United States, e-mail:[email protected] Fanny R.Tremblay-Racicot multinívelemToronto governança na AméricadoNorte: eChicago edeusodosoloemescalametropolitana Integrando oplanejamentodetransporte inTorontomultilevel governance andChicago America: at themetropolitanlevelinNorth andlanduseplanning Integrating transportation urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal ofUrbanManagement), v.urbe. RevistaBrasileirade GestãoUrbana(BrazilianJournal 6,n.2,p.184-200,maio/ago.2014 Resumo Abstract [b] [a] Ph.D candidate inUrbanStudiesatDepartmentofGeography and Ph.D inpublicadministration (SU),professor atUniversité Lav atores governamentais enãogovernamentais em seusrespectivos domínios,para esclarecer como osdesa entrevistas semiestruturadas com respondentes chave, descreve-se asequênciadeintervenções efetuadas por estão integrados naárea metropolitana deToronto (Canadá) edeChicago (Estados Unidos).Apartirde24 Este artigo compara aspolíticas públicas eosprocessos pelos quaisoplanejamento detransporte e usodosolo Keywords can beakey factor intheadoptionandimplementation ofinnov provincial or state level, the presence of a policy entrepreneu capacity to promote a coherent metropolitan vision is inherentl levelinterveneand affairs bytransportationlocal funding in province or the state government. Although the federal governme implement plans that integrate transportation with land use fun Torontodynamicsin capacity the demonstratesthat Chicago and portation andlanduseplanningisaddr non-governmental actors in their respective domains to shed lig inter of array the describes it informants, key with interviews United the in Toronto,metropolitanChicago, in and ted Canada, This article compares the policies and processes by which trans liderança dacidadepolooudo governo estadual. Embora o governo federal decada paíspossapassar sobre o de adotarem eimplementarem planosqueintegrem transporte eusodosolo dependemessencialmente da dinâmica política em Toronto eemChicago demonstram queacapacidade dasinstituições metropolitanas de integrar oplanejamento detransportes edousosolosãogeridos emambososlados.Evidênciasda [a] , JeanMercier : Transportation planning. Landuseplanning.Multilevel govern organizations. [b] essed onbothsidesoft al, Québec,QC-Canada,e-mail:[email protected] Urban Studies,Temple University, Philadelphia,PA - r or a strong civic capacity at the regional level projects that include land use components, its components, use land projectsinclude that he border. Evidence concerningthepolitical portation and land use planning are integra- y limited. In the absence of leadership at the damentally depends on the leadership of the ht on how the challenge of integrating trans- nt of each nation can bypass the sub-national ventions undertaken by governmental and governmental by undertaken ventions ative reforms. States. Using twenty-foursemi-structured Using States. of metropolitan institutions to adopt and adopt to institutions metropolitan of ance. Casestudy. Metropolitan ϔ ios
DOI: 10.7213/urbe.06.002.SE04 ISSN 2175-3369 Licenciado sob uma Licença Creative Commons Integrating transportation and land use planning at the metropolitan level in North America 185
nível subnacional e intervir em questões locais através do ϔinanciamento de projetos de transporte que incluam o uso do solo como componente, sua capacidade de promover uma visão metropolitana coerente é inerentemente limitada. Na ausência de liderança no nível da província ou do estado, a presença de um empreendedor da política pública ou uma forte capacidade cívica regional podem se consolidar como elementos chave na adoção e implementação de reformas inovadoras.
Palavras-chave: Planejamento de transporte. Planejamento de uso do solo. Governança multinível. Estudo de caso. Organizações metropolitanas.
