Running Head: BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT

20 YEARS OF BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT: A REPLICATION OF COWAN

AND CAMPBELL‟S 1994 CONTENT ANALYSIS ON SEXISM AND RACISM IN

INTERRACIAL PORNOGRAPHY

Lukas V. Marriott

Thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Degree of

Bachelor of Arts with

Honours in Psychology

Acadia University

March, 2015

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This thesis by Lukas V Marriott

is accepted in its present form by the

Department of Psychology

as satisfying the thesis requirements for the degree of

Bachelor of Arts with Honours.

Approved by the Thesis Supervisor

______Sarah Vannier Date

Approved on behalf of the Head of the Department

______

Dr. Amanda Bolton Date

Approved by the Honours Committee

______Dr. Anthony Thomson Date

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I, Lukas V. Marriott, grant permission to the University Librarian at Acadia University to

reproduce, loan, or distribute copies of my thesis in microform, paper or electronic

formats on a non-profit basis. I, however, retain the copyright in my thesis.

______Signature of Author

______Date

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Acknowledgements

A special thank you goes out to my parents for their never-ending support, the

Psychology Faculty of Acadia University for paving the way for me to pursue this wonderful opportunity, and an extra special thank you to Ms. Sarah Vannier for winding

me up and letting me go.

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Table of Contents

Abstract ...... viii

Introduction ...... 1

Race in Pornography ...... 2

Sexism in Pornography ...... 5

A Whole New World (Wide Web) ...... 8

Measurement of Aggression...... 9

The Current Study ...... 11

Methods...... 13

Results ...... 16

Race ...... 16

Pubic Hair ...... 16

Table 1 ...... 17

Context ...... 18

Inequality ...... 18

Physical Aggression ...... 19

Table 2 ...... 20

Verbal Aggression ...... 22

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Intimacy ...... 23

Behaviours ...... 23

Racial Stereotypes ...... 24

Table 3 ...... 25

Non-Consensual Activities ...... 26

Comparison with Cowan and Campbell...... 26

Table 4 ...... 27

Discussion ...... 29

Limitations of the Study ...... 37

Conclusion ...... 40

References ...... 42

Appendix A ...... 48

Appendix B ...... 51

Appendix C ...... 60

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List of Tables

Table 1 - Descriptive Characteristics, Context, and Inequality Cues ...... 17

Table 2 - Aggression, Intimacy, and Behaviours ...... 20

Table 3 - Racial Stereotypes and Non-Consensual Behaviours...... 25

Table 4 - Cowan and Campbell Comparison ...... 27

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Abstract

Cowan and Campbell (1994) conducted a content analysis of interracial pornography videocassettes to study indicators of racism and sexism. It was concluded that pornography was both racist and sexist in its portrayal of sexual activity. The current study replicated Cowan and Campbell to examine identical behaviours in internet pornography. One-hundred videos were selected from 10 free online pornography websites (50 interracial, 50 control) and were coded using Campbell and Cowan‟s criteria. Rates of physical and verbal aggression were consistent with Cowan and

Campbell but yielded fewer racial differences. Racial compliments and insults were less common in the current study and there was no difference in mention of verbal penis size, but there was a higher rate of visual penis size cues in interracial videos. Intimacy cues including kissing, caressing, talking, and sex face-to-face were now portrayed more often. Non-consensual acts were rare, occurring in 5% of the total sample. The current study adds to the growing body of research exploring trends in web-based pornography.

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20 Years of Betterment or Belittlement: A Replication of Cowan and Campbell’s

1994 Content Analysis on Sexism and Racism in Interracial Pornography

The majority of individuals have viewed pornography (Ramlagun, 2012; Wodda,

2011). Rates of exposure range between 38% to 90%, with an increasing trend of exposure occurring via the internet (Häggström-Nordin et al, 2006; Lo & Wei, 2005;

Peter & Valkenburg, 2006). Throughout the 1980‟s and 1990‟s, the sales of hardcore pornographic videos grew exponentially increasing from an estimated 75 million dollars in revenue in 1986, to 665 million dollars by 1996 (Stack et al, 2004). When including all other forms of sexually explicit material such as magazines, internet porn, phone sex, peep shows, and pay-per-view cable pornography, total profits grew to over eight billion dollars, more sales than all of Hollywood‟s movie profits combined (Fisher & Barak,

2000). However, the rise of the internet has allowed pornography to become more accessible than ever before (Döring, 2009; Downing et al, 2014; Gossett & Byrne, 2002;

Mehta, 2001), supplanting magazines and videocassettes as the primary means of distribution (Woida, 2009).

From this point, the debate arises about the effects of pornography on behaviour.

Some research has found negative effects, correlating exposure to pornography among adolescents with less progressive gender roles, becoming more likely to engage in sexual harassment, and engaging in sexual intercourse at an earlier age (Brown & L‟Engle,

2008; Döring, 2009; Primack et al., 2008). By contrast, other research has found neutral or positive effects suggesting that consuming pornography does not result in adverse thoughts, behaviours, or treatment of others, and its growing prevalence relates to a decrease of sex crimes being committed (Diamond, 2009; McKee, 2014; Scott &

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Cuvelier, 1993). However, the content of pornographic videos remains an important area of research for determining prevailing trends and stereotypes that continue to be portrayed in this medium.

A primary concern about the use of pornography is that it promotes harmful stereotypes; specifically, the concern that pornography may reinforce negative racial and gender stereotypes. One of the only studies to date explicitly examining the prevalence of sexism and racism in pornography was published twenty years ago by Cowan and

Campbell (1994). A content analysis of interracial pornography was conducted from a sample of videocassettes purchased from stores in the San Francisco area. Scenes from these videos were coded for depictions of physical and verbal aggression, racial stereotypes, inequality, and intimacy between the actors. The goal of the current study was to replicate the methodology of Cowan and Campbell to examine whether the rates of sexism and racism in pornography have changed in the last 20 years. Additionally, the current study coded for consent, indicating whether acts of aggression appeared to be unwanted by the target of the behaviour. The sample was drawn from free online pornography websites instead of videocassettes, as the internet has become the most available and accessible means of viewing pornography for most people.

Race in Pornography

Cowan and Campbell (1994) concluded that there were clear indications that pornography is racist, noting that “dehumanization and depersonalization were pervasive” (p. 334). Racial differences between actors emerged in their content analysis; stereotypical language and behaviour such as Black actors being devoid of intimacy, being portrayed as lower status, and referred to via racial monikers were more common

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT in scenes with Black male actors and White female actors compared to scenes with White male actors and White female actors. Black actors were more likely to be shown as lower status than White actors, and Black women were subordinated by White males more frequently than White women. Black women were also the target of physical and verbal aggression by both Black and White males more often than White women. Black men were least likely to demonstrate intimacy and were more likely to be depicted as

“sex machines” (p. 335). This became a key study in understanding the pervasiveness of racism and sexism in sexually explicit material.

Few studies since Cowan and Campbell (1994) have examined racism as it relates to the treatment of Black actors in pornography. Explicit attitudes toward persons who are Black have gradually been shifting toward egalitarianism since the 1950s (Bobo &

Kluegel, 1993; McConnell & Leibold, 2001). However, as noted by Bobo and Kluegel,

“disputes over race-targeted policies persist despite an apparent steady decline in the traditional anti-Black prejudice and bigotry associated with Jim Crow racism” (p. 458).

A recent study by Sritharan and Gawronski (2010) also concluded that overt racist attitudes have continued to decrease in many societies. However, they also noted that implicit racist attitudes often persist. For example, in a study of racial sexual preferences, information about dating preferences on an online dating site were examined (Rudder,

2014). White, Asian, and Latino men rated their attraction toward Black women lower than their attraction to women of other ethnicities. Black men showed little racial preference, however they did marginally favour Asian or Latina women over Black women. Women of all ethnicities predominantly preferred men of their own race, however, they rated their overall attraction toward Black and Asian men as lower than

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT their attraction to White men. In comparison to data from 2008, the author reported that the number of people placing importance on “dating someone of your own race” declined

(from 40-45% in 2008 to 30-35% in 2014). Thus the data shows that while people voice their acceptance of racial diversity, their personal choice in their partner‟s race remains unchanged; respondents generally preferred a partner of their own race.

Although few studies have explicitly examined racism in pornography, many have assessed the race of the actors, finding a clear majority to be Caucasian. Vannier and colleagues (2014) noted in their study of Teen and MILF online pornography that

92% of the women and 96% of the men in their 100 sampled videos were Caucasian.

Gorman and colleagues (2010), studying the prevalence of degrading acts in pornography, found that 76% of the actors from their sample of 45 scenes were White.

This same study found that interracial scenes were most likely to feature a White male with a non-White female, and only one scene featured a Black male and Black female actor. This finding may indicate a presumption from the creators and distributors of porn that White males are the primary consumers of pornography. Woida (2009) writes “The structures of interracial genre porn are adhered to so scrupulously in U.S. porn that the completely different operations of racially/ethnically marked bodies in porn from outside the U.S. can be troubling for an American viewer, or revelatory, or both” (p. 2).

Additionally, Mayall and Russell (1993) examined the race of actors on the covers of sexually explicit magazines, books, films, and videos. They reported that 92% of the time

White women were the most prominently featured. People of non-White ethnicities were relegated to “special interest” categories. Racial disparities are apparent in the treatment and representation of Black persons, indicating that racism is still present to this day.

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The current study will examine whether there has been a positive shift toward equal treatment and representation of Blacks actors in interracial pornography.

