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THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN 1918 - 1962 ( THE MANDATE OF THE COVENANT IS A MODEL ) PJAEE, 17(6) (2020)

THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN YEMEN 1918-1962 (THE MANDATE OF THE COVENANT IS A MODEL)

Prof. Dr. Karim Talal Mesir College of Basic Education, Al-Mustansiriyah University, Iraq.

Prof. Dr. Karim Talal Mesir , The Struggle For Power In Yemen 1918-196 (The Mandate Of The Covenant Is A Model) , Palarch’s Journal Of Archaeology Of /Egyptology 17(6). ISSN 1567-214x.

ABSTRACT: In Yemen,Al- stipulates of will be a scholar, ascetic, courageous, generous. However, it made deviating from the imam a legitimate matter if it is proven that he is unfair and violates the .Or that a more qualified person demanded the position.Al-Zaidiyyahalso permitted the existence of two legitimate at the same time, if their respective spheres of influence are far enough apart. This opened the door to continuous wars between those claiming the and the Crown Prince, with the sanctification of these wars on the basis that they are essential to defend the , and based on that Sharia rule. The system followed by the Yemenis, until the reign of Imam Yahya bin Hamid al-Din (1904-1948). That the people of the solution and the contract meet at the death of the imam to choose a new imam. Those who meet the conditions of the Imamate. Whether he was the son of the deceased imam or someone else. However, the work of that system was abolished after Yemen became a powerful and powerful country.Imam Yahya sought to appoint his eldest son, Prince Ahmed, as heir fearing that the death of the Imam brings about, without having a known crown prince, of unpredictable troubles and afflictions. The problem of competition for the crown prince, one of the most important problems that faced the Zaydi Imamate regime in the modern , it must be noted that the competition for the crown prince in Yemen appears in its clear form, except during the reign of Imam Ahmad (1948-1962). Although the conflict is over the imamate itself. It was the hallmark of the imamate regime in Yemen. Therefore, a distinction must be made between the struggle over the imamate itself and the competition over the succession of the imamate or succession to the crown.

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The First Topic: The competition for power in Yemen 1918-1962 The problem of competition and struggle for power in Yemen is considered, especially over the mandate of the Covenant, one of the most basic and main problems that faced the Zaidiyyah imamate regime in the contemporary history of Yemen, as this problem casts a shadow over the political reality in the country, which was mainly suffering from political, economic and social problems, because of the policy pursued by the system, which was headed by Imam Yahya bin Hamid al-Din (1904-1948), represented by the system of isolation. He rejected everything new or any call for reform.The exacerbation of this problem has led to continuous conflicts and disputes between members of the royal family. It had negative repercussions on the internal situation on the one hand, and Yemen’s foreign policy towards Arab countries and foreign countries on the other hand, and on the efforts made by Yemen to resist British colonialism in the south from a third party (Al-Imirah 2007, p. 39). The problem of the struggle for power began in Yemen, and especially about the mandate of the Covenant since 1923. When raised a group of scholars who applied to Imam Yahya, by assigning the mandate of the Covenant to Prince Ahmed, the oldest of his fourteen sons. Although he had reservations about announcing that officially, for violating the conditions of the Zaidiyyah school (Al-Sayyad, 1962, p 121)(Al-Zaidiyyah differs from the rest of the other Shiite in that it refuses to appoint the Imam to whoever succeeds him while he is in his life, and that the Imam must be elected by Muslims in the people of the solution and the contract. Al-Sayyad, the authority and the opposition in contemporary Yemen). However, Prince Ahmed became known as the Crown Prince since the twenty-fourth of August 1924, that was, according to some of the Zaydi scholars, a clear violation. When it was recognized that there is no crown prince to rule and the system of government was amended to a hereditary monarchy (Al-Azazi, 1962 p. 40). Based on that legal rule in choosing an imam, the system followed by the Yemenis until the era of Imam Yahya bin Hamid al-Din 1904-1948. That the people of the solution and the contract meet on the death of the imam to choose a new imam who meets the conditions of the imam. Whether he was the son of the deceased imam or someone else. However, working with that system was abolished after Yemen became a powerful and powerful country.Imam Yahya sought to appoint his eldest son, Prince Ahmed, as heir to the throne. When the death of the imam gives birth to him without having a known crown prince, there are unpredictable problems and strife (Saeed, 1959. P. 311). This opinion came in harmony with what Imam Yahya bin Hamid al-Din was thinking of taking the pledge of allegiance to his eldest son.He was Saif Al-, Prince Ahmed, Crown Prince, especially after the latter demonstrated his courage and political acumen in carrying out the tasks assigned to him (Hassan, 1947, p. 103). However, the foundations of the Al-Zaidiyyah Imamate, which did not allow the appointment of the Crown Prince, as we mentioned previously,spoke to him or pushed him to try to show the appointment issue as if it were the demand of the people of the solution and the contract. Moreover, these apparent reservations at first about the appointment of a crown prince was not final.If the Crown Prince proves his worth and deserving of this new position, provide an excuse for the imam, and for these, the committee for dissolution and contract is the legal cover for