Context two different paths towards regional planning: the government of Ontario adopted a legislative and Metropolitan regions across North America centralized approach, whereas the government of are facing increasingly complex issues related Illinois opted for a decentralized model of governance. to transportation and land use: congestion, By comparing two “opposite” structural reforms, infrastructure costs, air pollution, greenhouse our aim is descriptive and exploratory. Using twelve gas emissions, resource impacts and personal semi-structured interviews with key respondents in costs resulting from sprawling development each city, we characterize two different multilevel (MARGERUM et al., 2011). Institutional fragmentation governance frameworks for decision-making to reveal and the diffuse nature of authority, which is spread how public and private actors have addressed this across jurisdictions and levels of government in new, complex issue of integrating transportation federal systems, contribute to the complex nature and land use planning at the metropolitan level. of these problems (BROWN, 2012). Academic and Because the structure of authority is fragmented governmental responses to the problems facing among multiple jurisdictions (especially in federal metropolitan regions have produced mixed results. regimes), the study of institutional reforms, Various academic research and advocacy trends are intergovernmental relations and the relationships addressing transportation and land use concerns among public authorities, market forces and civil under different labels, such as “smart growth”, society is key to understanding the contemporary “new urbanism”, “sustainable transportation”, and metropolis and urban transitions to sustainability. “transit-oriented development”, but these approaches The article begins by situating the issue of based on urban forms or physical means alone fail integrating transportation and land use planning to address the structural nature of the problems and the debate on institutional structures at the rooted in institutional and political dynamics, metropolitan level in the academic literature. The problems that ultimately impede the implementation methodology employed is then explained, along with and practical effect of physical plans (SWANSTROM, an overview of Toronto and Chicago metropolitan 2011; NEUMAN, 2005; WHEELER, 2002). In areas. The results are presented by city and by addition, although governments have implemented level of authority, e.g., federal, provincial or state, several structural and procedural reforms to better metropolitan and local. We conclude with a discussion integrate or coordinate regional transportation and on the impacts of the structure of authority on the land use decisions, little is known of the effects of planning process and power dynamics, as well as different governmental structures and mechanisms the limitations and theoretical implications of this on planning outcomes (MARGERUM et al., 2011). study. This article contributes to illing this gap in the literature by comparing the cases of two cities that have recently experienced institutional reforms Background of metropolitan governance to better integrate transportation and land use planning. In those two This section addresses the paradigm shift in cities, Toronto (Canada) and Chicago (United States), transportation planning and the importance of the provincial and state governments followed integrating transportation and land use, as well
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as the institutional question at the regional level, level by broadening the scope of funding programs including the multilevel governance approach. to include transit, alternative modes of transport, land use, and other regional goals that go beyond increasing mobility, such as social, economic and Integrating transportation and land use environmental responsibility (WEIR; RONGERUDE; ANSELL, 2009; HAMILTON; HOKKANEN; WOOD, The relationship between transportation and land 2008; WHEELER, 2002). However, little is known use as well as the effect of policies on the travel and about how these pieces of legislation translated location choices of businesses and individuals are into the policies and practices of lower-levels of dif icult to measure and subject to debate (CERVERO; government and quasi-governmental organizations at DUNCAN, 2006; FORSYTH; OAKES; SCHMITZ, 2007; the state and local levels. State and local governments GIULIANO, 1995; HANDY; CAO; MOKHTARIAN, have been resisting the devolution of powers to 2005; NEUMAN, 2005; TRANSPORTATION RE- the metropolitan level, and metropolitan planning SEARCH BOARD, 2009). However, the necessity of organizations continue to face limits on their funding coordinating transportation and land use planning is and implementation capabilities, despite federal becoming widely acknowledged. A new paradigm in efforts to increase their in luence (HAMILTON; transportation planning changes the de inition of the HOKKANEN; WOOD, 2008; WEIR; RONGERUDE; problem and its solutions, bringing transportation ANSELL, 2009; LEWIS; SPRAGUE, 1997). demand-management strategies to the forefront (LITTMANN, 2013). Whereas the mobility paradigm adopted in the past evaluated the ef iciency of The institutional question at transportation systems based upon the speed, the metropolitan level cost, and convenience of motorized travel, which favors solutions oriented towards automobile The origins of the contemporary debate on travel and roadway expansion; the new paradigm, institutional fragmentation at the metropolitan level oriented towards access to services and activities, can be traced back to the 1950s, when the post-WWII considers a broader range of modes, objectives, economic boom and the construction of highways impacts and improvement possibilities (LITTMANN, across North America led to rapid suburban growth. 