The Question of Speech on Private Campuses and the Answer Nobody Wants to Hear Steven P
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Island of Impunity
FINAL DRAFT - Embargoed until June 19, 2012 10 a.m. EDT J U N E 2012 Island of Impunity PUERTO RICO’S OUTLAW POLICE FORCE Island of Impunity: Puerto R ico’s ico’s O utlaw Police Force utlaw Police FINAL DRAFT - Embargoed until June 19, 2012 10 a.m. EDT Island of Impunity PUERTO Rico’s OUTLAW POLICE FORCE JUNE 2012 FINAL DRAFT - Embargoed until June 19, 2012 10 a.m. EDT Island of Impunity: Puerto Rico’s Outlaw Police Force June 2012 American Civil Liberties Union 125 Broad Street, 18th Floor New York, NY 10004 www.aclu.org Cover Image: Betty Peña Peña and her 17-year-old daughter Eliza Ramos Peña were attacked by Riot Squad officers while they peacefully protested outside the Capitol Building. Police beat the mother and daughter with batons and pepper-sprayed them. Photo Credit: Ricardo Arduengo / AP (2010) FINAL DRAFT - Embargoed until June 19, 2012 10 a.m. EDT Table of Contents Glossary of Abbreviations .............................................................................................. 7 I. Executive Summary ................................................................................................. 11 II. Background: The Puerto Rico Police Department .................................................. 25 III. Shooting to Kill: Unjustified Use of Lethal Force ................................................... 31 a. Reported Killings of Civilians by the PRPD between 2007 and 2011 ......................33 b. Case Study: Miguel Cáceres Cruz ...........................................................................43 c. -
Campus Free Speech: the First Amendment and the Case of 2017 Assembly Bill 299
LEGISLATIVE REFERENCE BUREAU Campus Free Speech: The First Amendment and the Case of 2017 Assembly Bill 299 Mark Kunkel senior legislative attorney READING THE CONSTITUTION • November 2018, Volume 3, Number 2 © 2018 Wisconsin Legislative Reference Bureau One East Main Street, Suite 200, Madison, Wisconsin 53703 http://legis.wisconsin.gov/lrb • 608-504-5801 This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License. To view a copy of this license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/ or send a letter to Creative Commons, PO Box 1866, Mountain View, CA 94042, USA. n November 16, 2016, conservative speaker Ben Shapiro prepared to deliver a speech at the University of Wisconsin–Madison called “Dismantling Safe Spac- es: Facts Don’t Care About Your Feelings.” A registered student organization, the OUW–Madison chapter of Young Americans for Freedom, had invited Shapiro to speak. After he began to speak, “protesters lined up in front of the stage, their shouts about feel- ing at risk on campus drowned out by retorts from the audience. After some 10 minutes of chaos, the protesters filed out of the room, reportedly after being threatened with arrest by UW Police officers.”1 In February 2017, the University of California–Berkeley cancelled a speech by Milo Yiannopoulos, who had been invited to speak by the Berkeley College Republicans, after masked agitators interrupted an otherwise nonviolent protest and insti- gated a violent riot.2 On March 2, 2017, protesters disrupted a speech at Middlebury Col- lege in Vermont by controversial author, Charles Murray, who had been invited to speak by a student chapter of The American Enterprise Institute. -
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Free Speech Zones: Silencing the Political Dissident Chris Demaske Following Sept. 11, 2001, the Bush Administration began impos- ing every increasing limitations on civil rights. One example is the implementation of free speech zones, a practice in which po- litical dissidents are cordoned off from the President during pub- lic appearances. While these zones originated in the 1980s, the use of them has grown considerably in the past few years. Critics argue that moving protesters to a remote location during Presi- dential events gives the impression that there is no dissent. This paper explores the constitutionality of free speech zones, ulti- mately demonstrating the shortcomings of the true threats doc- trine, a legal framework for analysis in cases dealing with speech that may be threatening. This article suggests an alternative framework for analysis that would 1) better balance national security interests with speech protection for political dissidents and 2) clear up some of the doctrinal confusion in the application of the true threats doctrine in general. irst Amendment scholars have shown us that historically anti-government political speech comes under attack by government officials more during wartime than peacetime.1 In the current U.S. climate created by the so- called “war on terror,” coupled with the physical war in Iraq, the political Fdissident again has become subject to speech restrictions. These infringements are far ranging – from issues of academic freedom to restriction of once public infor- mation to invasions of privacy. The need to find a balance between protecting na- tional security and protecting freedom of speech in this new climate requires that one think more complexly. -
Searching for Balance with Student Free Speech: Campus Speech Zones, Institutional Authority, and Legislative Prerogatives