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THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN YEMEN 1918 - 1962 ( THE MANDATE OF THE COVENANT IS A MODEL ) PJAEE, 17(6) (2020) creating the position of Crown Prince. That they adhere to the teachings of the Al-Zaidiyyah imamate. Which does not recognize the mandate of the Covenant, which is the loophole that accompanied the birth of the regime of the Crown Prince over the political system in Yemen, at the same time, the door was opened wide for those aspiring to be imamate, or the mandate of the crown from other sons of Imam Yahya and others to assume the position of the imamate even after the official appointment of the crown prince. It was the exit of Saif al-Islam Ibrahim bin Imam Yahya over the Imam’s ruling system. He joined the opposition in Aden publicly in 1946, and work to drop the symbols of the regime at the time. This marked the beginning of the struggle for power after the seventeenth of February 1948 (Al-Thor, 1968, p. 53). After Saif Al-Islam Ibrahim met his death with some of the opposition leaders Ridha, 1974, p. 35(). Some brothers of Crown Prince Ahmed, who supported the previous event, stood in the face of their older brother, these were Al-Qassem, Ismail, Al-Abbas and Yahya.In addition to his son al-Badr, who followed Abdullah Ahmad al-Wazir as Imam of Yemen (D.K.O, 1948, p. 53). An Fonihlis (1955, . p35) referred to this, saying: “Force and brutality have been the means of Imam Ahmad since he ascended the throne in 1948,Imam Ahmad was freed in his life after becoming Imam of Yemen from five of his brothers by murder (They are: 1. Saif al-Haq Ibrahim, 2. Saif al-Islam, the purifier, and he assigned one of his followers to mix a slow poison in his food due to an accident that occurred in the special section of the harem in the imam’s palace, and when the condition worsened Saif al-Islam purified, so the imam decided to remove him from Yemen until he died Far away, and he was transported by plane to Egypt under the pretext that he wanted to be treated in one of its hospitals, and Saif al-Islam al-Mutahhar died the same day he arrived in Cairo. 3. Saif al-Islam Yahya, and the Imam hated him and kept lying in wait for him until he was poisoned by blood and Yahya asked his brother, Imam Hamad, to allow him to travel abroad for treatment, but the imam refused and did not allow him until after he was sure that his brother was in the last conflict, and he died in Asmara before he reaches the hospital. 4. Saif al-Islam Abdullah and al-Abbas, and the Imam ordered their slaughter by the sword for their participation in the coup of Ahmad al-Thalaya.). Imam Ahmad’s intentions have been since assuming the throne of Yemen, in the wake of the failure of the 1948 movement, which his father was assassinated. Intending to take the pledge of allegiance to the Crown Prince to his eldest son, Muhammad Al-Badr. However, his brothers’ public opposition to these intentions,pushed him to wait for a period of time (Saeed, p. 321), without completely dismissing her, in the middle of 1952 Imam Ahmad began his movements.He has instructed officials to establish contacts with Italy and Sweden to get weapons, for the purpose of improving and developing the capabilities of the Yemeni army, to the extent that he is able to confront the tribes. As the imam wanted to strengthen the position of his son Muhammad al-Badr, who had been appointed Minister of Defense in his competition for the mandate of the Covenant with his brother Prince Hassan, which was widely popular among the tribes, at the same time, these moves were not hidden from Saif Al-Islam Al-Hassan (Al-Imarah, p. 40).

