Holding the Due Process Line for Asylum
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An Investigation of Allegations of Politicized Hiring by Monica Goodling and Other Staff in the Office of the Attorney General
U.S. Department of Justice An Investigation of Allegations of Politicized Hiring by Monica Goodling and Other Staff in the Office of the Attorney General U.S. Department of Justice U.S. Department of Justice Office of Professional Responsibility Office of the Inspector General July 28, 2008 TABLE OF CONTENTS TABLE OF CONTENTS ................................................................................ i CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION................................................................. 1 I. Scope of the Investigation.................................................................. 1 II. Methodology of the Investigation ....................................................... 2 III. Organization of this Report ............................................................... 3 CHAPTER TWO BACKGROUND.................................................................. 5 I. Monica Goodling ............................................................................... 5 II. Kyle Sampson ................................................................................... 6 III. Susan Richmond and Jan Williams................................................... 7 IV. Department Components and Personnel ........................................... 7 V. Hiring Standards ............................................................................ 11 A. Department Career and Political Attorney Positions ............... 11 B. Legal Standards..................................................................... 12 CHAPTER THREE GOODLING’S ROLE -
Congressional Record United States Th of America PROCEEDINGS and DEBATES of the 110 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION
E PL UR UM IB N U U S Congressional Record United States th of America PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 110 CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION Vol. 153 WASHINGTON, MONDAY, MARCH 19, 2007 No. 47 Senate The Senate met at 2 p.m. and was appoint the Honorable MARK L. PRYOR, a After all, this was a President who called to order by the Honorable MARK Senator from the State of Arkansas, to per- won two elections by the barest of mar- L. PRYOR, a Senator from the State of form the duties of the Chair. gins, first by the Supreme Court. Yet Arkansas. ROBERT C. BYRD, after 9/11, instead of uniting the coun- President pro tempore. try, he has chosen to push the envelope PRAYER Mr. PRYOR thereupon assumed the of his authority. On everything from The Chaplain, Dr. Barry C. Black, of- chair as Acting President pro tempore. the runup to the war in Iraq, to the fered the following prayer: f plan to destroy Social Security, to the Let us pray: RECOGNITION OF THE MAJORITY use of warrantless wiretapping, this ad- Lord, You have promised to work for LEADER ministration has governed without the good of those who love You. Work compromise. in the lives of our lawmakers, The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem- The political purge of U.S. attorneys strengthening them for every problem, pore. The majority leader is recog- is only the latest example of this Presi- trial, and temptation they face. Open nized. dent’s unhealthy disregard for checks their eyes to see Your hand at work f and balances. -
Rethinking the Identity and Role of United States Attorneys
Rethinking the Identity and Role of United States Attorneys Sara Sun Beale* The reputation and credibility of the Department of Justice were badly tarnished during the Bush administration. This article focuses on concerns regarding the role of partisan politics.1 Critics charge that during the Bush administration improper partisan political considerations pervasively influenced a wide range of decisions including the selection of immigration judges, summer interns and line attorneys; the assignment of career attorneys to particular details; the evaluation of the performance of United States Attorneys; and the decision whether and when to file charges in cases with political ramifications. The Inspector General’s lengthy and highly critical reports have substantiated some of these charges.2 The first two Inspector General (IG) Reports found that the Department improperly used political criteria in hiring and assigning some immigration judges, interns, and career prosecutors.3 The third report * Charles L.B. Lowndes Professor, Duke Law School, Durham, N.C. I would like to acknowledge the outstanding research assistance provided by Michael Devlin, Meghan Ferguson, Amy Taylor, and Molly Brownfield, and the helpful comments of Norman Abrams, Albert Alschuler, Rachel Barkow, Anthony Barkow, Candace Carroll, Colm Connolly, Ronald Goldstock, Bruce Green, Lisa Kern Griffin, James Jacobs, Susan Klein, Daniel Richman, and Adam Safwat. Of course any errors are my own. 1 Other serious concerns about the Department have been raised, particularly in connection with its role in the war on terror. For example, the Department has been the subject of intense criticism for legal analysis that led to the authorization of brutal interrogation techniques for detainees. -