2013; JOHNSTON, 2004). The paradigm shift from The academic debate of that era pitted proponents a mobility standpoint to an accessibility objective of metropolitan reform, or consolidationists, against demands new strategies, such as reducing sprawling the public choice theorists of regionalism, until the development, improving air quality, increasing emergence of “new regionalisms” in the 1990s. This population density, allowing for a mix of land section addresses the arguments of each school of uses and functions, improving transit services, and thought and introduces the multilevel governance directing population growth towards built up areas approach to policy making. where transit service is already provided, all of The metropolitan reform school identi ied which requires planners to conceive of transportation institutional fragmentation as the cause of numerous and land use as components of the same system problems and suggested the creation of a single (BLACK, 2010; JOHNSTON, 2004). local government corresponding to the geographical The recognition of the need to integrate boundaries of the metropolitan region by merging or transportation with land use has entered the consolidating contiguous municipalities. The negative policy arena in a number of jurisdictions. In the consequences of jurisdictional fragmentation were United States, the adoption of the Intermodal exposed in 1400 Governments, in which Robert Wood Surface Transportation Efϔiciency Act (ISTEA) in explained how the multiplicity of municipalities 1991, the Transportation Equity Act for the 21st and the system of quasi-governmental agencies Century (TEA-21) in 1998, and the Safe, Accountable, in the New York metropolitan area were leading Efϔicient, Transportation Equity Act: A Legacy for to governmental inef iciency in service delivery, Users (SAFETEA-LU) in 2005 have contributed to iscal inequity among municipalities of the same rede ining the transportation paradigm at the federal region, and a mismatch between public resources
urbe. Revista Brasileira de Gestão Urbana (Brazilian Journal of Urban Management), v. 6, n. 2, p. 184-200, maio/ago. 2014 Integrating transportation and land use planning at the metropolitan level in North America 187 and social needs (WOOD, 1961). In the same vein, transportation and land use but do not suggest a Arthur Maas (1959) identi ied the absence of a modus operandi for doing so at the political and metropolitan government as the ‘missing link’ in the institutional levels, other than improved collaboration American territorial division of powers. Recognizing between public authorities and stakeholders. Another the resistance of state governments to a potential approach to new regionalism demands greater intra- devolution of powers to the metropolitan level, regional equity and institutional reforms, such as Maas suggested the possibility of an incremental the regional tax-sharing systems implemented in and functional approach to governmental reform, Minneapolis-St Paul in 1975 (RUSK, 1993; DOWNS, focusing on transportation, by nature a regional issue 1994; ORFIELD, 1997). Also under the umbrella (MAAS, 1959). Inef iciency and inequity resulting of new regionalism are the second- and third- from jurisdictional fragmentation were thus the generation growth management strategies, originally leitmotiv of the metropolitan reform school, which developed in the 1970s in Oregon and adopted in regarded consolidation as an optimal solution. Florida, Maine, Maryland, New Jersey, Rhode Island, Conversely, the public choice school of regionalism, Vermont, and Washington State (PORTER, 1992; which was particularly popular in the 1980s, justi ied DEAL; KIM; CHAKRABORTY, 2009). The aim of growth jurisdictional fragmentation (or “differentiation”) at management policies is to direct residential and the metropolitan level by attempting to demonstrate employment growth to speci ic zones at the regional the advantages of a competitive local government level. State governments enact such policies, typically system for economic development and regional obliging municipalities to act in conformity with prosperity. This school, based on the works of growth policies through comprehensive planning Charles Tiebout (1956), perceived the fragmented documents. Empirical studies demonstrate that system of local government as a public market in growth management strategies can contribute to which each municipality offers a different package of increasing transit use by limiting the abandonment of goods and services. In this context, the customers/ central neighborhoods (DEAL; KIM; CHAKRABORTY, residents “vote with their feet” by moving into a 2009, p. 21). However, as growth management municipality corresponding to their preferences in policies or regional governments are not considered terms of services and taxation, thereby providing a politically realistic, the advocates of new regionalism solution to the free-rider problem at the regional tend to propose solutions based on the incremental level. Proponents of the public choice school are development of social capital, ad hoc sectoral thus in favor of a competitive, fragmented system collaboration initiatives, and frameworks of of government at the regional level, assuming that incentives and mandates between different levels residents have access to all of the information of government (WHEELER, 2002; BRENNER, 2002; they require to make a rational choice among the ALEXANDER, 2011; NELLES, 2013). In other different combinations of tax and services and the words, new regionalists favor policy instruments capacity to move to the location corresponding to of governance, as