DOCSLIB.ORG

FIGHTING for FRANCO This Page Intentionally Left Blank FIGHTING for FRANCO International Volunteers in Nationalist Spain During the Spanish Civil War, 1936-39

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
FIGHTING for FRANCO This Page Intentionally Left Blank FIGHTING for FRANCO International Volunteers in Nationalist Spain During the Spanish Civil War, 1936-39 FIGHTING FOR FRANCO This page intentionally left blank FIGHTING FOR FRANCO International Volunteers in Nationalist Spain during the Spanish Civil War, 1936-39 JUDITH K E E N E Foreword by Professor Gabriel Jackson hambledon continuum Hambledon Continuum A Continuum imprint The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX 80 Maiden Lane, Suite 704, New York, NY 10038 First published in hardback 2001 First published in paperback 2007 © Judith Keene 2001 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 0-7185-0126-8 (hardback) ISBN 1-8528-5593-2 (paperback) Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Keene, Judith, 1948- Fighting for Franco: international volunteers in nationalist Spain during the Spanish Civil War, 1936-1939 / Judith Keene; foreword by Gabriel Jackson. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7185-0126-8 (hardbound) 1. Spain—History—Civil War, 1936-1939—Participation, Foreign. 2. Fascists. I. Title. DP269.45 .K44 2001 946.081—dc21 2001023395 Typeset by BookEns Ltd, Royston, Herts Printed and bound in Great Britain by Biddies Ltd, King's Lynn Contents Foreword by Gabriel Jackson vi Maps of Spain ix Introduction 1 1. The historical context of the Spanish Civil War 18 2. English narratives about Franco's Spain 45 3. Not quite king and country: Franco's English-speaking volunteers 94 4. Spectators at their own drama: Franco's French volunteers 135 5. Snow boots in sunny Spain: White Russians in Nationalist Spain 188 6. Slaying Satan, saving Franco: the Romanian Iron Guard in Nationalist Spain 215 7. With Flit and phonograph: Franco's foreign female supporters 245 8. Conclusions 291 Select bibliography 295 Index 305 Foreword Let me start by indicating the unique character of this book. There have been dozens of studies published concerning the International Brigades, the approximately 40,000 volunteers from some fifty countries who came to Spain in 1936 and 1937 to fight in defence of the Spanish Republic. We know in great detail who they were, where they came from, what ideologies and what personal experiences motivated them to see in the struggle against Franco a cause worth the sacrifice of their lives. We also know in considerable detail, though with less in the way of individual biographies, the numbers and the motives of over 70,000 uniformed Italian troops and aviators, approximately 20,000 German military specialists and several thousand Portuguese soldiers who were sent by Mussolini, Hitler and Salazar to fight in the ranks of General Franco's army. And in the cases of both the International Brigades and the military units sent by the fascist dictators, we know pretty much what was their military importance to the side they were supporting, and what were their political roles in the course of the 32-rnonth Civil War. But the above paragraph does not account for another, much less numerous and less militarily significant, group of foreigners; namely, the perhaps 1000 to 1500 English, Irish, French, White Russian and Romanian volunteers who came to Spain to fight on the side of General Franco. There have been several important studies of the English and Irish groups, which studies are referred to in Professor Keene's notes and bibliography, but there has been no previous scholarly study of the pro-Franco foreign volunteers as a whole, and this is the unique characteristic of the present volume. Franco's volunteers came from a wide variety of social and ideological backgrounds, but the common denominator of their motives for coming to Spain was the conviction that the Republic was Communist-dominated, and that it must be militarily destroyed in order to prevent the establishment of a Soviet-style Communist regime in Western Europe. Many were Roman FOREWORD Vli Catholics outraged by the fact that the Spanish Republic had disestablished the Church in one of Europe's historically most Catholic countries, and by the church burnings and lynchings of priests which occurred in the first few months of the Civil War. Others were fascists, convinced that Socialist, Communist and anarcho-syndicalist trade unions and propaganda organiza- tions were destroying the patriotic traditions, the necessary discipline and social hierarchy of Western capitalist societies. As fascists they also shared the leadership principle, the glorification of militarism and the male bonding characteristic somewhat of Mussolini's, and very strongly of Hitler's, ruling parties. The White Russians and Romanians were mostly members of the Orthodox national churches in their homelands, but they were spiritually united with Western Catholics in the defence of 'Christian civilization' against the 'satanic hordes' of Marxists, agnostics, atheists and Freemasons. The great majority were also anti-Semitic and anti-Muslim. In their hero-worship, their militarism, their anti-Communism and anti- Semitism, they were psychologically comfortable with