Sexism in Pornography

Cowan and Campbell (1994) also concluded that pornography is sexist. They found that men were more likely to be the perpetrators of aggression and women were more likely to be the target of aggression. Recent research has found similar gender differences in women being the targets of aggression. Bridges and colleagues (2010) conducted an updated content analysis of pornographic DVDs, coding for depictions of aggression, degradation, and various sexual practices. They found high levels of both physical and verbal aggression (approaching 90%), whereas displays of positive behaviours were found in only 10%. Reinforcing the findings of prior content analyses, men were shown to be the primary perpetrators of aggression and females were overwhelmingly the targets.

In a content analysis of images on internet rape sites, Gossett and Byrne (2002) examined power imbalances between men and women. It was found that social context plays a key role in determining who is being empowered and disempowered in online images. As compared to men, women were more likely to have their faces shown in these images, thus becoming the subject of exploitation. By contrast, most of the studied images did not show any identifying characteristics of the men involved, such as faces, thereby “perpetuating the idea that all men are possible rapists” (p. 701). However, Scott and Cuvelier (1993) examined whether violent pornography was increasing, and if it had a causal effect on violence and aggression toward women, measured by incidents of rape in the same time frame. They sampled pornographic cartoons found in Hustler magazines

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT over a span of 13 years (1974-1987), finding no evidence that violent and aggressive pornography was becoming any more common or accepted. They refute the claim that increasingly violent pornography was the cause of increased incidents of rape, concluding that research to date has not drawn any conclusive links to exposure of sexual material and the onset of delinquent or criminal behaviour. Additionally, Scott and Cuvelier noted that only a minority of “stag” movies (x-rated movies predominantly for men) published between 1915 and 1972 contained depictions of rape (5%) or violent behaviour (6-17%); far fewer than in general release movies (e.g. R-rated Hollywood movies).

In addition to aggression, gendered stereotypes are common in pornographic material. In a study of sexually explicit Playboy cartoons, Matacin and Burger (1987) determined that when seduction was analyzed, women were the seducer the majority of the time (59%), supporting a common sexual script in pornography of women being the initiators of sexual activity. Coercion was an uncommon theme, appearing in only 4% of comics, but it was a male coercing a female 100% of the time. McKee (2005) studied the objectification of women in mainstream pornographic videos, including who initiated sex and the number of orgasms the actors experienced. It was again found that women were shown to initiate sex more commonly (31% for women, 17% for men, and mutual or unclear initiation in the remaining 52%), yet in scenes where only one partner had an orgasm, it was a male 68% of the time (not all scenes were heterosexual). By contrast,

Matacin and Burger (1987) also found that women also accounted for 90% of the instances of naïveté, contradicting the stereotype of their agency in initiating sexual activity.

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Broad societal trends in explicit sexism may also be declining. Spence and Hahn

(1997) conducted a longitudinal survey of university students‟ attitudes regarding gender equality over the course of twenty years (1972-1992), repeating the survey in five year intervals. They found that students surveyed in 1972 held the least egalitarian views, and those surveyed in 1992 held the most egalitarian views. Whereas the overall trend was positive, women from every cohort were found to hold more egalitarian views, and men held more traditional views. In her study of global egalitarian views, Charles (2011) writes “women have made major, even revolutionary, strides toward equality with men.”

(p. 355). Traditional views of male dominance and female submissiveness are the basis of sexist themes found in prior research, but recent research may also indicate a shifting trend in the way gender is portrayed in pornography. Vannier and colleagues (2014) compared MILF and teen pornographic videos to examine the portrayal of power of female actors with relation to their age. It was found that there were no differences in the portrayals of the men and women‟s sexual experience, professional status, initiation of sexual activity, or use of persuasion. However, evidence of sexism was found to be more common in videos featuring actresses portraying teens than videos featuring actresses portraying MILFs. As pornography continues to become mainstream, depictions of sexism may be trending downward, but more research is needed in this area. The current study will use Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) methodology for assessing inequality in pornographic videos to determine whether it is as prevalent today as was found in the original study.

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A Whole New World (Wide Web)

Cowan and Campbell (1994) selected their sample of interracial pornography videos from local videocassette retailers in the San Francisco area. To qualify for selection, videos must have had a racially suggestive title (e.g. Black Taboo), or visibly displayed Black actors on the cover of their box. This provides a comparatively niche sample to what a person with an internet connection can access in 2015. The World

Wide Web has provided an avenue for any person to consume or contribute to the ever- growing spread of pornographic material (Brown, 2014; Sehrawat, 2014). Steven Hirsch, creator of Vivid Entertainment (a major producer and distributor of DVD and videocassette pornography) explains, “We have seen probably an 80 percent reduction in sales within the last five years--to the stage where pretty soon it's not likely to sound right to place movies out on DVD” (Morris, 2014). Consumers now have far more freedom in choosing what to watch and may select material that satisfies their individual sexual niche (Chivers et al, 2013; Downing et al, 2014; Vannier et al., 2014). Due to the decline in popularity of pornographic DVDs and videocassettes, a content analysis of interracial videos from online pornography sites will provide greater representation of the content most commonly viewed. In addition, coders in the Cowan and Campbell study (1994) were asked to choose the first 20 interracial videos found at their local video rental store.

This may have been convenient, but also may not be representative of interracial videos that are popular, viewed, or sought out by many people. The current study will use an online sample from the 10 most popular free internet pornography sites.

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Measurement of Aggression

Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) coding criteria may have overestimated the prevalence of sexism and racism. Videos were coded based on seven indicators: physical aggression (hair pulling, rape, holding down, penis slapping, hitting, and pinching), verbal aggression (verbal orders, name calling, coercion, and racial insults), inequality cues (clear age difference, role or occupational inequalities, other inequalities, or depiction of the character as stupid), race stereotypes (use of racial names, racial insults, racial compliments, stereotyped speech, and ethnic background music), and intimacy

(kissing, using the other person‟s name, caressing, face to-face intercourse, and talking during intercourse). However, there is lacking consensus of what constitutes aggressive and sexist behaviour, and whether the measures used to determine these factors are appropriate (McKee, 2014; Scott & Cuvelier, 1993).

Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) method of measuring aggression toward female actors may have overestimated the rates of aggression. Physical aggression cues were operationally defined as acts that were intended to cause harm to the recipient, and verbal aggression cues included name calling, insults, and giving orders. Yet there is an important distinction to be made whether these actions resulted in pleasure or neutrality from the target, or if they were portrayed as causing harm or injury. Bridges et al (2010) defined aggression as “a purposeful act committed by someone that results in harm to either the self or another” (p. 1079); however, when accounting for whether an act appeared visibly unwanted, the rate of aggression fell from 88% to 12%. They explained that of the scenes that included “aggression,” 95% of those cases were met with

„„expressions of pleasure.‟‟ Similarly, McKee (2014) argued that when consent to

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT aggressive behaviour is factored into studies of aggression in sexually explicit material, displays of unwanted aggression occur in a small minority of samples. Barron and

Kimmel (2000) performed a reassessment of prior content analyses, finding that in 25% of magazine scenes that included sexual aggression, 89% were portrayed as consensual; of the 27% of video scenes including aggression, 92% were consensual; and of 42% of

Usenet images portraying sexual activity, 42% were consensual.

McKee noted the danger of judging consensual aggressive acts as hostile. By doing so, researchers are forming guidelines for normative sexual behaviour, deviating from which may be considered obscene, degrading, sexist, or racist, at the expense of consideration for what people actually want and the acts in which they choose to participate (Ahlers et al., 2009; Chivers et al., 2013). For example, Cowan and Campbell

(1994) categorized women performing fellatio on a man while in a supplicant position

(i.e., on her knees) as an act of subordination of the woman, and therefore an indicator of inequality. Although this may be an act of submission, it is difficult to be certain. A woman performing fellatio while lying down would not constitute subordination according to Cowan and Campbell, but the difference between the two positions may be based more on practicality than submission. Furthermore, the study contains no counterexamples for men performing cunnilingus on a woman. Without this measure, the results will necessarily be skewed toward women being subordinate and men being dominant, as there is no means of accruing data on reciprocal roles.

Similarly, defining verbal aggression to include “giving orders” is nebulous.

There is often communication between partners during sexual activity that includes changing position for comfort or satisfaction, so a more clearly defined measure that truly

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT denotes a form of aggression should be utilized. In addition, as Cowan and Campbell used the target of aggression as an indicator of sexism and racism, their operational definition of aggression may have inadvertently lead them to overestimate the frequency of racism and sexism in the videos they coded. The current study will include the same measures of aggression used by Cowan and Campbell to faithfully replicate the study‟s methodology; however, it will also include the same measure of consent as Bridges et al

(2010), defined by the target showing pleasure or neutrality toward consensual acts, and displeasure or trying to avoid harm for non-consensual acts).

The Current Study

The current study will replicate Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) original study, but with three key differences. First, the sample for the current study will be drawn from free online internet pornography sites which contain dedicated interracial pornography sections. This will provide a more representative sample of interracial pornography, accounting for content that a larger number of people have chosen to access, as well as be representative of the ways in which the majority of individuals view pornography.

Second, the current study will include a measure of consent to indicate whether aggressive acts appear unwanted or harmful to the recipient. Third, the current study will use a control group of videos including actors of the same ethnicity and various other ethnicities to compare rates of aggression, inequality, and intimacy between interracial videos and a control sample, examining whether sexism and racism are unique to the interracial category or prevalent among all brands of pornography. Fourthly, the current study will code for a wider range of characteristics and behaviours among actors, such as their private or public context, style of the actors‟ pubic hair, vaginal intercourse, fellatio,

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT cunnilingus, anilingus, toy use, fetishes, paraphilias, and condom use, to contribute to small, but expanding body of literature examining the content of free web-based pornography. The design of current study is guided by three main research questions:

RQ1: Are racism and sexism prevalent in free web-based pornography videos?