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Imam Ahmad’s efforts aimed at paving the way for his son Muhammad al-Badr were not limited to the interior.It spread outside Yemen, after the victory of the revolution of 23 July 1952 in Egypt. Imam Ahmed sought to establish strong relations with the men of the revolution in Egypt. He showed through it that he is willing to make the repair, looking forward to it in front of the Yemeni people on the one hand, and obtaining Egypt’s support for his son Al-Badr in the case of the mandate of the Covenant on the other hand. The endeavors of Imam Ahmad had fallen on deaf ears with the Egyptian government, which has shown its willingness to train the Yemeni army if the imam asks her to do so (Al-Bidhani, 1984, p. 69). It is clear from this that Imam Ahmad was seeking from this, to obtain influential Arab support in the political arena for his son Al-Badr, then strengthening the Yemeni army with the help and support of Egypt, to the extent that he can confront any possible move that some tribes loyal to Hassan may take, at the same time, this move came in line with the national approach of the republican system in Egypt, who was seeking rapprochement and strengthening of his relations with other Arab countries. Even if it was governed by reactionary monarchies from his point of view, until it finds a foothold, it can attract the rulers of those countries, or they can influence their audiences. Including the front system in Yemen towards reforms in its political and economic system, so that it becomes more responsive to the national approach of the political system in Egypt, or the awakening of the national consciousness of the peoples of those regimes in the event that the political system does not respond in those regimes,leads to bringing about a change in the monarchy with a republican system that takes the republican system in Egypt as an example to follow. This is what actually happened in Yemen after the events of the September 26, 1962 revolution in Yemen (Al-Bidhani, 1984, pp 91-93). In fulfillment of the promises Egypt made to Imam Ahmed, an Egyptian military delegation arrived at the beginning of 1953, headed by Lieutenant Colonel Kamal Abdel Hamid to visit Yemen. Meeting Imam Ahmad and convincing him of the need to support the reformist trends of his son Al-Badr, in order to increase his popularity in the Yemeni street in front of his rival over the issue of the Crown Prince. The issue of improving the capabilities and capabilities of the Yemeni army was one of Al-Badr’s reform priorities, because it is the force that he will rely on in the face of the tribes loyal to Hassan. In the event that they revolt against these tribes,Imam Ahmed agreed to that by bringing in an Egyptian military mission to train the Yemeni army. Despite that stated goal from the Yemeni point of view, but the real goals of this Egyptian military mission from the point of view of the regime in Egypt. It was the creation of an Egyptian military system with a nationalist approach that would be the first starting point for Yemen’s renaissance. It was not a tool to support the full moon (Al-Bidhani, 1984, pp 69-71). The support for Al-Badr’s reform trends was not limited to the military reformist elements.Rather, it passed him to the free people who are still in Hajjah prison. Since their participation in the Anan movement 1948, at the beginning of 1954, it was released for the mandate of the Covenant from Hajjah prison. When the judge charged Abdul Rahman Al-Aryani and those with him in prison to pledge allegiance to Al-Badr, the crown prince. However, this pledge was not sincere in reality.The aim of the free ones was to first expand the dispute between members of the ruling family. Gaining the sympathy of Imam Al-Badr for the purpose of their release, which has already happened.Al-Badr was able to persuade his father, Imam Ahmed, to release some of the detainees and relieve others. The full moon has begun to draw close to intellectuals and tribes calling for reform and development of the country (Sahweel, 1962, p. 43).