the Falangist, Carlist, politically dogmatic and thoroughly conservative ideals of the military in Franco Spain. Protestants were occasionally offended by some of the things they heard said about their faith, but the anti-Communist and pro-fascist aspects of most conversations were much more important than religious differences within the Christian camp. Most of the volunteers were anti- Muslim on both religious and 'racial' grounds, but they had no difficulty in accepting the fact that General Franco was using tens of thousands of Moorish troops. The use of elite foreign mercenaries has been frequent in the history of many empires. In the present instance, General Franco's Moorish Guard and redoubtable Moroccan assault troops contributed to his prestige as a crusading warrior and effectively terrorized both the Republican troops and the civilian population. At the same time, their iron discipline and complete subordination were evidence, for all fascist supporters, domestic and foreign, that these Muslims were the obedient servants of a Christian ruler. Two other factors have surely been important in the relative neglect of the subject of Franco's volunteers in the massive bibliography of the Spanish Civil War. For one thing, Franco always insisted that there were virtually no foreigners fighting on his side. All his propaganda efforts, co-ordinated with those of Mussolini and Hitler, were directed towards attributing the whole Republican military resistance to Communist, Bolshevik and Masonic influences. The Spanish officer corps had been generally sympathetic to Germany in the First World War, and Spanish neutrality in that war had meant that they had had practically no contact with their French and British viii FOREWORD peers. During the Civil War they felt great professional respect for the Germans, and felt mixed gratitude or scorn towards the Italians depending on the flow of military events. But, in any case, they were very loath to credit military victories to their German and Italian allies. The second factor was the small numbers, the unknown languages and the truly minor military role of the 1000 to 1500 Irishmen, Anglo-Saxon Protestants, French and Belgian Catholics, White Russian Orthodox and Romanians. These were people of whose history and religion the franquista leadership knew absolutely nothing (and the same was true in reverse). Communication was severely limited by the fact that very few knew a word of each other's languages. Personal attitudes were inevitably based on ignorance of just about everything except the shared pro-fascist and anti-Communist sentiments expressed in the simplest forms. In addition, after the Second World War, both Franco Spain and its foreign supporters were busy adjusting their statements to the triumph of democracy and claiming that they had never been fascist or Nazi, only more consistently anti-Communist than the Western democracies had been in the 1930s. For various reasons, the lives, motives and roles of Franco's real foreign volunteers have received very little attention in the historical literature. It is to the great credit of Professor Keene that she has undertaken a detailed, fully documented study of these volunteers as a group. She has evaluated their letters, their journalistic and autobiographical memoirs. She has placed them in the context both of their home countries and of the armed forces led by General Franco. She has combed the English-, French- and Spanish-language press for all references to the volunteers. She has seen them as human beings apart from their political roles and has reported their activities as thoroughly as possible without in any way exaggerating the measurable effects of those activities. Gabriel Jackson Map 2 The Iberian peninsula showing locations (annotations to GMT cartography by Sam Keene). Map 1 The Iberian peninsula showing locations (annotations to GMT cartography by Sam Keene). Introduction Towards the end of Pierre Drieu la Rochelle's autobiographical novel, Gilles,1 the hero, Gilles Gambier, a Frenchman passing himself off as a Belgian Rexist, is picked up on the coast of Majorca by two men in a pleasure yacht. They have come south to support General Franco in the Spanish Civil War. The yacht's owner is Irish and stowed below are arms for Franco. The yachtsman tells Gilles that he is a 'Catholic who wants to defend Catholic civilization'. The other passenger is Polish, a 'Catholic fascist' committed to a fascist revolution from which, he says, the Church will benefit. The dangers and the exhilaration of battle kindle a spirit of camaraderie among the three, determined as they are to fight for Franco. Gilles and his comrades powerfully evoke a large segment of Franco's foreign volunteers. The bravado, the eulogizing of action and their other clerico-fascist sentiments all ring true.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Carmen Polo, Señora De El Pardo