RQ2: Do rates of aggression in pornography decline when accounting for

consent?

RQ3: Have the rates of racism and sexism portrayed in pornography shifted in the

last twenty years?

Based on my review of the literature a number of hypotheses were generated.

These hypotheses are as follows:

H1: Racial stereotypes and inequality will be present in interracial videos, but in a

minority of videos.

H2: Rates of physical and verbal aggression will not differ significantly between

interracial and control group videos.

H3: Inequality will be portrayed as men being older and higher status than

women, and women being portrayed as stupider than men, but inequality will be

featured in a minority of videos.

H4: Rates of physical and verbal aggression by men targeting women will be the

most common form of aggression within both interracial and control group

videos, but will be portrayed as non-consensual in a minority of videos.

H5: Consistent with declines in explicit racism (Bobo & Kluegel, 1993;

McConnell & Leibold, 2001), rates of racial stereotyping and aggression are

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expected to be lower in the current sample than Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994)

sample.

H6: Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) study indicated that intimacy is minimally

featured in porn, which is expected to remain consistent with the current study.

Methods

Videos were selected from ten of the most accessible general free pornography sites. These sites were chosen based on the frequency of their appearance in the first two pages of Google search when using common pornography search terms. A private browser window that does not log search histories was used during searches to prevent previous searches from influencing future search results. Using the same method as

Vannier and colleagues (2014), nine common search terms (i.e., “free porn,” “xxx,”

“porno,” “sex videos,” “naked,” “nude,” “sex movies,” “top porn,” and “hot porn”) were entered into the Google search engine. The websites that appeared on the first two pages of search results (n = 20) were added to the list of possible target sites and their frequencies were calculated (see appendix A). Next, web sites that require payment, were live/interactive, or do not include an “interracial” category were excluded. Ten of the remaining websites were chosen based on how often they appear given the aforementioned criteria, with the most common being selected. From these criteria, the following pornographic sites were selected: Redtube, Pornhub, xnxx, Youporn,

Alohatube, Booloo, Kowalskypage, Spankwire, Tubexclips, and Youx.xxx.

Five videos were randomly selected from the interracial category on each site, as well as five control videos from the main page of the website using a random number generator to select a number between 1-100. Half of the sample websites, including

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Alohatube, Booloo, Kowalskypage, Tubexclips, and Youx.xxx, required the viewer to immediately select a category rather than displaying a front page of videos to use as a control. In these instances, the “Hardcore” category was selected for the control population as it is a generalized category that discriminates against few pornographic videos. The term “Hardcore” represents the explicitness of the sexual content but does not indicate any additional actions or behaviours expected to be portrayed by the actors.

It is in contrast to “Softcore,” which depicts sexuality without the graphic display of genitals or various sex acts such as fellatio and cunnilingus. To replicate Cowan and

Campbell‟s (1994) methodology, videos depicting heterosexual sex with up to three people were eligible in the sample, but none of the selected videos demonstrated this composition. Some videos involved three people such as cuckolding scenes, where a couple introduces a third person who has sexual intercourse with one of the partners while the other watches, but only two people were engaged in sexual activity. Other videos were excluded for containing more than three participants. If a video contained heterosexual activity as well as same-sex activity, only the heterosexual activity would be coded, but no instances of homosexual activity were portrayed in this sample. Of the interracial videos, it was noted whether their titles or tags/categories portray evidence of interracial themes (e.g. Black Taboo). Simple identifying characteristics such as Black,

White, Latina/Latino, and Asian were not coded as racial names. Following Cowan and

Campbell‟s method, coding began when first sexual contact between the actors was made and ended after the ejaculation of the male, or there was a change in scene/actors. The exceptions to this rule were when coding for coercion, exploitation, or cuddling, all of which would most likely be found before or after the engagement of sexual activity.

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The same coding criteria used by Cowan and Campbell (1994) was used in the present study. Seven categories were made based on a specific set of indicators, with „1‟ meaning the criteria was present and „0‟ indicating non-presence. Videos were coded based on seven indicators: race (white, black, and other), physical aggression (hair pulling, rape, holding down, penis slapping, hitting, spanking, and pinching), verbal aggression (orders, name calling, coercion, and exploitation), inequality cues (age discrepancy, initiator, status, stupidity, and objectification), racial stereotypes (racial names, racial insults, racial compliments, stereotyped speech, verbal penis size, visual penis size, and ethnic background music), intimacy (kissing, use of name, caressing, talking, cuddling, and sex face-to-face), and submission (a woman performing fellatio on her knees). The submission scale was included in the inequality section of the results for simplicity. Specific coding instructions and the complete coding manual can be found in appendices B and C, respectively. Additionally, a number of supplemental factors were coded to expand the scope of the study, including behaviours (fellatio, cunnilingus, anilingus, vaginal intercourse, anal intercourse, masturbation, manual orgasm, manual stimulation, toys, paraphilias, fetishes, visible ejaculation, and condom use), context

(public, private, or both), and pubic hair (full hair, groomed, no hair, or unclear).

All of the variables in this study were categorical. Chi-squares were used to analyze the differences in the coded features of the two groups of pornographic videos

(i.e., interracial and non-interracial), and Fisher‟s Exact test was used in cases where a given cell size was less than five. Results of the current study were then compared with the results of Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) study to examine differences in findings.

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All videos were coded by one White male coder while two additional White female coders performed reliability coding on 10% of the total sample. Prior to the data collection, all three coders met on two occasions to code trial videos and find discrepancies in how the coding manual was interpreted. A third coding trial was performed by each coder individually and the results were then compared among coders to ensure the consistency of the results. The inter-coder reliability of the final data set was 82% with the most common disagreement found in the style of the actor‟s pubic hair, which was often difficult to discern in videos with lower video quality.

Results

Race

Black actors were found in 100% of the interracial videos, as per the conditions of their selection for this study (see Table 1). White actors were found in 94% of the interracial videos, and races other than Black or White were in 6%. Unexpectedly, it was found that white women‟s representation remained constant across both groups, being featured in 84% of interracial and 78% of control videos. Of the control group, 12% of videos contained Black actors, 92% showed White actors, 22% featured other races, and

2% of the videos had an unclear race. As expected, more black actors were found in interracial videos than control videos, χ²(1) = 24.1, p < .05, and “other” races were found in the control group more often than interracial videos (Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .05).

Pubic Hair

There was a difference between groups in the number of videos showing full pubic hair (Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01) (see Table 1). Full public hair was shown in none of the interracial videos but 14% of the control videos. Groomed hair was found in over

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Table 1 Descriptive Characteristics, Context, and Inequality Cues Interracial (N=50) Control (N=50) Total Sample (N=100) Overall Overall Overall Male Female Male Female Male Female N (%) N (%) % Race N % N % N % N % N N Black 45 90 5 10 50 (100) 6 12 0 0 6 (12) 51 5 56 56 White 5 10 42 84 47 (94) 39 78 39 78 46 (92) 44 81 93 93 Other 0 0 3 6 3 (6) 4 8 11 22 11 (22) 4 14 14 14 Unclear 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 1 2 0 0 1 (2) 1 0 1 1 Pubic Hair Full Hair 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 6 12 2 4 7 (14) 6 2 7 7 Groomed 31 62 12 24 35 (70) 23 46 12 24 28 (56) 54 24 63 63 No Hair 15 30 31 62 38 (76) 18 36 28 56 33 (66) 33 59 71 71 Unclear 4 8 7 14 10 (20) 3 6 8 16 9 (18) 7 15 19 19 Context Private - - - - 46 (92) - - - - 40 (80) - - 86 Public - - - - 3 (6) - - - - 9 (18) - - 12 Both - - - - 1 (2) - - - - 1 (2) - - 2 Inequality Age Disparity 15 30 6 12 21 (42) 13 26 5 10 18 (36) 28 11 39 Initiator 7 14 5 10 12 (24) 9 18 4 8 13 (26) 16 9 25 Mutual Initiation - - - - 17 (34) - - - - 11 (22) - - 28 Unclear Initiation - - - - 21 (42) - - - - 26 (52) - - 47 Higher Status 2 4 0 0 2 (4) 2 4 3 6 5 (10) 4 3 7 Stupidity 0 0 2 4 2 (4) 0 0 1 2 1 (2) 0 3 3 Objectification 48 96 34 68 48 (96) 45 90 32 64 46 (92) 93 66 94 Submission - - 20 40 20 (40) - - 13 26 13 (26) - 33 33 Note: “Overall” columns indicate the total number of videos portraying the behaviour, not the total instances of the behaviour by the actors.

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT half of interracial videos and control videos and was significantly more common among men than women across groups, χ²(1) = 8.4, p < .01. No hair was found in approximately the same proportion of videos but was more common among women than men, χ²(1) =

5.07, p < .05. Unclear pubic hair was coded in 20% of interracial videos and 18% of control videos, often due to poor video quality, no visibility of the pubic area, or the rare occasion when an actor‟s pants remained on.

Context

There was no difference in the context between groups. The majority of videos were set in a private context between 80-92% of the time and a public context 6-18% of the time.

Inequality

No differences were found between groups in age difference, initiation, status, stupidity, objectification, or submission (see Table 1). It was found, however, that men were more likely to be portrayed as older, χ²(1) = 6.23, p < .05. This was most often counted by the inclusion of a “teen” tag on a video and reinforced by a plot, a common variation of which was a young woman being jealous of her mother and hitting on her step-dad. There was often little physical evidence of a genuine age difference between the male and female actors, although indications of age differences were present in 39% of the total videos.