opposed to regulation. their preferences. Many types of public interventions are More recently, “new regionalisms”, a collection implemented to address the issue of jurisdictional of viewpoints emphasizing the need to integrate fragmentation at the metropolitan level, such as physical planning, urban design, and equity planning municipal consolidation and the creation of local to solve the problems of sprawling development, governments corresponding to the geographic inequity, congestion and environmental degradation, boundaries of the region. Another option consists have proposed regional collaboration as a vector of of creating regional special purpose bodies of change (WHEELER, 2002). Movements promoting various forms: governmental or quasi-governmental, “new urbanism,” smart growth, livable communities voluntary or statutory, with an appointed or an and sustainable development suggest changing elected board, with a more general or speci ic the urban form, as opposed to the structure of mandate, with a shared administration or having government, in metropolitan regions (CALTHORPE; its own, etc. (NORTON, 1994: 110-112). In general, FULTON, 2001). In other words, these approaches European countries have opted for consolidation and to urban planning call for the integration of the integration of structures and services, whereas
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the United States has opted for the creation of respective countries and share similar geographies special purpose authorities and relied on voluntary and populations, they have taken opposite paths collaboration (NORTON, 1994). Although their in redesigning their institutional frameworks for establishment is a response to complexity, the metropolitan governance to address the challenge of proliferation of special purpose bodies in the United integrating transportation and land use development. States exacerbates institutional fragmentation to The nature of our inquiry, the aim of which the extent that the entanglement of jurisdictional is to identify and explain policy choices and boundaries is described as “organized chaos” decision-making processes, requires a qualitative (KRAWCHENKO, 2011; NORTON, 1994). approach. Our primary data come from twelve In this increasingly complex context, a growing semi-structured interviews with key informants at body of academic literature focuses on multilevel various levels of government and stakeholders in each governance, or the vertical and horizontal region (federal, province/state, city, metropolitan relationships among levels of government, quasi- authorities, transit operators, and non-pro its). governmental authorities, market forces and civil The respondents were asked to identify policies society (ALEXANDER, 2011; BRENNER, 2002; for sustainable transportation, report whether HORAK; YOUNG, 2012; NELLES, 2013; WEIR; these policies included land use components, RONGERUDE; ANSELL, 2009; WHEELER, 2002). and describe the decision-making process and Some authors note the limits of collaborative/ intergovernmental relations leading to their adoption deliberative processes in regional planning and and implementation. The interviews were conducted argue for state-mandated regional planning reforms and transcribed by three research assistants from (ALEXANDER, 2011; WEIR, 2000). Another body Université Laval and the University of Toronto of research evaluates the strengths of horizontal between 2011 and 2013. Secondary sources, such partnerships at the regional level and assesses as policy documents and organizations’ websites, how they can participate in political decisions with were also used as the means of triangulation superior levels of government (WEIR; RONGERUDE; and sources of factual information. This article is ANSELL, 2009; NELLES, 2013). The urban governance exploratory and inductive - of the responses to the approach stresses the importance of new institutional questionnaire, which addressed multiple aspects of structures linking the government, the business sustainable transportation including the physical, community and civil society. While more dif icult to social and political environment, as well as policy manage than conventional governmental agencies, instruments, only those related to transportation these new institutions can play a crucial role in and land use planning, the decision-making process, navigating complex urban political environments and intergovernmental relations were included in (PIERRE; PETERS, 2012). This study contributes the analysis. to this new body of literature by exploring how transportation and land use planning are integrated at the regional level in two metropolitan areas that Overview of metropolitan Toronto and Chicago recently underwent policy and institutional reforms of opposite natures. The map in Figure 1 illustrates the Great Lakes basin region in North America. Both cities, circled in red, are located on a lakeshore: Toronto on Lake Research method & presentation of cases Ontario, and Chicago on Lake Michigan. Although the presence of a lake constricts regional growth to This research is based on a comparative case the shores and inland, a lat topography allows for study of two metropolitan regions: Toronto, located sprawling development. The satellite views images in the southern part of the Province of Ontario in Figures 2 and 3 illustrate this extension of both (Canada), and Chicago, located in the northeastern urban perimeters that go well beyond the municipal part of the State of Illinois (United States). This boundaries of Toronto and Chicago. The data in pair of cases was selected because although both Table 1 also demonstrate the extent of sprawl and regions are major transportation hubs in their institutional fragmentation in both regions.