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At the middle of 1954. The mandate of the Covenant has become the main problem domestically in Yemen, when Imam Ahmad performed some activities, that aimed to elicit an announcement. Provides for naming the full moon as heir to the imamate. This caused strong opposition from the party loyal to Prince Hassan bin Yahya,who used to see in himself sufficient capacity to be an heir to the throne (Al-Imarah, p. 41). Imam Ahmad also visited Sana’a to reinforce the position of his son Al-Badr in the issue of the mandate of the Covenant, where he met with a number of sheikhs of the Yemeni tribes influencing the political scene in Yemen. He distributed large sums of money to the tribal sheikhs who came to meet him in exchange for their promises to support Al-Badr in the issue of the mandate of the Covenant (Al-Imarah, p. 42), that was why Imam was able to improve the image of his son in the minds of those interested in Yemeni affairs (Al-Imarah, p. 42). At the beginning of 1955, Imam Ahmad summoned his brother Saif al-Islam Abdullah. Who was his country’s representative in the United Nations and ordered him to go to the United States of America instead,Imam Al-Hassan refused that at first, and he considered that a deliberate operation in keeping him away from the arena of competition with Al-Badr over the mandate of the Covenant. Recently, however, he had to surrender and head to the United States of America (Al-Thor, 1986, pp 97-100). Despite the removal of Saif al-Islam al-Hassan from the arena of competition. The rest of Imam Ahmad’s brothers, including Abdullah, demonstrated loyalty and obedience to him. The Imam was convinced that the matter will be settled for his son, the full moon.However, the fact of the matter is that Abdullah, Hassan and the rest of their brothers. They were concerned about the appointment of Al-Badr as a crown prince, and a large number of liberals shared this feeling (Sahweel, pp 43-44). The Second Topic: Naming Prince Muhammad Al-Badr heir apparent It was the great role that the full moon played in thwarting the coup in 1955. The visit to Egypt. The apparent effect of raising the status of the full moon is not in their opinion. Those who seek reform only from the Yemenis and the Egyptian government. Rather, it is in the accounts of British diplomacy in Yemen, the British Chargé d’Affairs to Yemen was sent by W.N. Montteth, in a memorandum to his government, in which he explained that the full moon has become a major and prominent role in Yemen, his invitation to visit London may be restricted to settling British-Yemeni disputes over the protectorates (Records of yemen, Vol12, Memorandum from Secretary of State for Colonies to the Gover nor of Aden, No192, 19May, 1955, Secret and 16001ersonal, p.407). However, the governor of Aden opposed this proposal, on the pretext that the imam may interpret this proposition as a case of weakness on the part of the British side, at the same time he also stressed that it is too early to be a full moon. He will impose his control over the country after the death of his father, Imam Ahmad, as long as Saif al-Islam al-Hassan remains free (Ibid, p.408). Al-Badr’s status rose clearly after he was appointed Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Defense and Foreign Affairs in the government, was formed by his father, Imam Ahmad, on the 31st of August 1955, headed by Imam Ahmad himself (Beri, 1960, p. 150). This was referred to