The most common form of initiation was unclear, coded in 47% of the total sample. This was generally caused by videos beginning at a point where sexual contact was well-underway without showing who made the first move. When initiation was apparent, it was mutual 28% of the time, characterized by the immediate reciprocation of

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT first sexual contact. There was no substantive difference between the number of male initiators and female initiators, however, a specific gender was depicted as initiating sexual contact in 25% of the total sample as opposed to mutual or unclear initiation.

Portrayal of status differences and stupidity were rare, being coded in 3-7% of the total sample. Gender differences were not large enough to be significant in either category, yet it was noted that all three instances of stupidity were depicted by women.

By contrast, objectification was apparent the vast majority of videos. Ninety-three percent of the videos objectified men by leaving their faces off-camera for extended periods of time, if not entirely, or contained close-ups of their genitals. Women were also found to be objectified in a majority of the sample although less frequently than men;

66% of videos similarly left women‟s faces off-camera for extended durations or contained close-ups of their genitals. No difference was found between groups in instances of submission. Women performed fellatio on their knees in 33% of the total sample.

Physical Aggression

No difference between groups was found in hair pulling, rape, holding down, penis slapping, hitting, or pinching (see Table 2). However, there was a significantly higher amount of spanking in interracial videos than in the control group, χ²(1) = 9.09, p

< .01. Few gender differences emerged, yet when instances of aggression occurred, a male was almost always the perpetrator. Men were statistically more likely to hair pull

(Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01) and spank (Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01) their partner, whereas women did not pull hair, rape, pinch, or spank a male throughout the entire sample.

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Table 2 Aggression, Intimacy, and Behaviours Interracial (N=50) Control (N=50) Total Sample (N=100) Overall Overall Overall Male Female Male Female Male Female N (%) N (%) % Physical Aggression N % N % N % N % N N Hair Pulling 7 14 0 0 7 (14) 4 8 0 0 4(8) 11 0 11 Rape 1 2 0 0 1 (2) 1 2 0 0 1(2) 2 0 2 Holding Down 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 0 0 1 2 1(2) 0 1 1 Penis Slapping 3 6 3 6 6 (12) 1 2 1 2 2 (4) 4 4 8 Hitting 6 12 1 2 7 (14) 1 2 1 2 2(4) 7 2 9 Spanking 30 60 0 0 30 (60) 15 30 0 0 15(30) 45 0 45 Pinching 1 2 0 0 1(2) 2 4 0 0 2(4) 3 0 3 Verbal Aggression Orders 22 44 16 32 29(58) 13 26 6 12 16(32) 35 22 45 Name Calling 3 6 1 2 3(6) 2 4 0 0 2(4) 5 1 5 Coercion 1 2 0 0 1(2) 1 2 0 0 1(2) 2 0 2 Exploitation 1 2 0 0 1(2) 0 0 1 2 1(2) 1 1 2 Intimacy Kissing 21 42 18 16 23(46) 21 42 14 28 20(40) 42 32 43 Use of Name 2 4 2 4 3(6) 0 0 1 2 1(2) 2 3 4 Caressing 16 32 16 32 23(46) 16 32 9 18 20(40) 32 25 43 Talking - - - - 34 (68) - - - - 19 (38) - - 53 Cuddling - - - - 0 (0) - - - - 0 (0) - - 0 Sex Face-to-Face - - - - 14 (28) - - - - 8 (16) - - 22 Behaviours Vaginal Intercourse - - - - 50 (100) - - - - 41 (82) - - 91 Fellatio - - - - 42 (84) - - - - 38 (76) - - 80 Manual Stimulation 21 42 31 62 37 (74) 22 44 25 50 36 (72) 43 56 73 73 Visible Ejaculation 28 56 1 2 28 (56) 26 52 1 2 27 (54) 54 2 55 Masturbation 17 34 27 54 32 (64) 2 4 18 36 20 (40) 19 45 52 52

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Aggression, Intimacy, and Behaviours (continued) Interracial (N=50) Control (N=50) Total Sample (N=100) Overall Overall Overall Male Female Male Female Male Female N (%) N (%) % Behaviours (cont.) N % N % N % N % N N Manual Orgasm 25 50 0 0 25 (50) 21 42 1 2 22 (44) 46 2 47 47 Cunnilingus - - - - 20 (40) - - - - 11 (22) - - 33 Anal Intercourse - - - - 12 (24) - - - - 10 (20) - - 22 Anilingus 8 16 1 2 9 (18) 4 8 0 0 4 (8) 12 1 13 13 Condom Use 4 8 - - 4 (8) 4 8 - - 4 (8) 8 - 8 Toys Used by 1 2 0 0 1 (2) 3 6 1 2 3 (6) 4 1 4 4 Fetish 2 4 1 2 2 (4) 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 2 1 2 2 Paraphilia 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 0 0 0 0 Note: “Overall” column indicates the total number of videos portraying the behaviour, not the total instances of the behaviour by the actors.

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The total instances of hair pulling and pinching were uncommon, shown in 11% and 3% of the total videos respectively. Holding down was similarly not a popular activity; shown once in interracial group during a rape scene and once in the control group when a young woman climbed on her seated „step-dad‟ while trying to persuade him to have sex with her. Interestingly, while penis slapping is often considered a derogatory act toward women, it was found that men were just as likely to slap their penis on a woman‟s face as the woman was to slap the penis on her own face, with four instances coded for each gender.

Furthermore, most instances of a man hitting a woman were when he was slapping her breast, or in one instance her thigh in what may have been a misplaced spank, but did not meet the criteria for being considered non-consensual (i.e., showing pain or attempting to avoid the strike). The one instance of a woman hitting a man in the interracial videos was when she was told by the man to slap him. The one instance of a man hitting a woman in the control videos was in the context of a rape. During this scene the woman also slapped the man, although the man did not appear to show pain or try to avoid the slap.

Verbal Aggression

No between groups difference was found in name calling, coercion, or exploitation; however, a difference was found in giving orders, χ²(1) = 6.83, p = .01 (see

Table 2). Orders were given in 58% of interracial videos and 32% of control videos, but there were no main effects for gender in either group. Name calling was present in 5% of the total sample and while the number of videos portraying coercion was not significant, appearing only twice out of one hundred scenes, it was men doing the coercing on both

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT occasions. Exploitation was also shown in two videos, but one instance was a man exploiting a woman, and the other was a woman exploiting a street vendor for discounted merchandise.

Intimacy

No differences were found in kissing, use of name, caressing, cuddling, and sex face-to-face (see Table 2). However, a difference was found in actors talking to each other, which was more common in interracial videos than the control videos, χ²(1) = 9.03, p < .01. No main effects between gender were found, yet it was noted that intimacy cues were, as a whole, much more common than anticipated. Kissing and caressing were found in 43% of the total videos while talking happened in a majority (53%) of videos.

Sex face-to-face was shown in 22% of videos.

Behaviours

No differences were found between groups in fellatio, cunnilingus, anilingus, anal intercourse, manual orgasm, manual stimulation, toys, paraphilias, fetishes, visible ejaculation, or condom use (see Table 2). There were differences in vaginal intercourse

(Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01) with 100% of interracial videos showing the act compared to

82% of control videos, and further differences in masturbation being more common in interracial videos, χ²(1) = 5.77, p < .05. Between genders it was found that men were more likely to perform anilingus (Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01), induce a manual orgasm

(Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01), and to be shown visibly ejaculating (Fisher‟s Exact test, p <

.01) than women. On the other hand, women were more likely to be shown masturbating,

χ²(1) = 8.08, p < .01. An ordered list of the most prevalent behaviours can be found in

Table 2, yet it can be safely assumed that when watching any given pornographic video

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT there will be vaginal intercourse, fellatio, and manual stimulation such as hand jobs or fingering, with prevalence ranging from 73-91%. Visible ejaculation, masturbation, and manual orgasm appear in roughly 50% of videos, followed by less common behaviours such as cunnilingus, anal intercourse, and anilingus, ranging from 13-33%. Condom use, toys, and fetishes, were all featured in 8% or fewer scenes, and paraphilias were not portrayed at all.

Racial Stereotypes

No differences were found in racial insults, racial compliments, stereotyped speech, or ethnic background music between groups (see Table 3). Racial insults, racial compliments, and stereotyped speech were not used at all in the control group, and were in only 4% of the interracial group. However, there was an expected difference in racial names (Fisher‟s Exact test, p = .01) with racial names appearing in 14% of the interracial videos and none of the control videos. These racial names were predominantly found in the titles and tags to videos rather than being used by the actors within the scenes.

Interestingly, the only two occurrences of ethnic background music were found in the control group during scenes with East Indian actors, set to East Indian music.

There was also a difference in verbal mentions of penis size between groups

(Fisher‟s Exact test, p = .001) and visual penis size, χ²(1) = 22.7, p < .01. Penis size was mentioned in 34% of the interracial videos and 10% of control videos, and visual cues were found in 60% of the interracial videos and only 14% of the control videos. As with racial names, visual penis size cues were found most often in the title and tags for videos rather than in the actual scenes.