    Carmen Polo:Maquetación 1 11/10/12 17:40 Página 5 Carmen Enríquez Carmen Polo, Señora de El Pardo Amor, lujo, poder e influencia: historia de la mujer más poderosa de la España franquista Carmen Polo:Maquetación 1 11/10/12 17:40 Página 15 1 Adiós a El Pardo, adiós A TARDE DEL ÚLTIMO DÍA de enero de 1976 amenazaba lluvia enL la localidad madrileña de El Pardo. Un cielo color ceniza, acompañado de ráfagas de viento húmedo y frío, servían de telón de fondo a una escena de gran trascendencia histórica para el fu- turo de un país, España, que intentaba dar los primeros pasos de una nueva era: los Franco dejaban el Palacio de El Pardo, resi- dencia oficial del recientemente fallecido jefe del Estado y su fa- milia durante treinta y cinco años, diez meses y quince días. El autoproclamado Caudillo y Generalísimo de todos los Ejércitos, que había detentado un poder omnímodo durante casi cuarenta años, había fallecido dos meses y once días antes de que su viuda, Carmen Polo, conocida por todos como la Señora des- de su llegada a El Pardo, abandonara para siempre las instalacio- nes de un palacio en el que había ejercido todo su poder y capa- cidad de influencia. Durante apenas setenta días, doña Carmen había hecho un gran esfuerzo para conseguir empaquetar en un tiempo récord todos los bienes que ella había aportado a esa re- sidencia del que fuera jefe del Estado, eso sí, por la gracia de Dios y no por la voluntad expresada por los ciudadanos españoles, nunca consultados en las urnas sobre el liderazgo de Franco.
    [Show full text]
  • This Thesis Has Been Submitted in Fulfilment of the Requirements for a Postgraduate Degree (E.G
    This thesis has been submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for a postgraduate degree (e.g. PhD, MPhil, DClinPsychol) at the University of Edinburgh. Please note the following terms and conditions of use: This work is protected by copyright and other intellectual property rights, which are retained by the thesis author, unless otherwise stated. A copy can be downloaded for personal non-commercial research or study, without prior permission or charge. This thesis cannot be reproduced or quoted extensively from without first obtaining permission in writing from the author. The content must not be changed in any way or sold commercially in any format or medium without the formal permission of the author. When referring to this work, full bibliographic details including the author, title, awarding institution and date of the thesis must be given. THE STORY BEHIND THE STORIES British and Dominion War Correspondents in the Western Theatres of the Second World War Brian P. D. Hannon Ph.D. Dissertation The University of Edinburgh School of History, Classics and Archaeology March 2015 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Abstract ………………………………………………………………………….. 4 Acknowledgements ……………………………………………………………… 5 Introduction ……………………………………………………………………… 6 The Media Environment ……………...……………….……………………….. 28 What Made a Correspondent? ……………...……………………………..……. 42 Supporting the Correspondent …………………………………….………........ 83 The Correspondent and Censorship …………………………………….…….. 121 Correspondent Techniques and Tools ………………………..………….......... 172 Correspondent Travel, Peril and Plunder ………………………………..……. 202 The Correspondents’ Stories ……………………………….………………..... 241 Conclusion ……………………………………………………………………. 273 Bibliography ………………………………………………………………...... 281 Appendix …………………………………………...………………………… 300 3 ABSTRACT British and Dominion armed forces operations during the Second World War were followed closely by a journalistic army of correspondents employed by various media outlets including news agencies, newspapers and, for the first time on a large scale in a war, radio broadcasters.
    [Show full text]
  • Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
    Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread.
    [Show full text]
  • The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years*
    ■ Assaig] ENTREMONS. UPF JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY Barcelona ﺍ Universitat Pompeu Fabra Número 6 (juny 2014) www.entremons.org The Unsettled Debate: Monarchy and Republic in Spain and Greece in the Interwar Years* Enric UCELAY-DA CAL (Universitat Pompeu Fabra) abstract The following essay examines the political development in Spain and Greece between the World War I and World War II, comparing these two Mediterranean countries and placing them in a broader European and global context. The conflict between the supporters of monarchy and republic as forms of government was extremely important in the political debate in both countries, and shaped their history in a quite remarkable way. The discussion of these intricate dynamics will help to appreciate the problems that Spain and Greece faced at that time, and can also contribute to a deeper understanding of some key features of the historical change in these two countries. resumen El siguiente ensayo examina el desarrollo político en España y Grecia en el período entre la Primera y la Segunda Guerra Mundial, comparando estos dos países mediterráneos y situándolos en un contexto europeo y global más amplio. El conflicto entre los partidarios de la monarquía y la república como formas de gobierno fue muy importante en el debate político de ambos países, influyendo en su historia de una manera muy notable. La discusión de estas dinámicas complicadas ayudará a apreciar mejor los problemas a los que España y Grecia se enfrentaban en ese momento, contribuyendo asimismo a una comprensión más profunda de algunas de las características clave del cambio histórico en estos dos países.
