The ITF and the Fight Against Fascism
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Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930S
Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY 2014 © 2014 Ariel Mae Lambe All rights reserved ABSTRACT Cuban Antifascism and the Spanish Civil War: Transnational Activism, Networks, and Solidarity in the 1930s Ariel Mae Lambe This dissertation shows that during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) diverse Cubans organized to support the Spanish Second Republic, overcoming differences to coalesce around a movement they defined as antifascism. Hundreds of Cuban volunteers—more than from any other Latin American country—traveled to Spain to fight for the Republic in both the International Brigades and the regular Republican forces, to provide medical care, and to serve in other support roles; children, women, and men back home worked together to raise substantial monetary and material aid for Spanish children during the war; and longstanding groups on the island including black associations, Freemasons, anarchists, and the Communist Party leveraged organizational and publishing resources to raise awareness, garner support, fund, and otherwise assist the cause. The dissertation studies Cuban antifascist individuals, campaigns, organizations, and networks operating transnationally to help the Spanish Republic, contextualizing these efforts in Cuba’s internal struggles of the 1930s. It argues that both transnational solidarity and domestic concerns defined Cuban antifascism. First, Cubans confronting crises of democracy at home and in Spain believed fascism threatened them directly. Citing examples in Ethiopia, China, Europe, and Latin America, Cuban antifascists—like many others—feared a worldwide menace posed by fascism’s spread. -
On Photography, History, and Memory in Spain Hispanic Issues on Line Debates 3 (2011)
2 Remembering Capa, Spain and the Legacy of Gerda Taro, 1936–1937 Hanno Hardt Press photographs are the public memory of their times; their presence in the public sphere has contributed significantly to the pictures in our heads on which we rely for a better understanding of the world. Some photographs have a special appeal, or an extraordinary power, which makes them icons of a particular era. They stand for social or political events and evoke the spirit of a period in history. They also help define our attitudes towards people or nations and, therefore, are important sources of emotional and intellectual power. War photography, in particular, renders imagery of this kind and easily becomes a source of propaganda as well. The Spanish Civil War (1936–39) was the European testing ground for new weapons strategies by the Soviet Union and Nazi Germany. Both aided their respective sides in the struggle between a Popular Front government— supported mainly by left-wing parties, workers, and an educated middle class—and “Nationalist” forces supported by conservative interests, the military, clergy, and landowners. The conflict resulted in about 500,000 deaths, thousands of exiles, and in a dictatorship that lasted until Franco’s death in 1975. It was a time when large-scale antifascist movements such as the Republican army, the International Brigades, the Workers’ Party of Marxist Unification, and anarchist militias (the Iron Column) united in their struggle against the military rebellion led by Francisco Franco. Foreigners joined the International Brigade, organized in their respective units, e.g., the Lincoln Battalion (USA), the British Battalion (UK), the Dabrowski Battalion (Poland), the Mackenzie-Papineau Battalion (Canada), and the Naftali Botwin Company (Poland and Spain, including a Jewish unit). -
Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges
Gale Primary Sources Start at the source. Extreme Right Transnationalism: International Networking and Cross-Border Exchanges Paul Jackson Senior Lecturer in History, University of Northampton Various source media, Political Extremism and Radicalism in the Twentieth Century EMPOWER™ RESEARCH While many historians have devoted themselves to forms of anti-fascism: divisions within the left. The examining the dynamics of fascist movements and Italian Communist Party was also formed at this time, regimes, the topic of ‘anti-fascism’ has traditionally and while initially supportive of the Arditi del Popolo, been neglected. However, historians and other later it instructed its members to withdraw their academics are now starting to take greater interest in engagement. The Arditi del Popolo was shut down by the study of those who opposed nationalist and racist the Italian state by 1924, while the Italian Communist extremists, and are developing new approaches to Party was itself banned from 1926. Splits within the understanding these complex cultures. Some, such as left have often been a characteristic of anti-fascist Nigel Copsey, have been concerned with developing politics, and in Italy during the 1920s such anti- sober, empirical accounts, exploring left-wing, centre fascists were driven by competing ideas on how to and even right-wing forms of anti-fascism, presenting develop an anti-capitalist revolution. In this case, the it as a heterogeneous politicised identity. Others, such issue helped to foster discord between a more as Mark Bray, have been more concerned with eclectic and anarchist variant of anti-fascism and a developing unapologetically partisan readings of the more centralised Communist version. -