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Figure 1 - Great Lakes Basin (Canada & U.S.A) Source: U.S. ARMY CORPS OF ENGINEERS, 2007.
The Toronto metropolitan region, the largest a portion of northwest Indiana that is not under and most populous urban region in Canada, runs CMAP jurisdiction. This southwestern region of along the western end of Lake Ontario, taking the Chicago, which includes Gary (Indiana) and 40 shape of a horseshoe (hence the name Golden other cities and towns, is governed by a different Horseshoe) (see Figure 2). The Greater Toronto and MPO, the Northwestern Indiana Regional Planning Hamilton Area (GTHA) comprises two single-tier Commission. municipalities, Toronto and Hamilton, as well as The data in Table 1 demonstrate that the two cities four regional municipalities, i.e., Durham, Halton, have similar populations, territory, and population Peel and York, and their associated 24 lower-tier density, although Chicago is somewhat larger, municipalities. The Chicago metropolitan region, denser and more populous. The most important the third most populous in the United States, is difference is the extent to which the cities are located on the southwestern shore of Lake Michigan institutionally fragmented or, simply, the number of (see Figure 3). The region under the jurisdiction municipalities in the metropolitan regions. There are of the metropolitan planning organization (MPO), 26 municipalities and four regional municipalities the Chicago Metropolitan Agency for Planning in the GTHA, compared to 284 municipalities and (CMAP), includes seven counties, i.e., Cook, DuPage, seven counties in the region under the jurisdiction of Kane, Kendall, Lake, McHenry and Will, totaling CMAP. Moreover, the population of Toronto residing 284 municipalities. However, the boundaries of in the city proper represents 40% of the total the Chicago Metropolitan Statistical Area include population, whereas Chicagoans living within the
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Figure 2 - Greater Toronto & Hamilton Area (GTHA) Source: Author, based on Google Earth Image (2013).
city boundaries represent 31% of the total regional the land use planning commission (Northeastern population. As discussed later in this paper, the Illinois Planning Commission - NIPC) were merged greater fragmentation in the Chicago metropolitan by the government of Illinois in 2005 to establish area complicates the regional planning process. the Chicago Metropolitan Agency for Planning In addition to their similarities in terms of (CMAP), responsible for integrating transportation geography and population, each city recently acquired and land use planning in the region. The nature a new regional planning agency, re lecting the of these institutional reforms is discussed in the different attempts of provincial and state authorities following section. to address planning challenges in the two regions. In Toronto, Metrolinx was established in 2006 by the government of Ontario to coordinate transportation Policy & praxis in Toronto & Chicago planning in the GTHA. The creation of Metrolinx was the transportation component of a broader strategy This section addresses policies and practices for launched by the provincial government to manage integrating transportation and land use develop- demographic and employment growth in the region. ment in Toronto and Chicago, as identi ied by In Chicago, the transportation planning commission the respondents. Reforms and interventions are (Chicago Area Transportation Study - CATS) and categorized according the level of authority that
