Brownfield Redevelopment in Toronto: an Examination of Past Trends And
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Land Use Policy 19 (2002) 297–309 Brownfield redevelopment in Toronto:an examination of past trends and future prospects Christopher A. De Sousa* Department of Geography, University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, Bolton 410, P.O. Box 413, Milwaukee, Wisconsin 53201-0413, USA Received 10 July 2001; received in revised form 15 February 2002; accepted 28 March 2002 Abstract Although the development of greenfield sites in suburban peripheries is still the predominant trend in Canada, in the decade of the 1990s a growing inclination to redevelop under-utilized urban brownfield sites emerged. This study describes brownfield redevelopment patterns in the former ‘‘City of Toronto’’ during the 1990s and examines the key factors shaping them. The relevant data for the study were compiled from a City of Toronto land-use database, the appurtenant policy and planning studies, interviews with stakeholders, and case studies. Toronto’s redevelopment experience has obvious implications for cities of similar socio-cultural and socio-economic character undergoing redevelopment planning and can thus be viewed as a ‘‘case-in-point’’ in brownfield redevelopment planning and policy. r 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Brownfields; Redevelopment; Toronto Introduction examines analytically the redevelopment issues in the City of Toronto during the decade of the 1990s as a In Canada, as in the United States, there has been a case-in-point for viewing such redevelopment generally. growing interest to renew urban areas for the purpose of The questions that guide the present examination are: improving the quality of life in the city. In this regard, the redevelopment of brownfield sites has received * How has brownfield redevelopment evolved in particular attention from policy makers and urban Toronto over the last decade? researchers because of the wide-ranging benefits that * What factors have contributed to the patterns of such redevelopment can generate for urban commu- redevelopment? nities—e.g. expand the tax base, clean up contaminated * Can any broader implications be distilled from the lands, lead to job creation, promote a revitalized and Toronto case? positive image of urban life. Governments at all levels in Canada have thus started implementing a wide range of innovative policies and programs designed to promote brownfield redevelopment, although the level of support Background information remains inferior to that provided generally in the US. This notwithstanding, the interest in redevelopment has Toronto is Canada’s largest city. In 1998, it restruc- gained momentum, because of a combination of market tured its municipal government, merging seven previous forces and social trends motivating urban dwellers to jurisdictions (Old Toronto, North York, Etobicoke, seek ways of improving urban life and thus improving Scarborough, York, East York, and Metro Toronto) its overall ‘‘image’’. into a mega city of over 2.4 million people, which is, in On the basis of a City of Toronto land-use database, a turn, surrounded by four regional municipalities (Dur- review of relevant policy and planning reports, inter- ham, Halton, Peel, and York) adding 2.3 million people views with key stakeholders, and case studies, this paper to the Greater Toronto Area. The former City of Toronto (before the merger), which is the focus of this *Tel.:+1-414-229-4874; fax:+1-414-229-3981. research and is referred to below as Central Toronto, E-mail address: [email protected] (C.A. De Sousa). has a population of over 650,000 (comprising 14% of 0264-8377/02/$ - see front matter r 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved. PII:S 0264-8377(02)00024-8 298 C.A. De Sousa / Land Use Policy 19 (2002) 297–309 the Greater Toronto Area) and covers an area of sector financially responsible for cleanup and redevelop- 97 km2. ment. They see their own role primarily as a regulatory and advisory one (De Sousa, 2001). In Ontario, the Brownfield redevelopment Ministry of the Environment can order the remediation of a brownfield site through its Environmental Protection Brownfields are defined by the US Environmental Act. But, in practice, the assessment and remediation of Protection Agency (1997) as ‘‘abandoned, idled, or brownfields unfolds primarily as a voluntary process under-used industrial and commercial facilities where regulated largely by the Ministry’s Guideline for Use at expansion or redevelopment is complicated by real or Contaminated Sites in Ontario (1996). This provides perceived environmental contamination’’. The term relevant information to property owners and other covers both known contaminated sites as well as those interested parties on how to assess and remediate only