the articles in question have tries to co-operate, the relationship of the three until now not been applied. It remains to be seen countries in the framework of the EC/EU will whether this will change after the entering into be placed in a historical perspective. force of the Treaty of Nice, which relaxed the conditions (Galloway 2001, 133, 142). In the area of Common Foreign and Security 3. The Benelux and the Early Years of Policy (CFSP), the debate has been dominated European integration9 by the discussions on the formation of a direc- torate amongst the three biggest member states For most observers the Benelux is inextrica- France, Germany and the United Kingdom.8 bly linked with the process of European inte- One of the proposals suggests the formation of gration itself.10 As a customs union between 8 Belgium, the Netherlands and Luxembourg, it wards, was initially opposed to Beyen’s proposal is often seen as a precursor of the European for an economic community. He feared that its Communities, promoting trade between neigh- organisation on a supranational basis would be bouring countries by abolishing tariff barriers detrimental for a small country like Luxem- and disposing of its own institutional framework bourg, but he was ultimately convinced to join including a Court of Justice. Furthermore, it was forces (Brouwer/Pijpers 1999, 105; Trausch the Benelux memorandum presented at a meet- 1996, 122f.). ing of the Foreign Affairs Ministers in Messina Also in the case of the Fouchet proposals there in June 1955 that re-launched the debate on was initially no question of a joint position European integration. A committee under the amongst the Benelux countries. Although they chairmanship of the Belgian Minister of For- shared the Dutch concern about the intergov- eign Affairs Paul-Henri Spaak prepared the re- ernmental character of de Gaulle’s Political port that ultimately led to the establishment of Union, first proposed at a press conference on 5 the European Economic Community (EEC) and September 1960, Belgium and Luxembourg Euratom. Another well-known European event were much more positive towards the French on which the Benelux countries had a major proposals than were the Netherlands. From the impact were the Fouchet negotiations on Politi- first meeting onwards the Dutch Minister of cal Union. Belgium and the Netherlands vetoed Foreign Affairs Joseph Luns made it clear that de Gaulle’s proposals to organise political co- The Hague would radically oppose a Political operation on a purely intergovernmental basis. Union of which the United Kingdom would be Both episodes in these early years of Euro- excluded. The British participation had to ad- pean integration deserve some closer attention dress a double concern: it had to prevent the because they give us some concrete indications domination of the Political Union by France and with regard to the cooperation between the three Germany; secondly it had to guarantee a close small founding member states. As a matter of link with the Atlantic Alliance.11 Belgium ini- fact, the denomination ‘Benelux memorandum’ tially took a much more conciliatory stance, but (1955) is quite misleading.