Anti-Fascism, Anti-Communism, and Memorial Cultures: a Global
ANTI-FASCISM, ANTI-COMMUNISM, AND MEMORIAL CULTURES: A GLOBAL STUDY OF INTERNATIONAL BRIGADE VETERANS by Jacob Todd Bernhardt A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Boise State University May 2021 © 2021 Jacob Todd Bernhardt ALL RIGHTS RESERVED BOISE STATE UNIVERSITY GRADUATE COLLEGE DEFENSE COMMITTEE AND FINAL READING APPROVALS of the thesis submitted by Jacob Todd Bernhardt Thesis Title: Anti-Fascism, Anti-Communism, and Memorial Cultures: A Global Study of International Brigade Veterans Date of Final Oral Examination: 08 March 2021 The following individuals read and discussed the thesis submitted by student Jacob Todd Bernhardt, and they evaluated the student’s presentation and response to questions during the final oral examination. They found that the student passed the final oral examination. John P. Bieter, Ph.D. Chair, Supervisory Committee Shaun S. Nichols, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee Peter N. Carroll, Ph.D. Member, Supervisory Committee The final reading approval of the thesis was granted by John P. Bieter, Ph.D., Chair of the Supervisory Committee. The thesis was approved by the Graduate College. DEDICATION For my dear Libby, who believed in me every step of the way. iv ACKNOWLEDGMENTS Throughout the writing of this thesis, I have received a great deal of support and assistance. I would first like to thank my Committee Chair, Professor John Bieter, whose advice was invaluable in broadening the scope of my research. Your insightful feedback pushed me to sharpen my thinking and brought my work to a higher level. I would like to thank Professor Shaun Nichols, whose suggestions helped me improve the organization of my thesis and the power of my argument. -
The Spanish Civil War
This is a repository copy of The Spanish Civil War. White Rose Research Online URL for this paper: http://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/128173/ Version: Accepted Version Book Section: Yeoman, J.M. orcid.org/0000-0002-0748-1527 (2018) The Spanish Civil War. In: Levy, C. and Adams, M., (eds.) The Palgrave Handbook of Anarchism. Palgrave Macmillan , pp. 429-448. ISBN 9783319756196 https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75620-2_25 Reuse Items deposited in White Rose Research Online are protected by copyright, with all rights reserved unless indicated otherwise. They may be downloaded and/or printed for private study, or other acts as permitted by national copyright laws. The publisher or other rights holders may allow further reproduction and re-use of the full text version. This is indicated by the licence information on the White Rose Research Online record for the item. Takedown If you consider content in White Rose Research Online to be in breach of UK law, please notify us by emailing [email protected] including the URL of the record and the reason for the withdrawal request. [email protected] https://eprints.whiterose.ac.uk/ The Spanish Civil War* James Michael Yeoman The Spanish Civil War of 1936–1939 was one of the most significant moments in the history of anarchism. The outbreak of the conflict sparked a revolution, in which women and men inspired by anarchist ideas took control of the streets of Barcelona and the fields of Aragon. For perhaps the first, and last, time in history, libertarian communism appeared to be imminent, if not already in effect. -
The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness
The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Effectiveness Author: Stuart T Leslie Persistent link: http://hdl.handle.net/2345/383 This work is posted on eScholarship@BC, Boston College University Libraries. Boston College Electronic Thesis or Dissertation, 2004 Copyright is held by the author, with all rights reserved, unless otherwise noted. BOSTON COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY The Formation of Foreign Public Opinion in the Spanish Civil War: Motives, Methods, and Success By Stuart Leslie HONORS THESIS APRIL 2004 ADVISER: Pr. James Cronin Table of Conte nts I. Who Will Write? 1 II. The Case from Burgos 9 III . The Case from Madrid 33 IV. History’s Verdict 59 V. Bibliography 73 Who Will Write? While victors generally disagree, common wisdom holds that it is they who wri te the history. The Spanish Civil War, however, had no conclusive winner. While Francisco Franco ousted his opponents and clung to power for nearly four decades after the end of hostility, the international movement for which he stood was discredited within six years. Following their military defeat, Franco’s enemies moved into exile and became the heroes of anti -Fascism when it had become a universal value. While Franco controlled the archives and presses in Spain, his enemies could not be silenced. Though the military phase of the war ended in 1939, the fight for ‘hearts and minds’ continued for decades. Ironically, when the Caudillo finally died in 1975, the people of Spain tacitly agreed to a pacto de olviedo (pact of forgetfulness), ignoring the legacy of the war, and Franco, entirely. -
Representing the Spanish Civil War