suspected of being contaminated because of brownfield sites. While not legally binding, those who previous land-use activities (e.g. waste disposal, manu- follow the Guideline to the letter have tended to get facturing, service stations, etc.). In Canada and the US development permits approved more quickly, avoid this term is synonymous with contaminated lands, having financing requests rejected, and decrease their derelict lands and former industrial sites. The term liability risks. In general, those interested in redevelop- brownfield is, however, the one favored by both public ing a site are required to assess its soil quality, remediate and private sector stakeholders because it avoids the it in accordance with government approved criteria, negative connotations associated with words such as make provisions for future liability (given that no contaminated and derelict, and because it constitutes a governmental provisions currently exist), and finance semantic counterpart to greenfield, the term often used the entire project. to refer to an agricultural land site located on the urban In contrast to most US jurisdictions, Ontario does not periphery. currently have a permanent funding or financing The brownfield problem is an extensive one in program for attracting private investment to brown- virtually every industrialized nation because of the fields, nor does it offer public protection from future gradual, but steady, migration of industries from the liability. It was only in 2000 that the Ontario govern- city to greenfield areas since the mid-1970s, leaving ment announced its intentions to introduce brownfields many large cities with vast areas of under-utilized or legislation to address key financing, liability, and vacant industrial sites (Gertler et al., 1995). While much technical guidance issues as part of its ‘‘Made-in- information on the scale of the problem is currently Ontario’’ Smart Growth Initiative. The City of Toronto, available in the US and Europe, only sporadic data can like other municipalities in Ontario, is responsible for be found on Canadian cities where, according to some land-use planning and economic development activities estimates, as much as 25% of the urban landscape is related to managing brownfield sites under the regula- potentially contaminated as a result of previous tory aegis of the provincial government. industrial activities (Benazon, 1995, p. 18). Typical reasons given for remediating and redeveloping these sites range from environmental to social and economic Schematic overview of the relevant literature benefits as identified by the Sustainable Development theoretical framework (European Commission, 1996; The literature examining the redevelopment of brown- Bartsch, 1996; NRTEE, 1998). Advocates of Smart fields and contaminated lands in Canada is extremely Growth in particular, highlight the potential of brown- limited. To date, much of the research that does exist field redevelopment for encouraging ‘‘smart’’ urban has either concentrated on technical aspects of the development, since it tends to reduce the use of public problem (Gaudet et al., 1992; Sheppard et al., 1992; funds for new infrastructure, ameliorate the quality of Smith and Stanley, 1995) or on the viability of policies the environment, attract investment to older urban for regulating and/or stimulating redevelopment activ- centers, and improve the social conditions of local ities (Ford et al., 1994; Therrien, 1995; CCME, 1996, communities, while emphasizing the central role of 1997; NRTEE, 1996a, b, c, 1997, 1998; De Sousa, 2000, private sector development at the same time (Smart 2001). It has been estimated that the province of Ontario Growth Network, 1999). has 3900 contaminated sites (NRTEE, 1996a), which, according to other estimates, is likely to be a low Regulation of brownfield sites in Ontario assessment. Benazon (1995), for instance, has suggested that as much as 25% of the land area in Canadian cities Currently, the regulation of brownfield redevelop- is potentially contaminated. The old City of Toronto ment in Canada is largely the responsibility of the prepared a map pinpointing areas of potential soil provincial and municipal levels of government. The contamination in 1994 (see Fig. 1). Although the general approach of governments is to hold the private map itself was published, its dataset was not. An C.A. De Sousa / Land Use Policy 19 (2002) 297–309 299 Fig. 1. Areas of potential soil contamination in Central Toronto, 1994 (City of Toronto Planning and Development Department, 1994). attempt to produce a similar inventory for the amalga- share of residential housing starts in all large Canadian mated mega city in 1997 did not proceed beyond the urban centers between 1994 and 1998, relative to planning stage (MTPD, 1997).1 The best estimate for the peripheral municipalities. He speculated