Rumours of Maitatsine: a Note on Political Culture in Northern Nigeria
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RUMOURS OF MAITATSINE: A NOTE ON POLITICAL CULTURE IN NORTHERN NIGERIA NIELS KASTFELT Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article/88/350/83/15279 by guest on 01 October 2021 The Maitatsine movement DURING THE FIRST half of the 1980s the 'Maitatsine' movement was an explosive factor in Nigerian society. During the 1960s and 1970s the founder of the movement, the Camerounian Muhammadu Marwa, alias 'Maitatsine', established himself as an unorthodox Koranic teacher in Kano in northern Nigeria. He gradually built up a closely knit local community of followers, united by their belief in the doctrines of Maitatsine and later engaged in violent attacks upon other Muslims in Kano.1 Maitatsine practised as a Koranic teacher, yet seems to have rejected the Hadith and the sutmah, and at the same time to have condemned the reading of any book but the Koran as 'paganism'. He denounced the use of radios, bicycles, watches and the possession of more than an absolute minimum of money. He apparently rejected the prophethood of the Prophet Muhammad and eventually, in 1979, seems to have declared himself an annqbi (Hausa for 'prophet', especially the Prophet Muhammad).2 Maitatsine and his followers, many of whom were Koranic students, con- stantly attacked what they saw as the corrupt religious practice of the established Islamic community of Kano. The author is a member of the Institute of Church History, University of Copenhagen. 1. Accounts of the Maitatsine movement and the uprisings include the official Report of the Kano Disturbances Tribunal of Inquiry (the Aniagolu Report), 14 April 1981; G. Nicolas, "Guerre sainte' a Kano', Politique africaine, 1 (1981), pp. 47-70; Raymond Hickey, 'The 1982 Maitatsine Uprisings in Nigeria: a note', African Affairs, 83 (1984), pp. 251—6; John E. Lavers, 'Popular Islam and Unpopular Dissent: religious disturbances in Northern Nigeria', paper delivered at the Conference on Popular Islam in Twentieth Century Africa, University of Illinios/Program of African Studies, Urbana, April 1984; Peter B. Clarke and Ian Linden, Islam in Modern Nigeria: a study of a Muslim community in a post-independence state 1960-1983, Entwicklung und Frieden, Wissenschaftliche Reihe 32 (Matthias-Grunewald-Verlag and Chr. Kaiser Verlag, Mainz and Munich, 1984) pp. 107-9,119-22; Paul M. Lubeck, 'Islamic Protest under Semi-Industrial Capitalism: *Yan Tattine explained', Africa, 55 (1985), pp. 369-89; Allan Christelow, 'Religious Protest and Dissent in Northern Nigeria: from Mahdism to Qur'anic integralism', Journal, Institute of Muslim Minority Affairs, 6 (1985), pp. 375-93; Allan Christelow, 'The 'Yan Tatsine Disturbances in Kano: a search for perspective', The Muslim World, 75 (1985), pp. 69-84; Elizabeth Isichei, 'The Maitatsine Risings in Nigeria 1980-85: a revolt of the disinherited', Journal of Religion in Africa, 17 (1987), pp. 194-208; Mervyn Hiskett, 'The Maitatsine Riots in Kano, 1980: an assessment', Journal of Religion in Africa, 17 (1987), pp. 209-23; Peter Clarke, 'The Maitatsine Movement in Northern Nigeria in Historical and Current Perspective', in Rosalind I. J. Hackett (ed.), New Religious Movements in Nigeria, African Studies Volume 5 (The Edwin Mellen Press, Lewiston/Queenston, 1987) pp. 93-115. 2. As pointed out by Lavers, one should be careful to accept the claim of Maitatsine's prophethood, which may be a sterotype resulting from insufficient reliable data. Lavers, 'Popular Islam and Unpopular Dissent', p. 6. 83 84 AFRICAN AFFAIRS The anti-authoritarian and unorthodox religious character of the Maitatsine movement was combined with a strong social and political radicalism, emphasized by its rejection of the authority of the Kano State government and by the social composition of the Maitatsine followers, most of whom were recruited from among the urban poor of northern Nigeria. The first major confrontation between the Maitatsine movement and the Nigerian authorities occurred in December 1980, at a time when Maitatsine may have had between 2,000 and 3,000 followers. Violent Maitatsine Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article/88/350/83/15279 by guest on 01 October 2021 assaults upon other Kano residents and an assumed Maitatsine plan of taking over the Central Mosque of Kano eventually made the Nigerian police, and later the Nigerian army, move in against the Maitatsine head- quarters in Kano. The Maitatsine followers brought out their weapons and the subsequent battle resulted in the deaths of several thousand persons, including Muhammadu Marwa himself. The massive military force developed by the Nigerian government put a violent end to the Kano uprising but did not wipe out the Maitatsine move- ment which later spread to other northern Nigerian cities. Subsequent risings in Maiduguri and Kaduna in 1982, in Yola in 1984 and in Gombe in 1985 proved that