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Table 3 Racial Stereotypes and Non-Consensual Behaviours Interracial (N=50) Control (N=50) Total Sample (N=100) Overall Overall Overall Male Female Male Female Male Female N (%) N (%) % Racial Stereotypes N % N % N % N % N N Racial Names 3 6 4 8 7(14) 0 0 0 0 0(0) 3 4 7 Racial Insults 0 0 1 2 1(2) 0 0 0 0 0(0) 0 1 1 Racial Compliments 1 2 1 2 2(4) 0 0 0 0 0(0) 1 1 2 Stereotyped Speech 0 0 0 0 0(0) 0 0 0 0 0(0) 0 0 0 Verbal Penis Size - - - - 17 (34) - - - - 5 (10) - - 22 Visual Penis Size - - - - 30 (60) - - - - 7 (14) - - 37 Ethnic BGM - - - - 0 (0) - - - - 2 (4) - - 2 Non-Consensual

Behaviours Penis Slapping 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 1 2 0 0 1 (2) 1 0 2 2 Hitting 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 1 2 0 0 1 (2) 1 0 2 2 Kissing 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 1 2 0 0 1 (2) 1 0 2 2 Fellatio 2 4 0 0 2 (4) 1 2 0 0 1(2) 3 0 6 6 Cunnilingus 1 2 0 0 1 (2) 0 0 0 0 0 (0) 1 0 2 2 Vaginal Intercourse - - - - 1 (2) - - - - 2 (4) - - 2 Anal Intercourse - - - - 1 (2) - - - - 0 (0) - - 1 Note: “Overall” column indicates the total number of videos portraying the behaviour, not the total instances of the behaviour by the actors.

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Non-Consensual Activities

Very few non-consensual acts were coded throughout the entire sample and there were no differences in the portrayal of non-consensual acts between groups (see Table 3).

There were 14 instances of non-consensual behaviour, 11 of which were coded during two rape scenes; one from the interracial group and the other control group, including depictions of non-consensual penis slapping, hitting, fellatio, cunnilingus, manual stimulation, and vaginal intercourse. The vast majority of other instances of physical or verbal aggression such as spanking, hitting, and orders, were portrayed as being consensual and not intended to cause harm. All non-consensual behaviours were perpetrated by men; none were by women.

Comparison with Cowan and Campbell

The intent of Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) study was to examine sexism and racism in interracial pornography. Their results summary indicates the total number of behaviours by the total number of actors in all their videos, including interracial and non- interracial scenes. However, all of their scenes were coded from videocassettes that were specifically marketed as interracial pornography. Therefore, to make the most accurate comparison between Cowan and Campbell‟s study and the current study, their data was compared to the current study‟s interracial sample. Additionally, the behaviour percentages provided by Cowan and Campbell‟s were converted to an estimated N (total

N = 476, multiplied by X percent) and rounded to the nearest whole number to accommodate chi-square and fisher exact testing. This was done so an equivalent comparison could be made between the behaviours portrayed by actors in Cowan and

Campbell‟s study and the current study (see Table 4). Note that some behaviours could

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Table 4 Cowan and Campbell Comparison Cowan & Current Study Campbell Actors Interracial Actors Fisher/ χ² (N=476) (N=100) Physical Aggression N % N % Hitting 40 8.4 7 7 χ²(1)=.019, p = .67 Hair Pulling 14 2.9 7 7 χ²(1)=3.51, p = .06 Holding Down 45 9.5 0 0 p < .01 Penis Slapping 24 5 6 6 χ²(1)=0.14, p = .71 Pinching 19 4 1 1 p = .22 Verbal Aggression Orders 157 33 38 38 χ²(1)=0.45, p = .50 Name Calling 30 6.3 4 4 p = .49 Coercion/Exploitation 15 3.2 2 2 p = .75 Intimacy Kissing 68 14.3 39 39 χ²(1)=20.3, p < .01 Use of Name 135 28.4 4 4 p < .01 Caressing 67 14.1 32 32 χ²(1)=12.0, p < .01 Talking 23 4.8 34 34 χ²(1)=55.6, p < .01 Sex Face-to-Face 25 5.3 14 14 χ²(1)=8.31, p < .01 Behaviours Anal Sex 250 52.5 12 12 χ²(1)=25.4, p < .01 Visible Ejaculation 152 32 29 29 χ²(1)=0.16, p = .68 Race Racial Compliment 100 21 2 2 p < .01 Racial Insult 44 9.2 1 1 p < .01 Verbal Penis Size 51 10.7 17 17 χ²(1)=2.39, p = .12 Visual Penis Size 68 14.3 30 30 χ²(1)=9.45, p < .01 Note: Only actors from the current study‟s interracial videos are included to replicate Cowan and Campbell‟s population of interracial actors. Vaginal intercourse, fellatio, and cunnilingus were coded by Cowan and Campbell only when they were the activity that initiated sexual contact and therefore are not included in this comparison.

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT not be compared, such as vaginal intercourse, fellatio, and cunnilingus, since Cowan and

Campbell coded the frequency that these behaviours were used to initiate sexual activity, but not their overall prevalence.

In the category of physical aggression, no differences were found in hitting, hair pulling, penis slapping, or pinching. The sole difference was found in holding down

(Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01), shown in 9.5% of Cowan and Campbell‟s data and once in the interracial sample of the current study. The most common form of physical aggression in the current study, spanking, was not reported by Cowan and Campbell, however, it‟s inclusion as an act of physical aggression will be critiqued in the discussion section.

No differences were found between Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) findings of verbal aggression and the current study, including orders, name calling, or coercion/exploitation. By contrast, every measure of intimacy had significantly changed between these studies, in each case becoming more frequent in the current study than the prior with the exception of use of name, which fell from 28.4% of videos to 4%. Kissing, caressing, talking, and sex face-to-face were each portrayed far more regularly in the current study‟s interracial group with a value of p < .01.

The current study coded videos to examine the presence of certain behaviours throughout the course of a pornographic scene while Campbell and Cowan were looking to see which behaviours were used to initiate sexual contact between actors. Due to this difference in coding, incidences of fellatio, cunnilingus, and vaginal intercourse were not compared. It was found that there was no difference in the instances of visible ejaculation. However, it should be noted that Cowan and Campbell recorded males

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT ejaculating on the face or in the mouth, whereas the current study included visible ejaculation by males and females, and on any part of the body in the case of males.

Many differences were found in the racial stereotypes category. Verbal mention of penis size remained consistent between studies, yet racial compliments and racial insults were both coded less frequently in the current study (Fisher‟s Exact test, p < .01) while instances of visual penis size were coded more frequently (Fisher‟s Exact test, p <

.01). The increase of visual penis size was highly probable due to the inclusion of video titles and tags that referenced BBC (big black cocks), a common search term for interracial categories. Race was seldom mentioned by the actors in interracial videos regardless of whether it was in a complimentary or derogatory context.

Discussion

The current study was designed to replicate Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) publication examining sexism and racism in interracial pornography. The purpose was to examine if rates of sexist and racist behaviours had changed in the previous 20 years, as well as study whether internet pornography differed from videocassette pornography in terms of the actions and behaviours portrayed by the actors. Cowan and Campbell‟s findings showed evidence of racially motivated behaviour in that White actors were more likely behave aggressively toward Black actors and men were more likely to be portrayed as dominant and in control than women. By contrast, the current study generally found that there were few racial differences between Black and White actors and, with few exceptions, women were treated equally to men. Black women appeared to be underrepresented in the interracial category in contrast to White women‟s overrepresentation, supporting the finding of Vannier and colleagues (2010) that White

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT actors are most commonly found when other races and ethnicities are not specified.

Intimacy was much more prevalent in the current sample, and behaviours such as vaginal intercourse, fellatio, and visible ejaculation were found to be common, supporting previous research in this field. These findings are consistent with the declining trend of explicit racism since the 1950s as discussed by Bobo & Kluegel (1993), as well as the increasing trend in equality between the sexes (Spence & Hahn, 1997).

The first research question posed above asked whether racism and sexism are prevalent in free web-based pornography. The current study indicates that based on interracial categories and sample populations from the front page of free web-based pornography sites, overt racism is a rarity and sexism, as defined by physical or verbal aggression targeting one gender more than the other, is not as common as might be anticipated. The first hypothesis, that racial stereotypes and inequality will be present in interracial videos, but in a minority of the videos, was partially supported. Racial stereotypes were present in a minority of videos as expected, however, inequality cues were no more common in interracial videos than in the control group. The most common form of inequality, older male/younger female, occurred in 30% of the interracial videos and 26% of control videos. Status differences and stupidity were each portrayed in only

4% of interracial scenes whereas they appeared in 10% and 2% on the control videos.

However, objectification was found in nearly every video regardless of group.

The second hypothesis, stating that rates of physical and verbal aggression will not differ significantly between interracial and control group videos, was generally supported. The notable difference was higher rates of spanking and orders given in the interracial videos, whereas all other measures were equal across groups. To explore this

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT more deeply, we must examine what constitutes aggression in these cases and whether the measures used are truly indicative of problematic behaviour. For example, spanking was found in 45% of all sample videos, but not one instance was recorded of the spanking being non-consensual. It would not be hard to imagine a scenario where spanking crossed a threshold to the point of no longer being welcome, yet the frequency of the action may suggest it as being normative sexual behaviour among many people, raising questions about it being classified as aggression. If the action is found to be pleasurable by the recipient and is welcome, the case may be made that spanking constitutes an intimate behaviour, crossing the boundary into physical aggression once it has either surpassed the point of pleasure, or was not a consensual activity from the start.

A similar examination of verbal aggression must be conducted. Orders were the most frequent manifestation of verbal aggression. Orders were coded at the same frequently as spanking, in 45% of the total sample, yet most of these instances were one person giving simple directions to the other such as “lie down” or “turn around.” The lines were blurred further in instances where people used manners such as asking their partner to “please lie down” or “turn around please.” To consider these examples of verbal aggression is to undermine the meaning and impact of what veritable verbal aggression truly is. The current study used a concise but clear definition for orders, one person telling another person what to do. However, there was a thin line between someone giving orders and two people talking, depending on whether the target of the order verbally responded. If the target did not verbally respond, it was an order and coded as verbal aggression. If the target did verbally respond, it was talking and coded as

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT intimacy. The subjective nature of communicating during sexual intercourse requires a more nuanced approach that was, unfortunately, beyond the scope of this study.

