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Michiel De Ruyter in De Tweede Nederlands-Engelse Oorlog (1665-1667) Opperbevel En Triomf

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Michiel de Ruyter in de Tweede Nederlands-Engelse Oorlog (1665-1667) Opperbevel en triomf dr. G.A. Rommelse* Inleiding deze oorlog zullen kort ter sprake landse koopvaarders te ontnemen en komen om de context van zijn op - even tuele andere prijzen op te brengen. ichiel Adriaenszoon de Ruy- perbevelhebberschap en uiteindelijke De Duinkerkers waren in die tijd een ter (1607-1676) is zonder triomf te verduidelijken. grote plaag voor de Nederlandse Mtwij fel de belangrijkste en scheepvaart. Regelmatig loofden de be roemdste admiraal die Nederland Michiel de Ruyters wieg stond in admiraliteiten bonussen uit voor ge- ooit heeft voortgebracht. Zijn presta- het Zeeuwse Vlissingen en hij was nomen Duinkerker schepen en indien ties en karakter werden al tijdens zijn zoon van een bierdrager die het zee- een Nederlands schip terugveroverd leven geëerd en na zijn dood onder- mansbestaan had opgegeven. Geheel werd, behoorde een deel van de waar- werp van legendes. Zijn eerste bio- in overeenstemming met zijn een - de aan de bevrijder toe. graaf Gerard Brandt heeft hier zeer voudige afkomst werkte De Ruyter na aan bijgedragen. zijn schooljaren een tijdje in de lijn- Bovendien waren er genoeg andere Nu dit jaar zijn vierhonderdste ge- baan van de broers Lampsins. mogelijkheden om als kaper geld te boortedag wordt herdacht, blijkt eens verdienen. In Vlissingen en andere te meer hoezeer zijn daden tot de ver- Op zijn elfde vertrok Michiel naar zee Zeeuwse havensteden zagen onder - beelding zijn blijven spreken. Boven- als scheepsjongen en leerde hier de nemende reders hun kans schoon dien is het opvallend hoe De Ruyter alledaagse praktijk van het zeeman- om hier een graantje van mee te pik- zijn opmerkelijke carrière begon en schap. Na een korte onderbreking als ken. Het zou het begin zijn van een verder wist op te bouwen. kanonnier in het leger van prins Mau- Zeeuwse kapercultuur die in de ze- rits zette De Ruyter in 1622 zijn loop- ventiende en achttiende eeuw alleen In dit artikel behandel ik De Ruyters baan voort op de oorlogsvloot. Na maar verder zou groeien. En zoals rol in de Tweede Nederlands-Engelse verschillende tochten te hebben mee- zoveel Zeeuwen probeerde ook De Oorlog (1665-1667). In deze oorlog gemaakt, ging hij over naar de han- Ruyter zijn geluk in deze tak van openbaarde hij zich als de grootste delsvloot, een niet ongebruikelijke scheepvaart.2 Nederlandse zeeheld. De jaren voor overstap in die dagen.1 De kaapvaart bracht hem evenwel niet het succes dat hij ervan verwacht had. * De auteur is wetenschappelijk medewerker Het bevel over een schip Zijn bemanning bleek onwillig en van het Nederlands Instituut voor Militaire Historie (NIMH). In 2006 publiceerde hij verlangde terug naar huis. De Ruyter een proefschrift met de titel The Second In de jaren dertig van de zeventiende heeft zich aan dit gebrek aan inzet en Anglo-Dutch War. International raison d’état, eeuw maakte hij carrière in de walvis- vechtlust bijzonder gestoord en trok mercantilism and maritime strife. vaart en klom op tot stuurman. In daaruit de les dat: 1 Prud’homme van Reine, Rechterhand van 1636 kreeg hij het bevel over een ka- Nederland, 11-29. 2 Van Vliet, Vissers en kapers, 107-108; Korte - perschip met de bedoeling de Duin- het met onghewyllyge honden quaet weg, Kaperbloed en koopmansgeest, 85-99. kerker kapers prijsgemaakte Neder- asen [hazen] te vanghen is. JRG 176 4-2007 MILITAIRE SPECTATOR 155 nieuwe woning. In 1652 brak echter de Eerste Nederlands-Engelse Oorlog uit. De Engelse Commonwealth had een diplomatieke missie naar Den Haag gestuurd om tot een verbond te komen ‘als by het huwelyck van man ende wyff’.5 De Staten-Generaal hadden het voor- stel echter van de hand gewezen uit angst voor Engelse overheersing. Zij vreesden dat Engeland er vooral op uit was het Nederlandse overwicht in de wereldhandel teniet te doen met behulp van diplomatieke middelen. Het afkondigen van de beruchte Akte van Navigatie in 1651 deed de relaties nog verder verslechteren. Met be- hulp van deze protectionistische wet probeerde het Engelse parlement de In de volgende jaren was hij als kapi- tekortgeschoten in de zeeslag. Bij eigen markt en de koloniën af te slui- tein van een koopvaardijschip vooral terugkeer in Lissabon ontvingen ook ten voor Nederlandse