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Figure 3 - Chicago Metropolitan Region Source: Author, based on Google Earth Image (2013). enacted or instigated them, i.e., the federal and the conservative government of Prime Minister provincial (Ontario) or state (Illinois), metropolitan, Steven Harper does not directly intervene in this and municipal levels. arena, explicitly stating that land use and urban affairs in general are the purview of provincial governments and not the constitutional mandate Toronto of the national government. This position departs from the previous liberal administrations of Prime Federal Government (the departments of Ministers Jean Chretien and Paul Martin, who Infrastructure Canada & Transport Canada) Total introduced the New Deal for Cities and Communities federal contributions to transit projects across in 2005, which instituted the transfer of half of Canada reach $10 billion annually. In Toronto, the federal gas tax to provinces and municipalities the federal government is a inancial partner of for sustainable infrastructure projects, including GO Transit, the regional public transit service, public transit. Under the liberal governments, every and the Toronto Transit Commission, the subway, municipality was required to develop an integrated tramway, and bus operator. Federal grants for urban sustainability plan demonstrating how federal gas transportation infrastructure are motivated by tax revenues would be invested in projects reducing economic competitiveness objectives, and they are greenhouse gas emissions and improving the overall not part of any policy or transportation plan. Our environmental sustainability of the region. Although respondents identi ied no federal policy on urban these plans are still required, the eligibility criteria transportation or program related to land use, as for the funds were reduced and broadened such
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Table 1 - Toronto and Chicago in Numbers
Toronto & Chicago In Numbers Toronto Chicago Toronto - City Toronto – GTHA Chicago - City Chicago - Metro Land Area1 630 km² 8 262 km² 606 km² 10 544 km² Population2 2 615 060 6 574 140 2 714 856 8 638 474 Population density3 4 149/km² 796/km² 4 480/km² 819/km² Pop. City/Pop. Metro 40% 31% Number of municipalities4 26 284 Number of regional municipalities (Ont.) or counties (Ill.) 5 47 Note: Data for metropolitan regions pertain to the territory covered by the regional planning agencies of both regions, i.e., Metrolinx for the Greater Toronto and Hamilton Area and CMAP for metropolitan Chicago. Source: Elaborated by the authors. 1 Toronto: Statistics Canada. 2012. Toronto, Ontario (Code 3520) and Ontario (Code 35) (table). Census Profi le. 2011 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 98-316-XWE. Ottawa. Released October 24, 2012. http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E (Retrieved October 5, 2013). Chicago – Metro: CMAP. 2005. Land Use Inventory. [On line] http://www.cmap.illinois.gov/land-use-inventory. (Retrieved October 5, 2013). 2 Toronto in 2011: Statistics Canada. 2012. Toronto, Ontario (Code 3520) and Ontario (Code 35) (table). Census Profi le. 2011 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 98-316- XWE. Ottawa. Released October 24, 2012. http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E (Retrieved October 5, 2013). Chicago – City in 2010: “U.S. Census Bureau Delivers Illinois’ 2010 Census Population Totals, Including First Look at Race and Hispanic Origin Data for Legislative Redistricting”. U.S. Census Bureau. (Retrieved October 5, 2013). Chicago - Metro in 2010: CMAP. http://www.cmap.illinois.gov/population-forecast. (Retrieved October 5, 2013) 3 Toronto: Statistics Canada. 2012. Toronto, Ontario (Code 3520) and Ontario (Code 35) (table). Census Profi le. 2011 Census. Statistics Canada Catalogue no. 98-316-XWE. Ottawa. Released October 24, 2012. http://www12.statcan.gc.ca/census-recensement/2011/dp-pd/prof/index.cfm?Lang=E (Retrieved October 5, 2013). 4 Toronto: Régie des transports de la région du Grand Toronto. 2008. The Big Move. [On line]. http://www.metrolinx.com/thebigmove/Docs/big_move/081059_MetroLinx_ TheBigMoveFR_V3_SM.pdf. (Retrieved October 5, 2013). Chicago: CMAP. 2005. About. [Online] http://www.cmap.illinois.gov/about. (Retrieved October 5, 2013). 5 Toronto: Régie des transports de la region du Grand Toronto. 2008. The Big Move. [On line]. http://www.metrolinx.com/thebigmove/Docs/big_move/081059_MetroLinx_ TheBigMoveFR_V3_SM.pdf. (Retrieved October 5, 2013). Chicago: CMAP. 2005. About. [Online] http://www.cmap.illinois.gov/about. (Retrieved October 5, 2013).