    [Show full text]
  • Sí Doña Carmen Polo De Franco Y La Marquesal De Villaverde En Vitoria
    piarlo H oy se inaugura el tfo LXII - Núm. 19.076 - Miércoles 6 de Agosto de 1952 "Apartado 46 - Teléfono 2015 70 céntimos pantano del [bro Suecia reitera su protesta Doña Carmen ORDENACIONES SACERDOTALES ís el lercero de limi y \mi yü \m de Polo de Franco a Rusia por el EN EL COLEGIO MAXIMO DE OÑS l\ kilómetros de laño por 1,5 ataque a Hoy, miércoles, serj* inaugurado con gran solemnidad y oficial y la marquesal mente el pantano del Ebro que es el tercero de España por su exten sión y canácidad. Ll proyecto data de los tiempos del general Primo de Rivera y las de Villaverde obras dieron comienzo en 1929 pertí fueron obstaculizadas por el régi• dos aviones en ei Báltico men republicano reanudándose con gran impulso por el nuevo Estado español que cíió cima á su empresa en el año 1946. Fueron cerradas por vez primera las compuertas del pantano el en Vitoria dia 31 de marzo de 1947 y de entonces acá se han efectuado cinco em• balses. En la actualidad se ha dado suelta al sexto que ha alcanzado 275 millones de metros cúbicos de agua. Sí 8 tear e El pantano que, como al principio decimos, es el tercero de Es Le fué ofrendado a Is paña por su extensión y capacidad, forma un lago de 21 kilómetros de longitud por 4'5 de anchó. Y en medio de este gran lágo flota como la una isla constituida por La Lastra. La^ presa está situada a 22 kilójnc esposa del Caudillo elj tros del curso del rio Ebro, en ei límite de las provincias de Salntandcr y Burgos y el embalse ha inundado una porción considerable de edi• Mayoi ficaciones - 459 -- y do terrenos menores, siendo uno de los lugares más título de Camarera afectados el pueblo burgalés de Arija ya que son inundados por la mag• pieven pido a EE.
    [Show full text]
  • On Photography, History, and Memory in Spain Hispanic Issues on Line Debates 3 (2011)
    2 Remembering Capa, Spain and the Legacy of Gerda Taro, 1936–1937 Hanno Hardt Press photographs are the public memory of their times; their presence in the public sphere has contributed significantly to the pictures in our heads on which we rely for a better understanding of the world. Some photographs have a special appeal, or an extraordinary power, which makes them icons of a particular era. They stand for social or political events and evoke the spirit of a period in history. They also help define our attitudes towards people or nations and, therefore, are important sources of emotional and intellectual power. War photography, in particular, renders imagery of this kind and easily becomes a source of propaganda as well. The Spanish Civil War (1936–39) was the European testing ground for new weapons strategies by the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. Both aided their respective sides in the struggle between a Popular Front government— supported mainly by left-wing parties, workers, and an educated middle class—and “Nationalist” forces supported by conservative interests, the military, clergy, and landowners. The conflict resulted in about 500,000 deaths, thousands of exiles, and in a dictatorship that lasted until Franco’s death in 1975. It was a time when large-scale antifascist movements such as the Republican army, the International Brigades, the Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification, and anarchist militias (the Iron Column) united in their struggle against the military rebellion led by Francisco Franco. Foreigners joined the International Brigade, organized in their respective units, e.g., the Lincoln Battalion (USA), the British Battalion (UK), the Dabrowski Battalion (Poland), the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion (Canada), and the Naftali Botwin Company (Poland and Spain, including a Jewish unit).