scheepvaart. actief in de West-Indische handel.3 deze officieren evenwel gouden ke- tens van een dankbare Portugese ko- In 1652 botsten admiraal Robert Blake ning. Begin 1642 werd duidelijk dat en admiraal Maerten Tromp bij Dover. Een commando op de vloot van Portugese kant geen acties meer De oorlog werd enkele weken later te verwachten waren tegen Spanje. officieel verklaard. Na aanvankelijk In 1641 kreeg Michiel de Ruyter zijn Een krijgsraad leidde tot het besluit te hebben geweigerd, accepteerde eerste bevel over een oorlogsschip. terug te keren naar de Republiek. De Ruyter in juli een positie als De Staten-Generaal hadden besloten vice-commandeur. De admiraliteiten om Portugal met een eskader te steu- De Ruyter had tijdens de tocht ge- vulden de rangen van de marine - nen tegen Spanje. De Ruyter werd als toond over eigenschappen te beschik- officieren aan met ervaren koopvaar- schout-bij-nacht namens de Admirali- ken die hem in zijn latere loopbaan tot dijkapiteins. teit van Zeeland afgevaardigd om als zo’n grote admiraal maakten. Hij was derde man op de vloot van zeventien bijzonder betrokken bij het lot van De Ruyter was gezien zijn eerdere schepen mee te gaan. zijn bemanning en trok zich hun ver- ervaring in Portugal de ideale kan - wondingen en het feit dat sommigen didaat. In augustus escorteerde De Na enige weken gepatrouilleerd te sneuvelden zeer aan. Ruyter met dertig schepen onder zijn hebben in afwachting van de Spaanse Daarnaast bleek hij in de strijd een ca- bevel een grote vloot koopvaarders. vloot vond op 4 november een zeeslag pabele commandant te zijn. Het lange Hij raakte in gevecht met een Engelse plaats bij St. Vincent. Aan beide zij- wachten aan boord had bij veel be- vloot onder George Ayscue. De strijd den gingen twee schepen verloren. Na manningen tot ontevredenheid en de- bleef onbeslist maar de koopvaardij- die bloedige confrontatie zochten de sertie geleid. Maar aan boord van De schepen bereikten veilig de thuis - Spanjaarden hun toevlucht tot de vei- Ruyters schip had dit, in tegenstelling haven. In de Republiek begon nu zijn lige haven van Cadiz. tot andere schepen, niet tot problemen ster te rijzen.6 Zelf had De Ruyter zich goed ge- geleid.4 weerd, maar een aantal kapiteins was Het opperbevelhebberschap De Eerste Nederlands- geweigerd 3 Prud’homme van Reine, Rechterhand van Engelse Oorlog (1652-1654) Nederland, 31-32. 4 Prud’homme van Reine, Rechterhand van Nadat Tromp sneuvelde in de Slag bij Nederland, 35-42; Van der Moer, De Luite- In 1651, na nog bijna een tiental jaren Terheide in 1653 zochten de Staten- nant-Admirael-Generael, 14-15. lang als koopvaarder actief te zijn ge- Generaal een nieuwe opperbevel - 5 Groenveld, ‘Als by het huwelyck van man weest, besloot Michiel de Ruyter zijn hebber. Traditiegetrouw was de luite- ende wyff’, 147-158. loopbaan op zee te beëindigen. Hij nant-admiraal van de Admiraliteit van 6 Prud’homme van Reine, Rechterhand van Nederland, 56-63; Van der Moer, De Luite- had goed verdiend en kon zijn geld Rotterdam, de oudste van de admira- nant-Admirael-Generael, 19-29. beleggen in rentebrieven en een liteiten, opperbevelhebber. De Admi- 156 MILITAIRE SPECTATOR JRG 176 4-2007 raliteiten van Amsterdam en Noorder- gesproken trouw aan het regenten - Van Wassenaer Obdam terzijde bij ac- kwartier wezen op De Ruyter. bestuur van De Witt. Hij werd dus ties tegen de Zweden in de Oostzee Dit was bijzonder omdat De Ruyter vooral om zijn politieke geschiktheid (1658-1660).7 een Zeeuw was en er gewoonlijk een benoemd en ervaren marineofficieren flinke dosis rivaliteit en wantrouwen werden geacht hem in het heetst van bestond tussen de gewesten Holland de strijd bij te staan met adviezen. Aanloop naar de Tweede en Zeeland. De Zeeuwse vlootvoogd Nederlands-Engelse Oorlog had zich namelijk bijzonder capabel De Ruyter had het commando gewei- getoond en was bovendien niet be- gerd omdat hij zichzelf er niet ge- In 1660 werd Karel II gekroond tot trokken bij politieke tegenstellingen schikt voor achtte, maar vooral om koning van Engeland, Schotland en tussen staatsgezinden en aanhangers Johan Evertsen en Witte de With, die Ierland. In 1658 was Oliver Cromwell van het Huis van Oranje. in anciënniteit hoger stonden, niet gestorven en zijn zoon Richard was voor het hoofd te stoten. De Eerste niet in staat gebleken voor politieke Johan de Witt, de nieuwe pensionaris Nederlands-Engelse Oorlog werd in en sociale stabiliteit te kunnen zor- van Holland, was onder de indruk