The third hypothesis, that inequality will be portrayed as men being older and higher status than women, and women being portrayed as stupider than men, but inequality will be featured in a minority of videos, was partially supported. There were no differences in equality between men and women‟s age, status, depictions of stupidity, objectification, or initiation in either the interracial group or control group. This may be indicative of a trend toward egalitarianism when considering Matacin and Burger‟s

(1987) finding that women were portrayed as the initiator of sexual contact in pornographic material 59% of the time, as well as McKee‟s (2005) data indicating women initiated in 31% of pornographic videos. Vannier and colleagues (2014) have also noted that no differences in portrayal of sexual experience, status, initiation, coercion/exploitation were present in their study. Inequality cues were not commonly portrayed in the current study with exception of objectification, which was ubiquitous among both men and women, appearing in 96% of interracial videos and 92% of control videos. The objectification of women was most commonly coded as a result of close-ups to their genitals, but it was common for men to be objectified with either close-ups of their genitals or being partially off camera with only their penises in the scene. This is consistent with Gossett and Byrne (2002), who also noted that men were less likely to have their faces shown in sexually explicit material.

The current study did not code for body type among actors, but it was noted that there was far more diversity in the body types of female actors compared to male actors.

Female actors ranged from young to old, overweight to skinny, muscular to dainty, yet

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT the representation of male actors was overwhelmingly young and muscular in both the interracial and control groups. A recent study by Peter and Valkenburg (2014) described the effect that watching pornography has on men and women‟s body image. It was found that pornography did not affect women‟s personal assessment of their body satisfaction; however, it did lower men‟s overall body satisfaction. It was not penis size that men became dissatisfied with, but rather their stomach. The presentation and treatment of women in pornography has long been the subject of intense scrutiny, yet future studies may wish to include special focus on the portrayal of how men are presented in pornography as well.

It would be misleading to say that racism and sexism are not prevalent in free web-based pornography. The current study did not find a great deal of aggression nor inequality, but the expansive nature of the internet makes it possible for individuals to find whatever niche suits their tastes (Chivers et al, 2013; Downing et al, 2014; Vannier et al., 2014). While these niches, such as rape or racially degrading scenes, were not present in the current study, they do exist, and are generally just as accessible as the interracial videos coded in this study. However, the current study may suggest that activities deemed more violent or unsavory have been relegated to their own distinct categories to keep them apart from the mainstream pornography (e.g., front page videos).

Despite being free services, these websites are still businesses that generate ad revenue, and it is in their interest to appeal to the greatest number of consumers. Websites that feature front page content that is unpalatable to most viewers would quickly lose popularity and revenue; therefore, the current study‟s front page sample may serve as a litmus test for what is considered mainstream pornography, and by extension, what is

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT deemed socially acceptable. The caveat is that the current sample was not representative of all front page videos, but rather the ones that fit the criteria for this study (i.e., a scene of heterosexual activity between no more than three individuals).

Our second research question asked if rates of aggression in pornography decline when accounting for consent. The results were found to be consistent with prior research indicating that non-consensual aggression comprises only a small fraction of the overall incidences of aggression in pornography (Barron & Kimmel, 2000; Bridges et al, 2010;

McKee, 2014). The fourth hypothesis, that rates of physical and verbal aggression by men targeting women would be significant in both interracial and control group videos, was partially supported. Men engaged in more hair pulling, hitting, and spanking, but there were no significant differences between men and women in rape, holding down, penis slapping, or pinching. As stated above, non-consensual acts of aggression appeared in only a small fraction of the entire sample and there were no significant sex differences between males and females. This was likely due to the rarity of non-consensual acts, and despite no significant gender differences being found it was noted that every instance of non-consensual behaviour was perpetrated by a male. If a larger sample size was to be studied, the rate of non-consensual behaviours being portrayed may not change, yet it is possible that a gender difference may be found. These findings support Scott and

Cuvelier‟s (1993) data that found rates of violent and aggressive porn is neither becoming more common nor more accepted in mainstream pornography.

The most common form of physical aggression was spanking, present in 45% of the sample. Yet if spanking were to be put aside due to its debatably intimate nature, the next most common form of physical aggression was hair pulling, found in 11% of the

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT total sample. This is a small minority of the total sample videos, and none of these instances of hair pulling were deemed non-consensual, defined by apparent distress or attempting to avoid the behaviour. Of the nine instances of one actor hitting another, only one was shown to be non-consensual, taking place in the context of a rape scene.

Similarly, penis slapping was performed eight times total, but only appeared non- consensual once. When controlling for consent, the already low rates of aggression decreased considerably. As stated in the literature review, researchers must note the danger of judging consensual aggressive acts as inherently hostile. By doing so, researchers are forming guidelines for normative sexual behaviour, deviating from which may be considered obscene, degrading, sexist, or racist. This comes at the expense of considering what people actually want, and which acts they voluntarily choose to participate in.

The third research question asks whether rates of racism and sexism in pornography have changed in the last twenty years. The fifth hypothesis, that rates of racial stereotyping and aggression are expected to be less common than in Cowan and

Campbell‟s sample, was partially supported. Racial stereotyping in the form of racial compliments and insults were portrayed less often, but instances of verbal penis size remained unchanged and visual penis size became more prevalent, consistent with

Sritharan and Gawronski‟s (2010) findings of the persistence of implicit racial stereotypes, such as the stereotype of black males having larger than average penises.

There was almost no variation in the rates of aggression between the two studies suggesting that physical aggression has generally remained consistent. Holding down was the sole category that saw a significant change in occurrences, yet the answer is not

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT clear cut. Rates of aggressive behaviour may be similar, but non-consensual aggressive acts were exceedingly rare. The evidence suggests there is overlap between mild forms of aggression and pleasure, disallowing generalized statements about aggression in pornography being inherently bad. In addition, race often appeared incidental in the current study rather than designed to portray status differences between the actors, though there was a difference in the verbalization and visualization of penis size both between studies as well as over the control group in the current study.

The most striking difference between the Cowan and Campbell study and the current study relates to intimacy. Hypothesis six, suggesting that rates of intimacy will not have changed, was not supported. Rates of intimacy in free, web-based pornography were much higher in the current study for both interracial and control groups than in

Cowan and Campbell‟s study. Cowan and Campbell wrote “That black men scored lowest on intimacy measures shows the reduced humanity of Black men in pornography; they are not shown as people, but as sex machines, even more so than other characters.

As little intimacy as there is in pornography, Black men are shown as relatively devoid of this humanizing element” (p. 355). The current study shows, however, that black men, featured in the vast majority of interracial videos as well as a small number of control videos, showed significantly higher rates of all coded methods of intimacy with the exception of name use. Kissing, caressing, talking, and sex face-to-face were portrayed by approximately one-third of all interracial actors; the same rates found in the control group. Name use was infrequent overall, which is likely the result of online pornography consisting more commonly of discrete scenes of sexual intercourse rather than scenarios that play out with actors role-playing parts. The evidence suggests that Black actors have

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT made significant strides in terms of equality and portrayals of intimacy in the past twenty years, with the exception of the still prevalent stereotype of Black males having larger than average penis size.

Limitations of the Study

The intent of the current study was to replicate Cowan and Campbell‟s (1994) study on racism and sexism in interracial pornography, revised with the internet as a means for accessing and consuming porn to determine whether Cowan and Campbell‟s findings remained consistent after twenty years. Unfortunately, several factors prevented the current study from being an exact replication of the original study. The original coding manual used by Cowan and Campbell‟s was not included with their publication, thus it was impossible to use the precise definitions previously employed. While the meanings of the terms used, such as spanking or hitting, are well understood, it quickly became apparent during the coding process that behaviour can be highly subjective, and without concrete operational definitions there are likely to be discrepancies between the studies. For example, it is unknown how sex face-to-face was originally coded, and whether the actors simply have to be looking at each other or if they had to literally have their faces touching.

It was found that the criteria of requiring actors to be in either a missionary or cowgirl position with their faces within one foot of each other may have been too exclusive for this measure since many scenes included actors who were in numerous other positions who still managed to have their faces meet in order to kiss or speak with each other. A failure of the imagination prevented these encounters from being coded as

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT intimate and illustrated the type of pre-judgment researchers may be liable to make when defining behaviours as positive or negative.

Focusing on specific actions allowed a number of other notable actions and behaviours to go unacknowledged. Racial insults and compliments were coded when they were being used by one person to describe another, which was uncommon, but often you would find actors using racial slurs or compliments about themselves which did not fit the coding scheme. Similarly, racial compliments were coded but ordinary compliments were not. This was an unfortunate oversight considering the results indicated that rates of intimacy may be changing, and compliments would have proven to be an important boon to this category. Furthermore, the definition of terms may allow for them to become disproportionately represented in the study. The example of orders was given above, but objectification also became overrepresented through a loose definition of genital close-ups. The draw to pornography is, to a great extent, the viewing of the forbidden fruit. It should perhaps be accepted that genitals will be prominently featured and coded as a subcategory of objectification in future studies to prevent it from inflating objectification data.