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THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN YEMEN 1918 - 1962 ( THE MANDATE OF THE COVENANT IS A MODEL ) PJAEE, 17(6) (2020) by the British Chargé d’Affairs, in his diary to his government on November 16, 1955, saying: “The imam’s goal in this appointment is to prepare the full moon to be exemplary.”. It has been mentioned that Al-Badr has already run the cabinet sessions in Sana’a, while Imam Ahmad remained in , he supervises the reorganization of the police and civil aviation, as noted by the British Chargé d’Affairs, in his diary, until a Yemeni journalist who was heading to Aden, he told him that he had received orders from the imam to spread propaganda in favor of Al-Badr in the case of the mandate of the Covenant, at the end of his memoirs he explained that the full moon had become generally accepted as the legitimate heir to the imamate (R.Y.Vol12, op.cit, p.409). The imam was aware of the importance of the position of Egypt and the Kingdom of , in support of the security and stability of the situation in his country and strengthening its position in its dispute with Britain over the reserves in general, to consolidate the position of his son Al-Badr in the case of the mandate of the Covenant in particular. Since February 1956, he instructed his son, Al-Badr, to make frequent visits (R.Y, Vol12, op.cit, p.446.) (It was rumored in Yemen at the time that Prince Al-Badr would marry one of King Saud’s daughters, and that the imam’s goal in this marriage was to strengthen the influence of his son al-Badr against his brother, Hassan, through strong Saudi support. Perhaps the only thing that will enable al-Badr to control the country after the death of his father), to Egypt and Saudi Arabia, which ended with a joint defense agreement between the three countries, Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Yemen. Signed on April 18, 1956, known as the Jeddah Agreement. Al-Badr had promised that he would return from Egypt. He will make a great effort to extricate Yemen from its external Arab and international isolation,Al-Badr’s goal behind these statements is to strengthen his position on his main cause. It is the mandate of the covenant among those who seek reform in Yemen (Al- Bidhani, p. 95). In the wake of the signing of the above agreement, and Al-Badr’s position improved clearly in front of his rival. The issue of taking pledge of allegiance to Crown Prince Muhammad Al-Badr began to take its public form and its path to implementation. A large number of scholars and clerics gathered in Al-Hudaydah Governorate for the purpose of pledging allegiance to Al-Badr with the mandate of the Covenant (Al-Bidhani, p. 116). It was the issue of fixing the full moon over the crown prince or warding off dangers. That may face great importance in the calculations of the Imam, so before he went to Italy on April 16, 1959 for the purpose of receiving medical treatment. The imam took a number of measures to support Imam al-Badr in the case of the mandate of the Covenant. When he was appointed regent for the throne, he asked Judge Muhammad al-Sabaghi to go to , to support the full moon in carrying out the burden of responsibility, he also ordered some of the personalities that he thought were not dangerous to the throne to travel with him to Italy. Including Prince El Hassan, who flew from New York to Rome to accompany him on the visit (Al-Bidhani, p. 141). The Third Topic: The opposition movement and its position on the struggle over the mandate of the Covenant The opposition movement inside Yemen has been paralyzed, because of the repressive measures that Imam Ahmad practiced after crushing the movement in 1948. Nevertheless, it was gradually renewed, helped by Imam Ahmad’s insistence on non-reform and his rejection of any change in the ruling system (Al-Bidhani, p. 141).

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The opposition began to regroup after the meetings that were held by the men of the movement, who survived the death penalty. Their activity focused in the beginning on trying to get rid of prisons. That is through the letters and telegrams that they were sending to the imam, At the same time, they tied the link between them in Hajjah prisons and other prisons, to exchange views on what can be done to restore the movement again and define its objectives, after the imam’s rage subsided and the movement of executions subsided. They began conducting literary debates, verifying manuscripts, and historical and political authorship to win over the imam,the education of a number of hostages and prisoners (Al-Shamahi, 1972, pp 276-277), some of them issued two written magazines, ((Al-Nadwa)) and ((Al-Salwa)) with interest in literature and poetry (Al-Omrani, 1979, p. 276). Moreover, the success of the Egyptian revolution on July 30, 1952 was an encouraging factor for them. It was taken by the opposition as a guideline, especially after it was embraced by the Yemeni Federation. That stoked hope in them to achieve what could be achieved (Al-Shami, p. 9). Therefore, they took paths that served their purposes, so they planned to promote the idea of the Crown Prince to Muhammad Al-Badr bin Al-Imam Ahmed, hoping from behind this to reduce their persecution and release them on the one hand, on the other hand, it split the ranks of the ruling family. He sowed the seed of hostility between the imam and his brothers, Al-Badr and his uncles by notifying the Imam of their concern for the stability of his rule. That the full moon is the closest to it and deserving of the imamate. The farthest from conspiring against him by his brothers, who opposed their release and who oppose the Egyptian revolution,Al-Badr announced his support for the Egyptian revolution and that under his rule, they will be able to achieve the rule of shura and general reforms (Sabri, 1970, p. 471). Imam Ahmad, on his part, tried to force the opposition in favor of his son Al-Badr, so he took a number of measures and decisions, including the release of Ahmed Numan from prison and his return to his job as an inspector of knowledge in the city of Hajjah.He was allowed to establish a middle school to teach modern sciences, sports and scouting activity.A number of the sons of Amir HajjahAbd al-Malik al-Mutawakkil and a number of sheikhs’ sons joined her (Khudhur, 1981, p. 200). Ahmed Numan took advantage of this to encourage the idea of the crown prince of al-Badr with the imam, demanding an amnesty for the prisoners, who can “be made soldiers of his son Al- Badr, who should be the crown prince,”. This resulted in the Imam’s release of some detainees who joined Al-Badr, encouraging this idea, but he avoided publicly raising problems with his brothers.He instructed Al-Badr to work with it quietly and to influence the winnings of some freedmen and other traditional elements, after the imam wanted to remove his brothers from the theater of judgment. Judge Abd al-Rahman al-Aryani (Al-Shami, p. 66) was released in April 1954 To join Al-Badr, hoping that Al-Aryani would formulate the legal pledge of allegiance in choosing him as the crown prince in the life of his father and after his death (Sabri, p. 472). Al-Eryani(Judge Abd al-Rahman al-Aryani: He was born in June 1910 in the fortress of Rayan al-‘Aliyah, in the wilderness district of the August Brigade, and he was included in his primary studies, and his studies were in religious sciences in the Qur’an and the principles of Islamic and linguistic sciences and rhetoric, and he was young, as his father, Judge Yahya Al-Aryani, taught him And when the Scientific School was opened in Sana’a in 1929, he joined it, and was a