Representing the Spanish Civil War: Socialist Realist Nonfiction Filmmaking By Anette Judith Dujisin Muharay Submitted to Central European University Department of History In partial fulfillment of the requirements of the degree of Master of Arts Supervisors Karl Hall CEU eTD Collection István Rév Budapest, Hungary 2008 i ABSTRACT This MA Thesis aims to analyze the representations of the Spanish Civil War through the Socialist Realist nonfiction cinema by examining three different types of films. Roman Karmen’s newsreels On the Events of Spain, Esfir Shub Ispanija and Joris Ivens The Spanish Earth. It describes this representation baring in mind an interdisciplinary approach of historical contextualization, film theory and technical cinematic analysis. By laying down the definitions and elements of nonfiction film, it gives a theoretical and methodological framework. Giving an overview of the development of nonfiction film in the Soviet Union it contextualizes the analysis that is further developed through the introduction of the filmmakers, the description of the narrative and giving a final overall analysis of how the meaning was constructed. CEU eTD Collection ii ACKNOWLEDGMENTS This MA Thesis would not have been possible to pursue without the support, friendship and patient of several persons. I would like to dedicate this dissertation to my parents who proportioned all the possible support, more than needed and in every sense, to make possible the accomplishment of my Masters Degree. Their advices were always helpful and constructive and their lives and work provided me a source of inspiration. My supervisors, Karl Hall and István Rév provided me with precious advices that helped me to transform my ideas into a coherent work. -
The International Brigades in the Spanish War
The International Brigades in the Spanish PROCEEDINGS War 1936-1939: Flags and Symbols Sebastià Herreros i Agüí FFIAV Associació Catalana de Vexil·lologia “To my father” panied people gathered in Barcelona to celebrate the Olimpiada Popular (Fig. 1), meeting organised by sev- eral leftist organisations to show their opposition to the official Olympic Games of Berlin. This “People’s Olym- piad”, in which a young 18 year old athlete, Isaac Galan, Someone has described the presence of the international who later would be registered as the father of my wife volunteers in the Spanish War 1936-1939 as the “last Anne, provided the first 300 brigadists who, organised romantic war of the twentieth century”. I think there are in columns, immediately headed for the Aragon front. no such romantic wars. All wars are cruel. In the pre-war theatre of the Second World War, the Spanish War was the training field for new military tactics: massive troop transport from Africa to Spain, intimidatory bombardments over civil targets, etc. These tactics were used in the following European confrontation: Sicily, Normandy, Coventry, Dresden... The Spanish War was not only a “Civil War”, but the confrontation and clash of ideas: defence of democracy Fig. 1 against totalitarism. This confrontation of ideas – IDEA > IDEAL > IDEALISM > IDEALISATION – fed the romantic The first columns were organised in Barcelona, but there flavour, of defence of ideals, that impregnated the were also international groups in Madrid and Irun. majority of the “brigadists” who came from all around the world. In Barcelona were formed: The “franquist” propaganda has shown the brigades as ♦ Grupo Thaelmann a part of International Communism. -
Abraham Lincoln Brigade: African American Internationalism Manifested Jason Huang
Abraham Lincoln Brigade: African American Internationalism Manifested Jason Huang “The earth bounced under my rubbery legs like the deck of the ship that had brought me across the Atlantic. Each bomb tore open a new hole. Mounds of earth and white-hot shrapnel flew about me. Suddenly I felt a sudden stinging in my legs, but with so much happening I didn’t think any more about it. At moments the entire world seemed to be flying upwards, further darkening and polluting the already thick sulfurous air,” wrote James Yates in his memoir Mississippi to Madrid.1 To the average person, this might sound like a scene from World War Two: the brave American soldier charging fascist lines. However, this took place during the middle of the Spanish Civil War, around three years before the outbreak of the Second World War, and James Yates was not fighting for the United States Armed Forces. Instead, he was one of around ninety African Americans fighting alongside 2700 white Americans in the Abraham Lincoln Brigade, an International Brigade composed of volunteers from the United States of America, 3300 miles away from home.2 The intersectionality present on the Republican side of the Spanish Civil War led to one of the most diverse locations in the world in 1936. International Brigades, volunteer battalions consisting of anti-fascists from all over the world, broke down racial, class, and gender barriers. Republican International Brigades had 40,000 volunteer troops from fifty-three countries, some of the furthest coming from China, Palestine, and Costa Rica.3 People of every ideological background, from social democrats to anarcho- syndicalists, to Stalinist communists, all flocked to fight against fascism. -
Ernest Hemingway and the Politics of the Spanish Civil War Anton Nilsson