    [Show full text]
  • Axis Internationalism: Spanish Health Experts and the Nazi ‘New Europe’, 1939–1945
    Axis Internationalism: Spanish Health Experts and the Nazi ‘New Europe’, 1939–1945 DAVID BRYDAN Abstract Many of the forms and practices of interwar internationalism were recreated under the auspices of the Nazi ‘New Europe’. This article will examine these forms of ‘Axis internationalism’ by looking at Spanish health experts’ involvement with Nazi Germany during the Second World War. Despite the ambiguous relationship between the Franco regime and the Axis powers, a wide range of Spanish health experts formed close ties with colleagues from Nazi Germany and across Axis and occupied Europe. Many of those involved were relatively conservative figures who also worked with liberal international health organisations in the pre- and post-war eras. Despite their political differences, their opposing attitudes towards eugenics and the tensions caused by German hegemony, Spanish experts were able to rationalise their involvement with Nazi Germany as a mutually-beneficial continuation of pre-war international health cooperation amongst countries united by a shared commitment to modern, ‘totalitarian’ forms of public health. Despite the hostility of Nazi Germany and its European collaborators to both liberal and left-wing forms of internationalism, this phenomenon suggests that the ‘New Europe’ deserves to be studied as part of the wider history of internationalism in general and of international health in particular. In November 1941 over fifty government officials and public health experts representing twenty different states attended an international
    [Show full text]
  • Romanian Neo-Protestants in the Interwar Struggle for Religious and National Identity
    Pieties of the Nation: Romanian neo-protestants in the interwar struggle for religious and national identity by Iemima Daniela Ploscariu Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts Supervisor: Constantin Iordachi Second Reader: Vlad Naumescu CEU eTD Collection Budapest, Hungary 2015 “Copyright in the text of this thesis rests with the Author. Copies by any process, either in full or part, may be made only in accordance with the instructions given by the Author and lodged in the Central European Library. Details may be obtained from the librarian. This page must form a part of any such copies made. Further copies made in accordance with such instructions may not be made without the written permission of the Author.” CEU eTD Collection i Abstract Neo-protestants (Seventh-Day Adventists, Baptists, Brethren, and Pentecostals) were the fastest growing among the religious minorities in interwar Romania. The American, Hungarian, German, and other European influences on these groups and their increasing success led government officials and the Romanian Orthodox Church to look on them with suspicion and to challenge them with accusations of being socially deviant sects or foreign pawns. Neo- protestants presented themselves as loyal Romanians while still maintaining close relationships with ethnic minorities of the same faith within the country and abroad. The debates on the identity of these groups and the “competition for souls” that occurred in society demonstrate neo- protestants' vision of Romanian national identity challenging the accepted interwar arguments for what it meant to be Romanian.
    [Show full text]
  • Cronología De La Guera De España (1936-1939)
    Chronology of the War of Spain (1936-1939) (emphasizing the Lincoln Battalion involvement) 1931 13 April: Fall of Spanish monarchy and declaration of Republic. 1933 30 January: Hitler becomes Chancellor in Germany. 1934 12 February: Dollfuss liquidates left-wing oposition in Austria. October: Gen. Franco`s Moorish Troops put down miners`rising in Asturias with considerable brutality. 1935 August: Communist International launches Popular Front policy. 1936 16 February: Conservatives loose Spanish General Elections. Generals Mola and Franco begin conspiracy. 7 March: Nazi troops seize demilitarised Rhineland. 3 May: Popular Front wins French General Elections. 9 May: Fascist Italy annexes Abyssinia. 18 July: Army revolt against Spanish Popular Front government. 25 July: French government forbids arms sales to Republic Spain. 1 September: Franco declared Head (of the Government) of State. 4 September: Largo Caballero becomes Prime Minister of Republican Government; fall of Irún, Basque Country cut off from France. 9 September: Non-Intervention Committee meets in London. 12 October: Formation of International Brigades. 6 November: Republican government leaves Madrid for Valencia. 8 November: XIth International Brigade in action in Madrid. 25 December: The first Americans leave New York on the S.S. Normandie to fight for the Republic. 1937 31 January: Formation of XVth International Brigade, including Lincoln Battalion. 6 February: Battle of Jarama begins. 8 February: Fall of Màlaga. 16 February: Lincoln Battalion first moved to the front lines at Jarama; the first Lincoln casualty, Charles Edwards, on the 17th. 27 February: Lincolns attack Pingarrón Hill (“Suicide Hill”) in Jarama Valley; of the 500 who went over the top, more than 300 were killed or wounded.