the Maitatsine followers might have lost the battle of Kano but that they were prepared to have a try elsewhere.3. The Maitatsine risings had a great impact upon the Nigerian political scene in the first half of the 1980s. First of all, a vast number of people (estimated at anything between 3,000 and 10,000, or even more) were killed in the extremely violent clashes between members of the Maitatsine movement and the Nigerian army and police. Apart from this, the risings brought about increased state control over Nigerian Muslims (and Christians as well), principally aimed at getting a stronger hold of non-registered itinerant preachers and thereby eliminating this supposed source of 'fanaticism'. This policy was whole-heartedly backed by the Islamic establishment of northern Nigeria which joined hands with the military government in order to suppress the Maitatsine movement and similar attempts at questioning the religious practice and supremacy of the northern Islamic elite.4 In a historical perspective the alliance of the Islamic leaders with the government represented a continuation of that policy of controlling religious dissent which has been a major concern of the northern Nigerian Islamic elite since 3. It should be emphasized diat one might question whether these risings were actually carried out by followers of Maitatsine. They may have been cases of general social protest classified and stigmatized by Nigerian government and religious authorities and by the mass media as expressions of 'Maitatsine fanaticism', see Lavers, 'Popular Islam and Unpopular Dissent', p. 7. 4. This was demonstrated, for instance, in the speeches by the Head of State, military governors and Islamic leaders accompanying the Eid-El-Fitr celebrations at the end of the Ramadan in June 1985. See The Nigeria Standard, The Guardian (Lagos) and the Daily Times of 20 June 1985 and statements of the Sultan of Sokoto, the F.rnir of Kano and other Islamic leaders quoted in the Report of the Kano Disturbances Tribunal of Inquiry, paras 322-7, pp. 84-5. RUMOURS OF MAITATSINE 85 the establishment of the Sokoto Caliphate in the early nineteenth century.5 The exact nature of the Maitatsine movement is difficult to capture. For one thing, reliable data are virtually inaccessible because of the explosive political implications of the whole Maitatsine issue. Furthermore, the very notion of 'Maitatsine' may well have been turned into a convenient ideologi- cal construction which was used by Nigerian government authorities and religious elites to marginalize and stigmatize social and ideological dissent, and consequently to blur the actual nature and scope of the Maitatsine Downloaded from https://academic.oup.com/afraf/article/88/350/83/15279 by guest on 01 October 2021 phenomenon. No matter how difficult it may be to describe the Maitatsine movement precisely, the very concept of 'Maitatsine' was indeed a social fact in Nigeria in the first half of the 1980s. A multitude of rumours about the Maitatsine movement put it at the centre of many daily conversations and discussions and turned 'Maitatsine' into an important element of political thinking, especially among Nigerians outside the corridors of power. The Maitatsine rumours, therefore, provide an interesting body of information on aspects of popular political culture in Nigeria. A murder in Yola One set of rumours was generated by a minor incident in Yola, state capital of Gongola State and the scene of the Maitatsine rising of February and March 1984 in which probably more than one thousand people were killed.6 Around 9 o'clock a.m. on Sunday 9 June 1985, a three and a half year old girl, Fatima Garba, was killed near her home in Yola. Fatima Garba, daughter of retired Sergeant Fatu Garba, was murdered by a man who was in turn mobbed by the witnesses of the murder. The dead girl and her murderer were subsequently taken to Yola Teaching Hospital, the murderer being admitted in a state of unconsciousness. The murder of Fatima Garba immediately created a state of panic among the residents of the Rumde ward in Yola, close to which the girl was killed, and which was the base of the Maitatsine followers during their uprising in 1984. Those witnessing the murder took to the street, shouting that the Maitatsine people had struck again. They were soon followed by residents of other parts of Yola. During the morning thousands of people fled their homes, taking their essential belongings with them. Some fled Yola altogether, but most rushed for the army and police barracks and police stations in Yola for protection. The officer in charge of Yola Police Station 5. See M. Last, 'Aspects of Administration and Dissent in Hausaland, 1800-1968', Africa, 40 (1970), pp. 345-57. 6. See '100 die in Yola clashes', West Africa, 5 March 1984, p. 527; 'Roots of the Yola riots', West Africa, 12 March 1984, p. 539; 'Yola returning to normal', West Africa, 12 March 1984, p. 581; Lavers, 'Popular Islam and Unpopular Dissent', p. 7.