Ernest Hemingway and the Politics of the Spanish Civil War Anton Nilsson The Hemingway Review, Volume 36, Number 1, Fall 2016, pp. 81-93 (Article) Published by The Hemingway Foundation and Society DOI: https://doi.org/10.1353/hem.2016.0022 For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/638873 Access provided by Goteborgs universitet (18 Oct 2018 18:52 GMT) Anton Nilsson | 81 Ernest Hemingway and the Politics of the Spanish Civil War Anton Nilsson Independent Scholar uring the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939), Ernest Hemingway was unusually politically active and outspoken. As the war dragged on, Dthe author embarked on many kinds of projects that he had never attempted before, and would never try again; in 1937 alone, he produced a film, wrote a play, gave a public speech, and organized a fundraising campaign during which he visited the White House to solicit support from the President and Mrs. Roosevelt. Although Hemingway was initially opposed to American involvement in the war, his work as a correspondent in Spain caused him to abandon his former isolationist stance and become an active proponent for military intervention in Spain. During the 1930s, Ernest Hemingway observed with dismay the rise of fascism in Europe. In the article “Notes on the Next War,” published in Esquire in September 1935, Hemingway predicted that with the imperial ambitions of Mussolini’s Italy and Hitler’s Germany threatening the stability of the con- tinent, the next great armed conflict of Europe was imminent. He urged the United States not to get involved: “No European country is our friend nor has been since the last war and no country but one’s own is worth fighting for. -
'Against the State': a Genealogy of the Barcelona May Days (1937)
Articles 29/4 2/9/99 10:15 am Page 485 Helen Graham ‘Against the State’: A Genealogy of the Barcelona May Days (1937) The state is not something which can be destroyed by a revolution, but is a condition, a certain relationship between human beings, a mode of human behaviour; we destroy it by contracting other relationships, by behaving differently.1 For a European audience, one of the most famous images fixing the memory of the Spanish Civil War is of the street fighting- across-the-barricades which occurred in Barcelona between 3 and 7 May 1937. Those days of social protest and rebellion have been represented in many accounts, of which the single best known is still George Orwell’s contemporary diary account, Homage to Catalonia, recently given cinematic form in Ken Loach’s Land and Freedom. It is paradoxical, then, that the May events remain among the least understood in the history of the civil war. The analysis which follows is an attempt to unravel their complexity. On the afternoon of Monday 3 May 1937 a detachment of police attempted to seize control of Barcelona’s central telephone exchange (Telefónica) in order to remove the anarchist militia forces present therein. News of the attempted seizure spread rapidly through the popular neighbourhoods of the old town centre and port. By evening the city was on a war footing, although no organization — inside or outside government — had issued any such command. The next day barricades went up in central Barcelona; there was a generalized work stoppage and armed resistance to the Catalan government’s attempt to occupy the telephone exchange. -
Jewish Resistance: a Working Bibliography
JEWISH RESISTANCE A WORKING BIBLIOGRAPHY Third Edition THE MILES LERMAN CENTER FOR THE STUDY OF JEWISH RESISTANCE First Edition, June 1999 Second Edition, September 1999 Third Edition, First printing, June 2003 Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies United States Holocaust Memorial Museum 100 Raoul Wallenberg Place, SW Washington, DC 20024-2126 The Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies of the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum The United States Holocaust Memorial Council established the Center for Advanced Holocaust Studies to support scholarship in the field, including scholarly publication; to promote growth of the field of Holocaust Studies at American universities and strong relationships between American and foreign scholars of the Holocaust; and to ensure the ongoing training of future generations of scholars specializing in the Holocaust. The Council’s goal is to make the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum the principal center supporting Holocaust studies in the United States. The Center’s programs include research and publication projects designed to shed new light on Holocaust-related subjects that have been studied previously, to fill gaps in the literature, and to make access to study of the Holocaust easier for new and established scholars and for the general public. The Center offers fellowship and visiting scholar opportunities designed to bring pre- and post-doctoral scholars, at various career stages, to the Museum for extended periods of research in the Museum’s growing archival collections and to prepare manuscripts for publication based on Holocaust-related research. Fellows and research associates participate in the full range of intellectual activities of the Museum and are provided the opportunity to make presentations of their work at the Center and at universities locally and nationwide.