The current study was also unable to employ the same number of coders as

Cowan and Campbell, limiting the sample size that was coded. Furthermore, the absolute breadth of pornography available via the internet made narrowing down a comparison between what was prominently featured in pornography in the early 1990s and what is featured in 2015 a challenging task. Focusing on one subset of pornography when there are dozens, if not hundreds, of niche categorizes to analyze may not be fully representative of what is or is not being commonly portrayed in free, web-based

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT pornography. For example, a “Rough Sex” category may include more portrayals of racism, sexism, and non-consensual behaviour than an interracial category, and may also contain a far greater total number of videos. Future studies may attempt to account for the total number of videos within various categories to examine how common certain portrayals of behaviours are.

The category of submission was not found to be a helpful nor accurate measure of power inequality. Cowan and Campbell (1994) defined submission as a woman performing fellatio on her knees, which immediately disqualifies men from ever being coded as submissive. Evidence from the current study would indicate this is not appropriate. Men were often found to perform cunnilingus either on their knees, on all fours, or while the woman straddled the man‟s face as he was seated or lying down.

When performing mutual oral sex in a 69 position, the woman was generally on top of the man, yet this is not considered submissive of the male. Additionally, in one instance a woman was seated on the floor with her legs in front of her and her back to a wall while a man stood over her and had her perform fellatio by thrusting his penis in her mouth.

This presented an apparent case of submission, but did not constitute submission by this scale, which raises the question what this scale was supposedly measuring at all.

Further coding considerations were noted. A common concern that arose was the use of pet names (e.g., daddy or baby) and whether they should be coded as an intimate cue in place of actual names. The use of actual names was exceedingly rare, yet an argument could be made that pet names are a separate but equal measure of intimacy, however, they were excluded from this study. The protocol for when a video was not

English was debated as this made it difficult to discern when orders, names, or any verbal

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT code was used, yet these videos were included so long as they met the established criteria for being selected. Point-of-View videos, where one of the participants holds the camera during sexual intercourse, is by its nature objectifying since one partner‟s face is never shown, and is almost exclusively the male. While they may be considered a stylistic choice for filming, their inclusion in the sample will necessarily inflate rates of objectification under the current coding scheme. Some videos contained contradictory titles and tags, for example a teen video with a MILF tag, in which case the coder must make a judgment call about the ages of the actors to determine which choice applies best.

Finally, one of the coded rape videos contained name use, but was not coded as intimate due to the nature of the scene.

Conclusion

Pornography is likely to remain omnipresent in society given its demand and ease of access via the internet. As such, it is imperative that this field of knowledge continues to expand so we may develop a fuller understanding of the effects it has on its consumers.

However, pornography has often been a polarizing topic, leaving discussion of its merits and detriments to be clouded by prejudice and misinformation. The current study has aimed to contribute to this growing body of research in an impartial manner, exploring relevant trends in the representation of racist and sexist attitudes in this popular form of media. The data collected supports previously established studies which indicate that explicit racism in pornography is being portrayed in lower rates than in past decades, as well as the increasing trend of egalitarian roles between men and women. While rates of aggression in pornography have not varied from prior research, the consideration of

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT consensual activity in sexually explicit material may provide a more accurate representation of how much harm is being portrayed in this media.

Many studies in the past have examined either rates of exposure to pornography among a population or how regularly pornography is consumed by a population. This quantitative data remains crucial to expanding our understanding of the field, however, online pornography has been stratified and categorized to an extent that future studies must also consider the qualitative aspect of the pornography being studied. The content of the pornography being consumed will likely yield a great deal of valuable information concerning the effects that pornography has on individuals. For example, if there were a correlation between exposure to simulated rape pornography and an increase in the rate of sexual assaults among a population, this valuable information may be conflated with exposure to softcore pornography, which by its nature minimizes explicit content and would hypothetically not share a similar correlation. By treating all pornography uniformly, sweeping generalizations may be made that would prove to be unfounded upon closer inspection.

As technology continues to develop and new avenues of accessing and consuming pornography present themselves, future research must keep pace in exploring the ways our lives are impacted by this changing environment. Access to pornography in the past may have been confined to magazines and videocassettes, yet today any person with a smartphone and an internet connection has a window to as much sexually explicit material as they care to look for. This is particularly relevant to youths, who historically would not have had the same degree of access, while there remains controversy over the impact pornography may have.

BETTERMENT OR BELITTLEMENT

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Appendix A

Retrieved November 5, 2014 (All URLS are “.com” unless stated otherwise) Results that occur more than once per search term are identified in brackets following the website name. Multiple occurrences of the same website per search term are not included in frequency calculations, only the first occurrence.

Free Porn XXX Porno Sex Videos Naked pornhub xxx xnxx pornhub urbandecay redtube xvideos redtube tube8 okmagazine youporn xnxx pornhub xnxx discovery Xnxx redtube xvideos kowalskypage sephora alohatube gonzoxxxmovies pornodingue redtube youtube (x2) xvideos (x2) xxx.xxx pornoorzel alohatube imdb slutload youx.xxx youporn (x2) youporn gq Booloo youporn sambaporno xvideos (x2) nakedcomms Porn youtube tukif (x4) teensexvideoshd huffingtonpost.ca (x2) xhamster imdb pornoleeuw taxi69 vice dinotube wikipedia.org (x2) toroporno dailymotion mirror.co.uk youjizz pornburst.xxx spankwire youx.xxx thenakedshop pinkworld tubeclips porn sexxxxi wikipedia.org tubegalore xxx.lanl.gov youkizz youtube (x2) vh1 tnaflix economist lupoporno tnaflix insidetv.ew.com tube8 taxi69 videos.petardas.com xpornking naked-music hornbunny xxxracing.org tubexclips nakedjuice spankwire dailymotion (x2) tlc thenakedscientists madthumbs torontosun timetogetnaked filthygorgeousmedia

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Frequencies

Redtube 6 Dinotube 1 GQ 1 Sexpornlist 1 Pornhub 5 Economist 1 Hecklerspray 1 Collectionofbestporn 1 xnxx 5 Sephora 1 Hornbunny 1 Pornreview 1 Youporn 5 Slutload 1 Huffingtonpost.ca 1 Brobible 1 Dailymotion 4 TLC 1 Lupoporno 1 Redditlist 1 Xvideos 4 Toroporno 1 Madthumbs 1 Ebaumsworld 1 Alohatube 3 Tubeclips 1 Nakedcomms 1 Porndig 1 Youtube 3 Tubegalore 1 Okmagazine 1 3movs 1 Booloo 2 Tukif 1 Pinkworld 1 Spankbang 1 Discovery 2 Urbandecay 1 Popcrunch 1 Beautifulpussypics 1 IMDB 2 Vice 1 Pornburst.xxx 1 Apetube 1 Kowalskypage 2 videos.petardas.com 1 Pornodingue 1 Gopornvideos 1 Mirror.co.uk 2 Xhamster 1 Pornoleeuw 1 Hotgirlclub 1 Spankwire 2 Gonzoxxxmovies 1 Pornoorzel 1 Pornmummy 1 Taxi69 2 xxxracing.org 1 Sambaporno 1 xxx 1 Teensexvideoshd 2 Youjizz 1 nyxcosmetics 1 xxx.lanl.gov 1 Tnaflx 2 Youkizz 1 Livecams.xxx 1 xxx.xxx 1 Tube8 2 Metacafe 1 Intimaresort 1 news.nationalpost.com 1 Tubexclips 2 Hollywoodlife 1 Lobstertube 1 Maybelline 1 Wikipedia.org 2 Forbes 1 Tube.asexstories.com 1 iwantporn.net 1 Youx.xxx 2 VanityFair 1 Shewired 1 Tblop 1 Complex 2 Switcheasy 1 Indiansexxxtube 1 Mypornbookmarks 1 Hot-sex-tube 2 Cnet 1 Indiansgetfucked 1 Dirtygirlministries 2 Facebook 1 Filmsite.org 1 Porn 2 Nudeskincare 1 Mypornbible 1 Sexxxxi 2 Vimeo 1 Theporndude 1 Xpornking 1 us.christianlouboutin.com 1 Break 1

Appendix B

Coding Manual

Coding: Coding begins when there is sexual contact between the actors. The exceptions to this rule are in the cases of Coercion, Exploitation, and Cuddling, which are most often found before or after the sexual encounter. Please note that if, for example, a woman were showing off her body and following directions given to her, this does not constitute the beginning of the sexual encounter unless there has been physical contact between the male and female actors.

Site: The URL where the video was viewed.

Title: The title of the video.

Length: The length of the entire video (length of the coded section in brackets if not the whole video).

Interracial/Control: If the video was specifically selected from the interracial section of the website or from the control sample of front page videos. Note that if a video is selected that does not meet the criteria for this study, the video immediately to the right of that video will be selected instead.

Categories & Tags: Record the categories and tags associated with the video. Ex:

Amateur, Blonde, Big Boobs, Teen, BBC.

Race: Indicate whether the man and woman are White, Black, or unclear. Race may also be identified by the title of the video or the video‟s tags. If the video contains actors that are neither White nor Black, indicate “Other.”

Context: The context is an indication of the nature of the physical environment in which the sexual activity took place.

 Private: Refers to a concealed location with privacy. There are no spectators and

no threat of intruders, for example a home, bedroom, hotel room, etc.

 Public: Refers to an unrestricted, public location that may not provide privacy.

There could be spectators or intruders during sexual activity, for example a

classroom, office, park, parking lot, etc.

Pubic Hair: Indicate the degree of pubic hair present for the male and female actors. No hair indicates clean shaven with no trace of hair. Groomed hair indicates a stubble or fairly short hair for men, and stubble, fairly short hair, or a landing strip for women. Full hair indicates no evidence of grooming for both men and women. If the pubic region is not visible or it is unclear what has been done, mark Unclear.

Misc:

 Verbal Penis Size: If the size of the male‟s penis was mentioned by either the

male or female actor.