Depoliticizing the Interim Appointments of US Attorneys
LIVE AND LEARN: DEPOLITICIZING THE INTERIM APPOINTMENTS OF U.S. ATTORNEYS t Laurie L. Levenson The United States Attorney is the representative not of an ordinary party to a controversy, but of a sovereignty whose obligation to govern impartially is as compelling as its obligation to govern at all; and whose interest, therefore, in a criminal prosecution is not that it shall win a case, but that justice shall be done.' I. INTRODUCTION U.S. Attorneys play a special role in our federal criminal justice system. As the representatives of the federal government, they have the responsibility of enforcing federal laws in their respective districts.2 3 Although U.S. Attorneys serve "at the pleasure of the President," the4 goal is to have a fair and impartial prosecutor administering the laws. The recent firing of eight U.S. Attorneys has called into question at- tempts to politicize the role of this vital Office. By attempting to give the Attorney General the power to make indefinite interim appointments, I Professor of Law, William M. Rains Fellow & Director, Center for Ethical Advocacy, Loyola Law School. Thank you to John McKay, a man of true integrity, for inviting me to participate in the Symposium at Seattle University School of Law. His courage, as well as that of his fellow U.S. Attorneys, Paul Carlton, David Iglesias, Bill Cummins III, and Carol Lam, should serve as an inspi- ration for others dedicated to public service. I also wish to extend my gratitude to the editors of the Seattle University Law Review and to my wonderful research assistants, Emil Petrossian, Lindsay Meurs, William Smyth, and Mary Gordon. -
Unofficial Transcript
1 RPTS JOHNSON DCMN BURRELL COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, U.S. HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES, WASHINGTON, D.C. UNOFFICIAL TRANSCRIPT INTERVIEW OF: KARL C. ROVE Tuesday, July 7, 2009 Washington, D.C. The interview in the above matter was held at 2138 Conference Room, Rayburn House Office Building, commencing at 9:00 a.m. 2 Appearances: For COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY: ADAM B. SCHIFF, MAJORITY MEMBER J. RANDY FORBES, MINORITY MEMBER ELLIOT MINCBERG, MAJORITY CHIEF COUNSEL - INVESTIGATIONS AND OVERSIGHT ERIC TAMARKIN, MAJORITY COUNSEL SAM BRODERICK-SOKOL, MAJORITY OVERSIGHT COUNSEL PHIL TAHTAKRAN, LEGISLATIVE DIRECTOR FOR CONGRESSMAN SCHIFF DANIEL M. FLORES, CHIEF MINORITY COUNSEL, SUBCOMMITTEE ON COMMERCIAL AND ADMINISTRATIVE LAW RICHARD ALAN HERTLING, REPUBLICAN DEPUTY CHIEF OF STAFF/POLICY DIRECTOR CRYSTAL ROBERTS JEZIERSKI, REPUBLICAN CHIEF OVERSIGHT COUNSEL ZACHARY N. SOMERS, MINORITY COUNSEL WILL HUPMAN, LEGISLATIVE ASSISTANT FOR CONGRESSMAN FORBES 3 For MR. ROVE: ROBERT D. LUSKIN, ESQ. KATIE BIBER, ESQ. Patton Boggs LLP Attorneys at Law 2550 M Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20037-1350 For FORMER PRESIDENT GEORGE W. BUSH IN HIS OFFICIAL CAPACITY: EMMET T. FLOOD, ESQ. Attorney at Law Williams & Connolly LLP 725 Twelfth Street, NW Washington, D.C. 20005 For WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL'S OFFICE: JASON GREEN, WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL CHRIS WEIDEMAN, WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL BLAKE ROBERTS, WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL For JUSTICE DEPARTMENT: 4 JOHN R. TYLER, CIVIL DIVISION 5 Mr. Schiff. We are here this morning for a transcribed interview of former White House official Karl Rove, pursuant to the March 4th, 2009 Agreement of Accommodation between the House Judiciary Committee and the former Bush administration. Mr. Rove, please state your full name and address for the record. -
Political Control of Federal Prosecutions: Looking Back and Looking Forward
Columbia Law School Scholarship Archive Faculty Scholarship Faculty Publications 2009 Political Control of Federal Prosecutions: Looking Back and Looking Forward Daniel C. Richman Columbia Law School, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the Administrative Law Commons, Law and Politics Commons, and the President/Executive Department Commons Recommended Citation Daniel C. Richman, Political Control of Federal Prosecutions: Looking Back and Looking Forward, 58 DUKE L. J. 2087 (2009). Available at: https://scholarship.law.columbia.edu/faculty_scholarship/2464 This Essay is brought to you for free and open access by the Faculty Publications at Scholarship Archive. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship by an authorized administrator of Scholarship Archive. For more information, please contact [email protected]. POLITICAL CONTROL OF FEDERAL PROSECUTIONS: LOOKING BACK AND LOOKING FORWARD DANIEL RICHMANt ABSTRACT This Essay explores the mechanisms of control over federal criminal enforcement that the administration and Congress used or failed to use during George W. Bush's presidency. It gives particular attention to Congress, not because legislators played a dominant role, but because they generally chose to play such a subordinate role. My fear is that the media focus on management inadequacies or abuses within the Justice Department during the Bush administrationmight lead policymakers and observers to overlook the -