that the emphasis on sustainability is no longer as of agricultural and ecologically sensitive land strong as it was under the previous administration. surrounding Toronto’s metropolitan area, where However, the conservative government has made urbanization should not occur. Complementing the this transfer permanent, and it will be indexed to Greenbelt Act, the Place to Grow Act allows the in lation (Respondent 59). provincial government to identify regional growth Provincial Government (Ontario) The provincial centers that will allow for greater population and government of Ontario is a inancial partner in transit employment densities, managing the regional growth expansion and improvement, planned by its own of an estimated 100,000 to 200,000 new residents crown corporation, Metrolinx, and primarily operated per year. The maps in Figures 4 and 5 illustrate by the Toronto Transit Commission (TTC). (Crown the protected land of the greenbelt and the growth corporations are quasi-governmental enterprises areas subject to the growth plan. established in Canada as service providers.) Municipalities included in the growth plan areas Moreover, in 2005, the liberal government of Prime have to conform to the law by updating their “of icial Minister Dalton McGuinty adopted two major pieces plan”, i.e., the municipalities’ comprehensive planning of legislation related to land use: the Greenbelt Act documents subject to a statutory 5-year review. and the Places to Grow Act. The Greenbelt Act and Local decisions related to land use also must be its associated Greenbelt Plan provide permanent enacted in conformity with the Greenbelt Act. As a protection to approximately 1.8 million acres complement to this growth management strategy,
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Figure 4 - Ontario’s Greenbelt Map Source: THE FRIENDS OF THE GREENBELT FOUNDATION, 2013. in 2006, Ontario established Metrolinx, Toronto’s land use planning, and grassroots organizations, metropolitan agency for transportation. while ensuring geographic representativeness. Metropolitan Agency (Metrolinx) Metrolinx is The purpose of this transition from an elected to a crown agency under the purview of Ontario’s a non-elected board was to separate the plan’s Ministry of Transportation. Its mandate consists adoption from its implementation to ensure that of the following: 1) operating GO Transit, the elected of icials adhered to the plan and facilitate commuter bus and rail system; 2) implementing the its implementation (Respondent 59). Metrolinx regional light rail system and airport rail service, contributes to the integration of transportation the Union Pearson Express; and 3) coordinating and land use planning in three distinct ways. First, planning and fare integration for all transit services the Big Move is intended to link regional growth in the GTHA with the introduction of the PRESTO centers by improving the quality and quantity of fare card. When it was created in 2006, its board rapid transit options. Metrolinx also uses the Growth of directors comprised local elected of icials. The Plan’s demographic data for its transportation board’s composition was changed after the adoption demand model. Finally, the agency has created of the regional transportation plan, the Big Move, by mobility hub pilot projects, such as the Kipling replacing elected of icials with non-elected members metro station, where the commuter rail line, subway, appointed by the minister and representing various and roadway are better integrated with land uses. sectors: banking, inance, legal, transportation and Two explicit objectives of Metrolinx are to have
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Figure 5 - Growth Areas for the Greater Golden Horseshoe Source: ONTARIO, 2006.
80% of the population living within two kilometers important growth zones, identi ied in red and beige of a rapid transit station by 2031 and reduce the in Figure 6. average regional commute time from 80 minutes Therefore, approximately 75% of the muni- to 70 minutes (Respondent 30). cipality’s territory is comprised of residential Municipal Government (City of Toronto) Toronto’s neighborhoods, which will remain intact, and of icial plan directs demographic and employment parks, where development is forbidden. Growth growth towards areas where transit is already centers, marked in red, will be redeveloped and provided, in conformity with the Growth Plan. After intensi ied. These areas represent 160 km of a public hearing, the city designated the downtown avenues lined with old commercial plazas, old core and four other urban centers (Scarborough, retail plazas, small parking lots, and low-scale North York, Etobicoke and Yonge-Eglinton) as developments that are currently approximately
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Figure 6 - Downtown and Growth Centers, City of Toronto Source: URBAN TORONTO, 2012.