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THE STRUGGLE FOR POWER IN YEMEN 1918 - 1962 ( THE MANDATE OF THE COVENANT IS A MODEL ) PJAEE, 17(6) (2020) student at the hands of its sheikhs, including the scholar Abdullah Muhammad al-Sarhi, the scholar Ahmed bin al-Haklani, the scholar Ahmad bin Abdullah al-Kubaisi and others, and when he excelled in his sciences, he became a circle for study and teaching in the Al-Falaihi In Sanaa, he was attended by a number of senior scholars and students of knowledge, and he used to study the books of the and its explanations for the great mujtahids of Yemen, such as al-Shawkani, al-Muqbili and Ibn al-Amir. He held several judicial and advisory positions before the revolution. He was arrested with revolutionaries in 1948 and was released and then arrested in 1955, then the imam was pardoned. Ahmed, after the revolution of September 26, 1962, became Minister of Justice. See: Abdullah Al-Sallal and others, First Documents on the , Yemeni Studies and Research Center, Sana’a, 1992, p. 87.) and his companions took a full moon promise to achieve reform, freedom and constitutional rule (Al-Thor, p. 96).Al-Eryani developed the pledge of allegiance to al-Badr in May 1954 in a clever manner, he bestowed upon it the quality of concern for the country’s unity and independence. The pledge of allegiance to Al-Badr avoids Yemen avoiding the state of division and chaos that occurred in the last century in the multiplicity of the lists and their struggle for power, taking advantage of the multiplicity of power centers within the family, stressing that the full moon ruling will settle that. Those who pledged allegiance did not neglect that, laying down conditions for pledging allegiance to the full moon in affirming that it is represented by working the Book of and the Sunnah.Preserving the independence and unity of the country. Consulting scholars and opinion leaders, and working in the interest of the people and justice, they mentioned that the pledge of allegiance loses its legitimacy in the event that he violates the prohibitions of God, so he does not obey people (Khudur, p. 203). The pledge of allegiance sparked violent reactions among Imam Ahmad’s brothers, especially Hassan and Abdullah after it was presented to a number of religious scholars and statesmen for signature. The opposition also expected gestures among family members (Al-Thor). However, the imam felt it was a plot to weaken the family.He withdrew the pledge of allegiance and did not go into the matter (Al-Noman, p. 69). But the conflict within the family began with a hidden movement between Al-Badr and his father on one side and his uncle, Hassan and Abdullah on the other hand.The pledge of allegiance sparked rejection and rivalry among the sons of the Hashemite families, who felt entitled to it as sons of Ali Al-Wazir, Sharaf al-Din, they gathered in prison despite their differences against the mandate of the Covenant of Badr and the Free (Al-Noman, pp 67-68). CONCLUSION: First: Through what has been mentioned above. It can be said that the issue of the mandate of the Covenant is an alien issue to the Al-Zaidiyyah Imamate regime in Yemen and does not comply with its Sharia provisions, that the process of its introduction by Imam Yahya and Imam Ahmad. It was a flagrant violation of those provisions and principles. Despite the two attempts to appoint his son as crown prince, show the issue as if it is a requirement for the people of the solution and the contract in order to show it. In a way that does not appear to clearly respect the legal rulings of the school. Second: The competition and the dispute over the crown prince is no longer a dispute between two personalities competing for this position within the royal family only. Rather, it was crystallized due to the policy pursued by each of the two parties to strengthen its position