van 1654 afgesloten met de Vrede van gen. Hij verloor al gauw zijn positie de politieke loyaliteit van De Ruyter Westminster. De Republiek had een en general Monck marcheerde met en bood hem het opperbevel aan. De duidelijke nederlaag geleden, maar het leger vanuit Schotland naar Lon- Ruyter weigerde echter en liet De de vredesvoorwaarden die Cromwell den om de macht te grijpen. Witt geen andere keus dan Jacob stelde, waren niet bijzonder streng. van Wassenaer Obdam te benoemen. De Ruyter bleef ondanks zijn weige- Na overleg met het parlement werd Deze adellijke legerofficier had geen ring het opperbevel op zich te nemen besloten een gezantschap naar Den andere kwalificaties dan zijn uit - wel werkzaam bij de marine en stond Haag te sturen om Karel te verzoeken terug te keren en koning te worden. Men had grote verwachtingen van de nieuwe regering en hoopte dat ze in staat zou zijn de economische situatie te verbeteren. In de Republiek hoopte men op be tere verhoudingen met Engeland en de Staten-Generaal stuurden een dele - gatie naar Londen om een bondge- nootschap te bespreken.
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    State formation, maritime conflict and prisoners of war The case of Dutch captives during the Second Anglo-Dutch War (1665-1667) Gijs Rommelse and Roger Downing Abstract In the mid-seventeenth century the increasing monopolization by the state of all military matters included the situation with respect to the taking and incarceration of captives in battle. The second of the three wars between England and the Dutch Republic is employed as a test case of the degree to which, in maritime as in land warfare, formalized procedures replaced the earlier ransom culture and arbitrary decisions of fi eld commanders. In this confl ict the welfare of the Dutch prisoners became the bureaucratic respon- sibility of regional Commissioners. While benignly conceived, the system proved insuffi ciently robust against factors such as the Restoration regime’s chronic lack of money and the raging of the Great Plague, so that despite its humane intentions the condition of most captives was wretched. K e y w o r d s : prisoners of war, Anglo-Dutch wars Introduction The wars of the mid-seventeenth century between the Dutch Republic and England were fought at a time of rapid developments in state-building and military organization. State formation was one of the most impor- tant developments in early modern Western European history. This was marked, in most states, by the gradual strengthening of the control of national governments over their subjects and territories. Expansion of their bureaucratic apparatus was necessary in order to embrace a broader spectrum of socio-political themes, for the formulation and implementation of new policies and the issuing and enforcement of the required legislation.
  • Religious Identity and the Politics of Profit in The

    Religious Identity and the Politics of Profit in The

    FAITH AND FORTUNE: RELIGIOUS IDENTITY AND THE POLITICS OF PROFIT IN THE SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY CARIBBEAN by KRISTEN BLOCK A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-New Brunswick Rutgers, the State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in the Department of History written under the direction of Phyllis Mack and approved by ___________________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________________ ___________________________________ New Brunswick, New Jersey October, 2007 ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION “Faith and Fortune: Religious Identity and the Politics of Profit in the Seventeenth-Century Caribbean” By KRISTEN BLOCK Dissertation Director: Phyllis Mack “Faith and Fortune” examines the intersection between religious allegiance and economic ambition on the volatile frontiers of the seventeenth-century Caribbean. Encompassing both Spanish and English colonies, it employs four case studies to explore how ordinary individuals created and manipulated the meaning of their religious affiliations. The first chapter examines cases of Christianized slaves in Cartagena de Indias who denounced their masters’ harsh mistreatment as un-Christian, using their membership in the community of believers as leverage to demand better conditions. The second chapter is a study of the motley crew of Protestant Northern Europeans who, as sojourners in the Spanish Caribbean, converted to Catholicism as an assimilation