SEARCHING FOR BALANCE WITH STUDENT FREE SPEECH: CAMPUS SPEECH ZONES, INSTITUTIONAL AUTHORITY, AND LEGISLATIVE PREROGATIVES NEAL H. HUTCHENS* FRANK FERNANDEZ* INTRODUCTION ......................................................................................... 103 I. SOME COMMENTS ON AUTHORS’ POSITIONALITY ................................ 106 II. FORUM STANDARDS AND OPEN CAMPUS AREAS ................................ 109 III. STUDENTS, OPEN CAMPUS AREAS, AND SPEECH ZONES ................... 114 IV. BEYOND FORUM ANALYSIS ............................................................... 121 V. STATE LEGISLATIVE EFFORTS TO RE-SHAPE STUDENT AND INSTITUTIONAL SPEECH RIGHTS ................................................. 124 CONCLUSION ............................................................................................ 127 INTRODUCTION Free speech controversies on college and university campuses have resulted in a steady stream of media headlines.1 U.S. Attorney General Jeff * Professor of Higher Education at the University of Mississippi. The authors wish to thank the members of the Belmont Law Review for the opportunity to participate in this symposium issue. * Assistant Professor of Higher Education at the University of Houston. 1. See, e.g., Nicholas B. Dirks, The Real Issue in the Campus Speech Debate: The University is Under Assault, WASH. POST (Aug. 9, 2017), https://www.washingtonpost.com/ news/grade-point/wp/2017/08/09/the-real-issue-in-the-campus-speech-debate-the-university- is-under-assault/?utm_term=.1aa36d34d1bb (arguing -
When Protest Is the Disaster: Constitutional Implications of State and Local Emergency Power
When Protest Is the Disaster: Constitutional Implications of State and Local Emergency Power Karen J. Pita Loor ABSTRACT The President’s use of emergency authority has recently ignited concern among civil rights groups over national executive emergency power. However, state and local emergency authority can also be dangerous and deserves similar attention. This article demonstrates that, just as we watch over the national executive, we must be wary of and check on state and local executives—and their emergency management law enforcement actors—when they react in crisis mode. This paper exposes and critiques state executives’ use of emergency power and emergency management mechanisms to suppress grassroots political activity and suggests avenues to counter that abuse. I choose to focus on the executive’s response to protest because this public activity is, at its core, an exercise of a constitutional right. The emergency management one- size-fits-all approach, however, does not differentiate between political activism, a flood, a terrorist attack, or a loose shooter. Public safety concerns overshadow any consideration of protestors’ individual rights. My goal is to interject liberty considerations into the executive’s calculus when it responds to political activism. I use the case studies of the 2016 North Dakota Access Pipeline protests, the 2014 Ferguson protests, and the 1999 Seattle WTO protests to demonstrate that state level emergency management laws and structures provide no realistic limit on the executive’s power, and the result is suppression of activists’ First and Fourth Amendment rights. Under current conditions, neither lawmakers nor courts realistically restrain the executive’s emergency management Karen J. -
Strategic Incapacitation and the Policing of Protest Since the 11 September 2001 Terrorist Attacks Patrick F
Western Washington University Western CEDAR Sociology Social and Behavioral Sciences 2011 Securitizing America: Strategic Incapacitation and the Policing of Protest Since the 11 September 2001 Terrorist Attacks Patrick F. Gillham Western Washington University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://cedar.wwu.edu/sociology_facpubs Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Gillham, Patrick F., "Securitizing America: Strategic Incapacitation and the Policing of Protest Since the 11 September 2001 Terrorist Attacks" (2011). Sociology. 12. https://cedar.wwu.edu/sociology_facpubs/12 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Social and Behavioral Sciences at Western CEDAR. It has been accepted for inclusion in Sociology by an authorized administrator of Western CEDAR. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Securitizing America: Strategic Incapacitation and the Policing of Protest Since the 11 September 2001 Terrorist Attacks1 Patrick F. Gillham [email protected] Department of Sociology and Anthropology University of Idaho Moscow, ID Manuscript submitted for final review to Sociology Compass, April 2011 Abstract During the 1970s, the predominant strategy of protest policing shifted from “escalated force” and repression of protesters to one of “negotiated management” and mutual cooperation with protesters. Following the failures of negotiated management at the 1999 World Trade Organization (WTO) demonstrations in Seattle, law enforcement quickly developed a new social control strategy, referred to here as “strategic incapacitation.” The U.S. police response to the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks quickened the pace of police adoption of this new strategy, which emphasizes the goals of “securitizing society” and isolating or neutralizing the sources of potential disruption. -