    [Show full text]
  • Franco's Spain, Queer Nation?
    University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform Volume 33 2000 Franco's Spain, Queer Nation? Gema Pérez-Sánchez University of Miami Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr Part of the Civil Rights and Discrimination Commons, Comparative and Foreign Law Commons, Legal History Commons, and the Sexuality and the Law Commons Recommended Citation Gema Pérez-Sánchez, Franco's Spain, Queer Nation?, 33 U. MICH. J. L. REFORM 359 (2000). Available at: https://repository.law.umich.edu/mjlr/vol33/iss3/7 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform at University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform by an authorized editor of University of Michigan Law School Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. SUMMER 2000] Franco' s Spain SPRING 2000] Franco'sSpain 359 FRANCO'S SPAIN, QUEER NATION? Gema Prez-Sdinchez* This Article discusses how, through its juridicalapparatus, the Spanish dictator- ship of FranciscoFranco sought to define and to contain homosexuality, followed by examples of how underground queer activism contested homophobic laws. The Article concludes by analyzing a literary work to illustrate the social impact of Francoism'shomophobic law against homosexuality. INTRODUCTION In the introduction to iEntiendes?: Queer Readings, Hispanic Writ- ings,' Paul Julian Smith and Emilie L. Bergmann regret the lack of historical
    [Show full text]
  • The ITF and the Fight Against Fascism
    IFF-AntiFascism:Layout 1 1/11/16 13:34 Page 1 ¡No pasarán! The ITF and the fight against fascism InternationalTransport Workers’ Federation IFF-AntiFascism:Layout 1 1/11/16 13:34 Page 2 Eyewitness report ¡No pasarán! compiled in 1933 by ITF representative Jaap The ITF and the fight Oldenbroek on the situation in Germany against fascism following the Nazi takeover. © ITF 2016 InternationalTransport Workers’ Federation 49-60 Borough Rd, London SE1 1DR +44 (0)20 7403 2733 www.itfglobal.org ITF report from 1935 describing the underground trade union networks in Nazi Germany. Image courtesy of Manuel Moreno Cover picture: 1936 Spanish Civil War poster by Pere Catalá. IFF-AntiFascism:Layout 1 1/11/16 13:34 Page 3 ¡NO PASARÁN! The ITF and the fight against fascism he struggle to defeat fascism in the 20th century didn’t Tbegin in 1939 with the outbreak of the Second World War. The anti-fascist fight had been going on for many years, and trade unionists were among the first to recognise Anti-Nazi illustration produced the unique dangers posed by this toxic ideology based on for ITF publications in the racial superiority, anti-semitism, militarism and dictatorship. 1930s. Trade union activists were key targets of fascist repression. In Italy, they were blacklisted and punished after Mussolini seized power in 1922. Strikes were outlawed and opponents of the fascist regime were brutally persecuted. Trade unionists suffered a similar fate in Germany from 1933 under Hitler’s rule. Unions were closed down, their Although not an avowedly assets confiscated and many thousands of union activists fascist regime, the dictatorship of Miklós Horthy in Hungary were sent to Nazi concentration camps.
    [Show full text]
  • Casanova, Julían, the Spanish Republic and Civil
    This page intentionally left blank The Spanish Republic and Civil War The Spanish Civil War has gone down in history for the horrific violence that it generated. The climate of euphoria and hope that greeted the over- throw of the Spanish monarchy was utterly transformed just five years later by a cruel and destructive civil war. Here, Julián Casanova, one of Spain’s leading historians, offers a magisterial new account of this crit- ical period in Spanish history. He exposes the ways in which the Republic brought into the open simmering tensions between Catholics and hard- line anticlericalists, bosses and workers, Church and State, order and revolution. In 1936, these conflicts tipped over into the sacas, paseos and mass killings that are still passionately debated today. The book also explores the decisive role of the international instability of the 1930s in the duration and outcome of the conflict. Franco’s victory was in the end a victory for Hitler and Mussolini, and for dictatorship over democracy. julián casanova is Professor of Contemporary History at the University of Zaragoza, Spain. He is one of the leading experts on the Second Republic and the Spanish Civil War and has published widely in Spanish and in English. The Spanish Republic and Civil War Julián Casanova Translated by Martin Douch CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521493888 © Julián Casanova 2010 This publication is in copyright.
    [Show full text]