U.S. Attorneys Scandal and the Allocation of Prosecutorial Power
"The U.S. Attorneys Scandal" and the Allocation of Prosecutorial Power BRUCE A. GREEN* & FRED C. ZACHARIAS** I. INTRODUCTION In 1940, Attorney General (and future Supreme Court Justice) Robert H. Jackson spoke to United States Attorneys about their duty not only to be "diligent, strict, and vigorous in law enforcement" but also "to be just" and to "protect the spirit as well as the letter of our civil liberties."' His talk was dedicated mostly to the relationship between the Department of Justice (DOJ) and the U.S. Attorneys in their shared pursuit of justice. On one hand, he observed that "some measure of centralized control is necessary" to ensure consistent interpretations and applications of the law, to prevent the pursuit of "different conceptions of policy," to promote performance standards, and to provide specialized assistance.2 On the other hand, he acknowledged that a U.S. Attorney should rarely "be superseded in handling of litigation" and that it would be "an unusual case in which his judgment 3 should be overruled." Critics of George W. Bush's administration have charged that the balance in federal law enforcement has tipped in the direction of too little prosecutorial independence and too much centralized control. 4 One of their prime examples is the discharge of eight U.S. Attorneys in late 2006,5 which * Louis Stein Professor of Law and Director, Louis Stein Center for Law and Ethics, Fordham University School of Law. The authors thank Michel Devitt, Graham Strong, and Sharon Soroko for commenting on earlier drafts and Brian Gibson, David Sweet, and Kimber Williams for their invaluable research assistance. -
The Most Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor
Pace University DigitalCommons@Pace Pace Law Faculty Publications School of Law 2008 The oM st Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor Bennett L. Gershman Elisabeth Haub School of Law at Pace University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/lawfaculty Part of the Criminal Law Commons, and the Legal Ethics and Professional Responsibility Commons Recommended Citation Bennett L. Gershman, The osM t Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor, 29 Pace L. Rev. 1 (2008), http://digitalcommons.pace.edu/ lawfaculty/558/. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace Law Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PACE LAW REVIEW Volume 29 Fall 2008 Number 1 The James D. Hopkins Memorial Lecture Pace Law School, October 25, 2008 The Most Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor Bennett L. Gershman* 1. Introduction A. Judge James D. Hopkins This is the James D. Hopkins Memorial Lecture in honor of Judge Hopkins, who was the Dean of Pace Law School from 1982 to 1983 and earlier served with great distinction on the New York Appellate Division's Second Judicial Department. Judge Hopkins served on that court when I worked in the spe cial prosecutor's office, and as head of the appeals bureau, I ar gued several cases in Judge Hopkins' court. One case stands out, the case ofSalvatore Nigrone v. Murtagh.! It was an exten sive undercover investigation. My office used informants, wire taps, and a sham arrest to expose corrupt attempts to influence criminal cases." As a result, a grand jury indicted three judges and two lawyers for perjury before the grandjury.3 On a motion * Professor of Law and James D. -
00 Frontmatter CC.Qxd
Voting Rights—And Wrongs Voting Rights—And Wrongs The Elusive Quest for Racially Fair Elections Abigail Thernstrom The AEI Press Publisher for the American Enterprise Institute WASHINGTON, D.C. Cover Images Young Man Waving American Flag During Selma to Montgomery Civil Rights March, March 1965. © Steve Schapiro/Corbis Democratic presidential candidate US Senator Barack Obama during an election day speech at the Xcel Energy Center in St Paul, Minnesota, June 03, 2008. © EMMANUEL DUNAND/AFP/Getty Images President Lyndon B. Johnson (1908–1973) discusses the Voting Rights Act with civil rights campaigner Martin Luther King Jr. (1929–1968) in 1965. The act, part of President Johnson’s “Great Society” program, trebled the number of black voters in the south, who had previously been hindered by racially inspired laws. © Photo by Hulton Archive/Getty Images To Amy Thernstrom and Michael Callahan, two wonderful people who married into our family. With much love. Distributed to the Trade by National Book Network, 15200 NBN Way, Blue Ridge Summit, PA 17214. To order call toll free 1-800-462-6420 or 1-717-794-3800. For all other inquiries please contact the AEI Press, 1150 Seventeenth Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036 or call 1-800-862-5801. NATIONAL RESEARCH NRI INITIATIVE This publication is a project of the National Research Initiative, a program of the American Enterprise Institute that is designed to support, publish, and dissemi- nate research by university-based scholars and other independent researchers who are engaged in the exploration of important public policy issues. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Thernstrom, Abigail M., 1936- Voting rights—and wrongs : the elusive quest for racially fair elections/ Abigail Thernstrom. -
The Most Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor
Pace Law Review Volume 29 Issue 1 Fall 2008 Article 1 September 2008 The Most Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor Bennett L. Gershman Pace University School of Law, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr Part of the Criminal Procedure Commons Recommended Citation Bennett L. Gershman, The Most Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor, 29 Pace L. Rev. 1 (2008) Available at: https://digitalcommons.pace.edu/plr/vol29/iss1/1 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Law at DigitalCommons@Pace. It has been accepted for inclusion in Pace Law Review by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@Pace. For more information, please contact [email protected]. \\server05\productn\P\PLR\29-1\PLR101.txt unknown Seq: 1 27-FEB-09 14:04 PACE LAW REVIEW Volume 29 Fall 2008 Number 1 The James D. Hopkins Memorial Lecture Pace Law School, October 25, 2008 The Most Dangerous Power of the Prosecutor Bennett L. Gershman* I. Introduction A. Judge James D. Hopkins This is the James D. Hopkins Memorial Lecture in honor of Judge Hopkins, who was the Dean of Pace Law School from 1982 to 1983 and earlier served with great distinction on the New York Appellate Division’s Second Judicial Department. Judge Hopkins served on that court when I worked in the spe- cial prosecutor’s office, and as head of the appeals bureau, I ar- gued several cases in Judge Hopkins’ court. One case stands out, the case of Salvatore Nigrone v. Murtagh.1 It was an exten- sive undercover investigation. -
Rethinking the Identity and Role of United States Attorneys
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Duke Law Scholarship Repository Rethinking the Identity and Role of United States Attorneys Sara Sun Beale* The reputation and credibility of the Department of Justice were badly tarnished during the Bush administration. This article focuses on concerns regarding the role of partisan politics.1 Critics charge that during the Bush administration improper partisan political considerations pervasively influenced a wide range of decisions including the selection of immigration judges, summer interns and line attorneys; the assignment of career attorneys to particular details; the evaluation of the performance of United States Attorneys; and the decision whether and when to file charges in cases with political ramifications. The Inspector General’s lengthy and highly critical reports have substantiated some of these charges.2 The first two Inspector General (IG) Reports found that the Department improperly used political criteria in hiring and assigning some immigration judges, interns, and career prosecutors.3 The third report * Charles L.B. Lowndes Professor, Duke Law School, Durham, N.C. I would like to acknowledge the outstanding research assistance provided by Michael Devlin, Meghan Ferguson, Amy Taylor, and Molly Brownfield, and the helpful comments of Norman Abrams, Albert Alschuler, Rachel Barkow, Anthony Barkow, Candace Carroll, Colm Connolly, Ronald Goldstock, Bruce Green, Lisa Kern Griffin, James Jacobs, Susan Klein, Daniel Richman, and Adam Safwat. Of course any errors are my own. 1 Other serious concerns about the Department have been raised, particularly in connection with its role in the war on terror. For example, the Department has been the subject of intense criticism for legal analysis that led to the authorization of brutal interrogation techniques for detainees. -
The Justice Department's Voter Fraud Scandal
THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT’S VOTER FRAUD SCANDAL: LESSONS Adam Gitlin and Wendy R. Weiser Brennan Center for Justice at New York University School of Law ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER FOR JUSTICE The Brennan Center for Justice at NYU School of Law is a nonpartisan law and policy institute that seeks to improve our systems of democracy and justice. We work to hold our political institutions and laws accountable to the twin American ideals of democracy and equal justice for all. The Center’s work ranges from voting rights to campaign finance reform, from ending mass incarceration to preserving Constitutional protection in the fight against terrorism. Part think tank, part advocacy group, part cutting-edge communications hub, we start with rigorous research. We craft innovative policies. And we fight for them — in Congress and the states, the courts, and in the court of public opinion. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S DEMOCRACY PROGRAM The Brennan Center’s Democracy Program works to repair the broken systems of American democracy. We encourage broad citizen participation by promoting voting and campaign finance reform. We work to secure fair courts and to advance a First Amendment jurisprudence that puts the rights of citizens — not special interests — at the center of our democracy. We collaborate with grassroots groups, advocacy organizations, and government officials to eliminate the obstacles to an effective democracy. ABOUT THE BRENNAN CENTER’S PUBLICATIONS Red cover | Research reports offer in-depth empirical findings. Blue cover | Policy proposals offer innovative, concrete reform solutions. White cover | White papers offer a compelling analysis of a pressing legal or policy issue.