2016 Annual Report
The Pulitzer Center’s mission has never been more urgent: to people and networks that make it such a powerful force for the support accurate, responsible journalism and to do everything public good. We hope you’ll take a look. we can to engage all people, across the political spectrum and the divides of class and race and religion, in the big issues that At the anniversary events we also celebrated an extraordinary affect us all. new gift—a challenge grant of up to $12 million from our chair, Emily Rauh Pulitzer, pledging to match every dollar up to that With support from the Pulitzer Center—words that tell you amount in gifts toward creation of an endowment that will assure an important story happened because of us. A six-part PBS the Pulitzer Center’s vital role in journalism and education in NewsHour series on ending AIDS. A New Yorker investigative the years ahead. report on war crimes in Syria. “Fractured Lands,” the landmark essay on the tragedy of the modern Middle East that took over On the occasion of announcing the challenge grant Emmy an entire issue of The New York Times Magazine. noted that the Pulitzer name has been associated with quality journalism since the 19th Century. At a time when journalism and journalists have never been more threatened, or more essential, the Pulitzer Center plays an “The Pulitzer Center is committed to the best values of the absolutely vital role. Surfacing stories that would otherwise go Pulitzer legacy,” she said, “and has embraced 21st Century unreported. -
Restrictive Free Speech Zones and Student Speech Codes at Public Universities
Restrictive Free Speech Zones and Student Speech Codes at Public Universities Mary Madison Kizer Faculty Sponsor: Prof. Donna Pelham Reeves School of Business The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill opened in 1795 as the first public college in the United States. Since then, free speech and the formation of independent ideas and opinions have been seen as integral parts of a student’s educational experience. Unfortunately, through the categorization of public college campuses as “designated public forums” and the implementation of restrictive student conduct codes and misleadingly named free speech zones, universities are denying students the expression they deserve. While these policies were originally created to protect students, they are now leading to a rising number of student tensions, lawsuits, and constitutional arguments. Every university is unique in its ability to define campus structures and student rules, but many of these zones and codes have become overly oppressive, to the extent that their legality is being questioned. Public universities should not limit the rights of students to speak freely and openly by imposing small and unreasonable free speech zones and restrictive student conduct codes within their campus boundaries.1 Free speech itself is a confusing topic affecting all United States citizens, not just college students. As established by the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of the United States, free speech is a protected American liberty and ideal. The Founding Fathers were clear about their intention to protect every citizen’s right to speak freely and openly without fear of the government. Included within the Bill of Rights is the First Amendment, which explicitly states that “Congress shall make no law…abridging the freedom of speech” (U.S. -
The Assault on Free Speech, Public Assembly, and Dissent
A National Lawyers Guild Report 3 The Assault on Free Speech, Public Assembly, and Dissent A National Lawyers Guild Report on Government Violations of First Amendment Rights in the United States 2004 by Heidi Boghosian Foreword by Lewis Lapham The North River Press Additional copies can be obtained from your local bookstore or from the publisher: The North River Press Publishing Corporation P.O. Box 567 Great Barrington, MA 01230 (800) 486-2665 or (413) 528-0034 www.northriverpress.com ISBN # 0-88427-179-X A National Lawyers Guild Report 5 Contents Foreword Preface Introduction 7 The Imperiled First Amendment 12 Activities Protected by the First Amendment Attorney General Ashcroft’s Unlawful Failure to Prosecute Police Abuse The National Lawyers Guild’s Role in Defending Mass Movements How the Police, with Justice Department Approval, Violate the First Amendment 19 Chilling Political Expression Before Demonstrations 19 Intimidation by the Media Pretextual Searches and Raids of Organizing Spaces Police Infiltration and Surveillance Absent Allegations of Criminal Conduct Content-Based Exercise of Discretion in Denying Permits and in Paying for Permits and Liability Insurance Mass False Arrests and Detention Intimidation by FBI Questioning Criminalizing Political Expression at Demonstrations 43 Checkpoints Free-Speech Zones and the Secret Service Mass False Arrests and Detentions Snatch Squads Pop-Up Lines Containment Pens and Trap and Detain/Trap and Arrest Rush Tactic, Flanking, Using Vehicles as Weapons Crowd Control Using “Less Lethal” -
A Contract Theory of Academic Freedom1 Philip