 Visual Penis Size: Whether the female actor was projected as unable to span the

length of the penis with both hands. Also mark as present if the title or tags of the

video mention the size of the male‟s penis.

For the following categories, mark present for the gender of the actor performing the behaviour. If the behaviour appears to be non-consensual by the target, put a mark in the in NC category. If the behaviour is necessarily shared by both actors

(e.g. sex face-to-face), there is only one box available to mark it present and it does not need to be specified by gender.

Physical Aggression:

 Hair Pulling: If an actor grabs another actor‟s hair with a closed fist. If the hand

is not visible while in the hair, mark present if the target‟s head is tilted toward

the aggressor.

 Rape: If there is a sexual attack by a man that appears to cause distress in the

woman, and the woman does not eventually submit.

 Holding Down: If an actor is on top of another actor and is visibly restricting the

pinned actor‟s movement. This includes using the weight of their body or by

holding the pinned actor‟s hands or arms down. If an actor is holding on to

another to support their body weight, this will not be marked as present.

 Penis Slapping: When either actor slaps the male‟s penis on the woman‟s face.

 Hitting: Any instance of striking an actor with a closed fist. Also mark present if

there are open hand slaps to the face or body with the exception of the buttocks.

 Spanking: Hitting the buttocks of an actor with an open hand.

 Pinching: Squeezing a person‟s skin between the thumb and the index finger.

 Other (specify): Mark present and record details if there are signs of physical

aggression that are relevant but not included in the list.

Verbal Aggression:

 Orders: One actor telling another actor what to do or how to position themselves.

 Name Calling: Referring to an actor as a lewd or derogatory term, such as bitch,

slut, whore, cunt, etc.

 Coercion: Threats or inducements, such as drugs or money, are used to compel a

character to engage in sexual activity. Note that sexual activity must be the goal

of the person performing the coercion (e.g., offering money to an unwilling

person for sex). Mark as present even if the coercion takes place before the first

sign of sexual contact.

 Exploitation: When sexual activity is used as a tool or a commodity in exchange

for other goods and services. Note that sexual activity is not the goal in this case,

but it is being used as currency to achieve other goals (e.g., getting out of a

parking ticket). Mark as present even if the exploitation takes place before the

first sign of sexual contact.

 Other (specify): Mark present and record details if there are signs of verbal

aggression that are relevant but not included in the list.

Inequality:

 Older Man/Younger Woman: The male is distinctly older relative to the female,

or the female being distinctly younger than the man. Mark present if the video

tags indicate an age difference (e.g., teen) regardless of whether there is evidence

of an age difference in the video.

 Older Woman/Younger Man: The female is distinctly older relative to the male,

or the male is distinctly younger than the female. Mark present if the video tags

indicate an age difference (e.g., MILF) regardless of whether there is evidence of

an age difference in the video.

 Higher Status (Man/Woman): Indicate whether the male or female in the video

appeared to hold a higher status position, or to be in a position of power over the

other. High status positions would include lawyers, doctors, bosses, teachers,

parents, agents, etc.

 Depiction of Stupidity: Mark present if an actor appears naïve, clumsy, or speaks

with stereotypical broken, unintelligible speech, uses baby talk, etc.

 Objectification: Mark present when the character appears to be less than human or

when his/her presence in the scene was as an object or an ornament. Mark as

present when the camera focuses predominantly on one actor, leaving the other

actor entirely/partially out of view (the person out of view is marked as

objectified) for the duration of at least one minute. When the camera is in a fixed

position and one or both actors are not fully in view, mark as present for the actor

that is out of view. Also mark present when the camera focuses primarily on the

genitals of the actors to the exclusion of the rest of their bodies (i.e., close-ups of

the genitals).

 Male/Female/Mutual/Unclear Initiation: Mark which actor initiates the first sexual

contact. Only one actor would be marked if the receiving actor appears surprised

or unaware that sexual contact was imminent, or if one person is making contact

that is not immediately reciprocated (e.g., starting with caressing or groping). If

both actors are aware of the imminent sexual contact and engage together, mark

as Mutual Initiation. If the scene does not show initiation and instead jumps right

in to sexual activity, mark as Unclear Initiation.

 Submission: Mark as present for the presence of the woman performing fellatio

on a man while clearly on her knees.

Racial Stereotypes:

 Racial Names: Use of racial names in the title, tags, or dialogue of the video, such

as Ebony or Sapphire, “white bunny”, etc. Check the box for the person the name

refers to, for example, an actor calling another actor “blackzilla” would be

checked for the gender of the black actor, not the gender of the actor using the

term. This is due to tags that may also use the term “blackzilla”, but this cannot

be accurately represented in the coding sheet since it is not a person directly

speaking to another person.

 Racial Insults: Referring to an actor as a lewd or derogatory term that includes

mention of that actor‟s race, such as black bitch, white whore, etc.

 Racial Compliments: Complimenting an actor in a manner that includes race, such

as black beauty or white knight.

 Stereotyped Speech: Mark present if the actors speak in a manner that does not

appear natural to them or caricatures a type of speech.

 Ethnic Background Music: Mark present if there is music that caricatures the race

of an actor (e.g. reggae music playing during scenes with black actors).

 Other (specify): Mark present and record details if there are signs of racial

stereotypes that are relevant but not included in the list.

Intimacy:

 Kissing: Mark present for both actors when touching of the lips between the man

and woman. Also mark present if one actor is kissing a part of another actor‟s

body.

 Use of Name: When the actors refer to each other specifically by name. This does

not include the use of pet names such as “daddy” or “baby”.

 Caressing: When an actor gently slides their fingers or hands over slowly across

their actor. Also includes massaging. Groping or holding of the breasts is not

marked as caressing.

 Sex Face-to-Face: When the actors are engaged in intercourse facing one another

and have their faces within approximately one foot of each other. Note that this

excludes a woman facing her partner while in a cowgirl position (man lying on

the bottom, woman on top) if she is sitting up straight. Similarly, it excludes a

man facing his partner while in a missionary position (woman on her back, man

standing, sitting, or laying between her legs) if his body is perpendicular to her

body. All other positions, for example doggy-style (man behind the woman), are

also excluded even when the man is leaning forward enough to meet face-to-face

with the woman who has her head turned back to see him.

 Talking: An actor speaks and is verbally responded to by the other.

 Cuddling: Holding or laying close to each other before or after sexual activity as a

sign of affection. Mark as present even if the event happens after the man has

ejaculated.

Behaviours:

 Fellatio: Oral stimulation of the man‟s genitals by the woman.

 Cunnilingus: Oral stimulation of the woman‟s genitals by the man.

 Anilingus: Oral stimulation of the anus.

 Vaginal Intercourse: When the man puts his penis in the woman‟s vagina.

 Anal Intercourse: When the man puts his penis in the woman‟s anus.

 Masturbation: When the man or woman manually stimulates their own genitals.

For a male, this is defined by two or more strokes up and down the shaft of his

penis. If the man is stimulating his own genitals to ejaculate and conclude the

encounter, do not mark present (see: Manual Orgasm). Also note that a man or

woman stimulating their own anus or a woman rubbing her own breasts will not

be coded as masturbation.

 Manual Orgasm: Mark as present if the man manually ejaculates to conclude the

encounter, or if the woman uses her hands to reach orgasm.

 Manual Stimulation: When the woman manually stimulates the man‟s genitals

(e.g., a handjob) or when the man manually stimulates the woman‟s genitals (e.g.,

fingering). Do not mark present for the stimulation of the anus or breasts.

 Toys: Sex toys are present and used as part of sexual activity, for example dildos,

vibrators, cock rings, whipped cream, frosting, etc. Soap does not count as a toy.

 Paraphilias: Unconventional sexual behaviour, for example pedophilia,

necrophilia, etc.

 Fetishisms: Sexual fixation on an object or specific area of the human body, for

example leather, hot wax, feet, etc.

 Visible Ejaculation: The man ejaculates in view of the camera, not inside the

woman (e.g., on the woman‟s body). Record where the male visibly ejaculated

instead of marking for presence (e.g., face, body, etc.). Also mark present if the

woman is shown to be ejaculating fluid, or if attention is paid to her ejaculate

(e.g., showcasing the wetness around her vagina, legs, or the area where she

ejaculated).

 Condom Use: Visible use of a condom, or verbal indication that one was put on

before sexual activity.

Appendix C

Coding Manual

Website: Title: Length: Interracial/Sample: Category/Tags:

Male Female NC Male Female Hair Pulling by Black White Rape by Race Holding Down by Other Unclear Physical Penis Slapping by Aggression Hitting by Spanking by Private Context Pinching by Public Other (specify) Orders by Male Female Name Calling by Full Hair Verbal Coercion by Aggression Groomed Exploitation by Pubic Other (specify) Hair No Hair Racial Names (target) Unclear Racial Insults (target) Racial Racial Compliments (target) Stereotypes Stereotyped Speech by Submission Ethnic Background Music Misc Verbal Penis Size Other (specify) Visual Penis Size Kissing by Use of Name by Caressing by Older Intimacy Talking Man/Younger Cuddling Woman Sex Face-to-Face Older Fellatio Woman/Younger Man Cunnilingus Male Initiator Anilingus by Female Initiator Vaginal Intercourse Mutual Initiation Anal Intercourse Unclear Initiation Inequality Masturbation by Higher Status Man Behaviours Manual Orgasm by Higher Status Manual Stimulation by Woman Toys Used by Male Stupidity Paraphilia expressed by Female Stupidity Fetish expressed by Male Visible Ejaculation by Objectification Female Condom Use Objectification