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into a struggle between two contradictory currents, each with its own popular base representing the first in the reformist movement or the sponsor of reform, what was found in Al-Badr’s policy and its openness to Arab countries and foreign countries as a means to achieve this, while the other was represented by the conservative tribal trend, which rejected every step on the road to openness and internal reform. Third: The competition and conflict over the mandate of the Covenant. It was a major cause that accelerated the downfall of the imamate regime in Yemen, as it led to openness to Arab and foreign countries, which led Al-Badr to impose support for his position in the mandate of the Covenant to an increase in national and national awareness among the Yemeni people aspiring to get rid of the backward Imamate regime. Developing the country and catching it up with the national intellectual trends that were led by Egypt. This thing was actually achieved by the explosion of the revolution of September 26, 1962, which overthrew the political system (the imamate) in Yemen with the support and backing of the United Arab Republic. REFERENCES: First: unpublished documents: The files of the royal court: 1. Dr. K. And, the royal court files, the file sequence 4829/311, a telegram from Prince Ibrahim bin Imam Yahya and Muhammad al-Badr bin Saif al-Islam Ahmed to the King of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, Abdulaziz Al Saud, and the response to the telegram, February 1948, Document 26. Second: and Arabized books: 1. Ahmed Saleh Al-Sayyad, The Authority and the Opposition in Contemporary Yemen, Beirut, 1962. 2. Ahmad Muhammad Al-Shami, The Winds of Change in Yemen, 1st floor, Jeddah, 1984. 3. Ahmed Muhammad Numan, Concerned Parties in Yemen, The Boys Foundation, Beirut, 1965. 4. Amin Saeed, Yemen, its political history since independence in the third century, House of Revival of Arab Books, Cairo, 1959. 5. Jean-Jacques Berry, The , translation: Maher and Said Puzzle, Beirut, 1960. 6. Adel Reda, An Attempt to Understand the Yemeni Revolution, The Modern Egyptian Office, Cairo, 1974. 7. Abdul Rahman Al-Baidani, The Crisis of the Arab Nation and the Yemeni Revolution, "Secrets and Documents", The Modern Egyptian Office, Cairo, 1984. 8. Abdul-Rahman Muhammad Al-Amrani, Al-Zubairi, the revolutionary poet of Yemen, Sana'a, 1979.

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9. Abdullah Ahmad Al-Thawr, The Yemeni Revolution 1948-1962, 2nd floor, Cairo, 1986. 10. Abdullah Al-Sallal and others, First Documents on the Yemeni Revolution, Yemeni Studies and Research Center, Sana'a, 1992. 11. Abdullah Abd al-Wahhab al-Shamahi, Yemen, Man and Civilization, Cairo, 1972. 12. Muhammad Hassan, The Heart of Yemen, Baghdad, 1947. 13. MoussaSabry, reporter behind the events of ten years, Cairo, 1970. 14. YahyaTahirSahwil, The National Movement and its Impact on the September 26 Movement, 1962, in the September 26 Revolution, Studies and Testimonies of History, 2nd Edition, Beirut, 1986. Third: Foreign Books: 1. Records of yemen, Vol12, Memorandum from Secretary of State for Colonies to the Gover nor of Aden, No192, 19 May, 1955, Secret and persnal. Fourth: University Theses: 1. Shaker Mahmoud Khader, The National Movement in 1918-1962, Master Thesis (unpublished), submitted to the Institute for National and Socialist Studies at Al- Mustansiriya University, Baghdad, 1981. 2. Abdullah Fari` Abdo Al-Azazi, The Yemen Revolution 1962, PhD thesis submitted to the College of Education (IbnRushd), University of Baghdad, 1999. Fifth: Published Research: 1. Ibrahim Finjan the Emirate, The competition for the mandate of the Covenant in Yemen 1948- 1962, DhiQar University Journal, Issue 4, Volume 2, March 2007.

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