SAINT LOUIS UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF LAW A CONTRACT THEORY OF ACADEMIC FREEDOM1 PHILIP LEE* INTRODUCTION Academic freedom is central to the core role of professors in a free society. Yet, current First Amendment protections exist to protect academic institutions, not the academics themselves. For example, in Urofsky v. Gilmore, six professors employed by various public colleges and universities in Virginia challenged a law restricting state employees from accessing sexually explicit material on computers owned or leased by the state.2 The professors claimed, in part, that such a restriction was in violation of their First Amendment academic freedom rights to conduct scholarly research.3 The Fourth Circuit upheld the law and noted that “to the extent the Constitution recognizes any right of ‘academic freedom’ above and beyond the First Amendment rights to which every citizen is entitled, the right inheres in the University, not in individual professors, and is not violated by the terms of the Act.”4 In other words, this particular court held that academic freedom protects the institution as a whole, but not the individual professors. When other courts have decided to protect various scholarly activities through First Amendment principles, 1. A version of this Article appears in chapters 4–6 of PHILIP LEE, ACADEMIC FREEDOM AT AMERICAN UNIVERSITIES: CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHTS, PROFESSIONAL NORMS, AND CONTRACTUAL DUTIES (2015), published by Lexington Books. Professor Lee’s book also contains expanded discussions on the history of the American Association of University Professors, additional professorial freedom categories based on the First Amendment, and a related case study. * Assistant Professor of Law, David A. -
The Right of Expressive Association and Private Universities' Racial Preferences and Speech Codes
William & Mary Bill of Rights Journal Volume 9 (2000-2001) Issue 3 Article 5 April 2001 The Right of Expressive Association and Private Universities' Racial Preferences and Speech Codes David E. Bernstein Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj Part of the Constitutional Law Commons Repository Citation David E. Bernstein, The Right of Expressive Association and Private Universities' Racial Preferences and Speech Codes, 9 Wm. & Mary Bill Rts. J. 619 (2001), https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj/vol9/iss3/5 Copyright c 2001 by the authors. This article is brought to you by the William & Mary Law School Scholarship Repository. https://scholarship.law.wm.edu/wmborj THE RIGHT OF EXPRESSIVE ASSOCIATION AND PRIVATE UNIVERSITIES' RACIAL PREFERENCES AND SPEECH CODES David E. Bernstein* The reaction to Boy Scouts of America v. Dale has divided along ideological lines. Conservatives generally support Dale because in their eyes it prevents the governmentfrom taking sides in the culture wars. "Progressives,"including many liberalswho otherwise have strong civil libertarianinstincts, oppose Dale because it inhibits the enforcement of antidiscrimination laws in some contexts. The underlying issue in Dale was whether a private, nonprofit expressive association has a First Amendment right to discriminate to prevent dilution of its message. Despite the ideologicalrancor over Dale, this right does notfavor groups with any particularperspective, but protects any group when its right to expressive association is threatened by an antidiscriminationlaw. Indeed, despite general liberal opposition to Dale, the opinion may protect some of the left's favorite causes. Dale recognizes that private, nonprofit expressive associationshave a First Amendment right to discriminate when necessary to prevent dilution of their message. -
Senior Journalists Seminar Alumni 2003-2018
SENIOR JOURNALISTS SEMINAR 2003 – 2018 Alumni List Australia Ms. Jane NORMAN Political Reporter, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Canberra (2017) Mr. Steven VINEY Chief of Staff, Asia Pacific Newsroom, Australian Broadcasting Corporation, Melbourne (2018) Afghanistan Mr. Mujahid M. AKBAR News Manager and Presenter, Tolo and Lemar TVs, Kabul (2007) Mr. Ramin ANWARI Online Producer, British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Kabul (2010) Kawa PARWIZ Senior Political Editor, Hasht e Sobh Daily Newspaper, Kabul, (2011) Mr. Jawad SUKHANYAR Reporter, The New York Times, Kabul Bureau, Kabul (2015) Mr. Habib Khan TOTAKHIL Reporter, Wall Street Journal, Kabul (2016) Bangladesh Mr. Mahbubul ALAM Editor, The Independent, (English Daily), Dhaka (2003) Mr. Mashiul ALAM Assistant Editor, The Daily Prothom Alo, Dhaka (2005) Mr. Iqbal Sobhan CHOWDHURY Editor, The Bangladesh Observer, Dhaka (2003) Mr. Shahidul Islam CHOWDHURY Special Correspondent, New Age, Dhaka (2018) Mr. Ashfaqul HAQUE News Editor, The Daily Star, Dhaka (2005) <<< The Senior Journalists Seminar is supported by the East-West Center, the Doris Duke Foundation for Islamic Arts, the Doris Duke Charitable Foundation, and the Roshan Cultural Heritage Institute >>> SENIOR JOURNALISTS SEMINAR, East-West Center, 1601 East-West Road, Honolulu, Hawaii 96848-1601 Telephone: 808-944-7384; Fax: 808-944-7600; [email protected]; www.eastwestcenter.org/jefferson Mr. Anisul HOQUE Deputy Editor, The Daily Prothom Alo, Dhaka (2004) Mr. Shah Husan IMAM Associate Editor, The Daily Star, Dhaka (2004) Ms. Syeda Gulshan Ferdous JANA Editor and Blog Facilitator, Somewhere In Blog, Dhaka (2014) Mr. Sajjad SHARIF Deputy Editor, The daily “Prothom Alo” C.A. Bhaban, Dhaka (2007) Canada Mr. Muhammad LILA Special Correspondent, CNN, Toronto (2016) China Ms.