55 57 79 85 Although the Concepts in This Study Guide

CONTENTS: 1. BLACK NATION 1

2. THE REVOLUTIONARY BLACK LUMPEN PROLETARIAT 38

3. CRITICISM AND SELF- CRITICISM

CONBAT LIBERALISM 55

5. DIALECTICAL MATERIALISM AT A GLANCE 57

6. DEMOCRATIC CENTRALISM 79

7. THE CLASS STRUCTURE OF SOCIETY 85

8. DICTATORSHIP OF THE PROLETARIAT 100

9. POLITICAL ECONOMY 122

10, TERRORISM AND BLACK REVOLUTION 137

11. POLITICAL DICTIONARY 1^0

INTRODUCTION:

Although the concepts in this study guide have been reduced to simplified terms, we* still anticipate that the new recruit, or other comrades without a background for this tyoe of knowledge, will require a few tutoring sessions. In fact, group and collec• tive discussion on each topic of this guide, as well as the supple• ments to follow, should serve as the basic format for cadre politi• cal education classes. Each area command is encouraged to repro• duce this study guide in the exact fornat set out here, any dele• tions, modifications, or changes must be cleared through the CC.

Long Li/e The Black Revolution Worldivide

Long Live The B.L ,A.

Build To Win!

COORDINATING COMMITTAL NYURBA BLACK MAT ION

PART I

THE NATURE OF BLACK REVOLUTION

As Black Revolutionaries we recognize the existence of the

Black Nation in diaspora. That is to say we hold that the tens of millions of Black people scattered throughout the amerikkan indus• trial centers constitute an oppressed nation, a colony. We seek the liberation of that colony--as a nation, and not as a mere class : or racial minority. In other words, we reject Proletarian Revolu• tion in the generally accepted sense of the term, and opt for Black '

Revolution. - •:/ivj^'ui*. it 1 •,: f: iPV::

For the Black Nation we boldly seek a land base in which our people can live in peace, brother/sisterhood, and human dignity.

Upon this land we would cut ourselves aloose, in so far as it is possible, from all ties with capitalism, and establish a human soci• ety, a system of socialism in which the means of production are owned by the whole people; where there is equitable distribution of ; wealth, and the spiritual and intellectual development of no person suffers because of economic want or deprivation of human rights.

We identify the enemies of the Black Nation--not as white peo• ple per se, but as the Monopoly capitalist class and its agents--be they black or white. While we fully acknowledge the uniqueness of the black soul, and are aware of its beauty and latent power, and are convinced that its creativity has only barely been scratched-- and to some extent we concede that manv of us harbor a certain amount of black chauvinism, yet we are not reverse racist. We do not seek to deny the essential humanity of other races, nor seek to ex-

1 ploit or oppress, or necessarily exclude other races. If there are black crime, killer cops, last hired and firs! fired. All this and those among other races, such as John Brown, the S.L.A., the Wea• more can be traced ultimately to the imperatives of the bourgeois ther people, Chicanos or whomsoever, who can grasp our vision of a systems of money-making. These contradictions are irreconcilable human nation with human principles, and who are willing to pay the and insoluble within the context of the systen. We shall break blood sacrifices required, and suffer along with us the agonies and aloose from the system, nor allow bourgeosidon to infest and infil• ecstacies of Nation building--then we hold they should/shall be wel• trate the black ranks; for it is a humanly alien creed, exploita• comed into the Black Nation with open arms; with full citizenship, tive , decei tful , selfish, devisive. We shall persecute the class and equal rights in every respect. The Black Nation to be-- shall enemy ruthlessly, within and without...root and branch. be founded on human principles. We have suffered, and the world We clearly perceive that to tear the Rlack Nation away from has suffered enough inhumanities of man against man and race against bourgeois-racistamerikkka entails a war and blood letting of such the race. We will have none of it. magnitude likes of which these shores have not witnessed for more

Not so with our class enemy. The differences between the black than a hundred yeaTS. But such a var is inevitable considering our masses and the bourgeois class has an eccnomic base that is wholly only other alternative is continued oppressior ard slavery. It is irreconcilable. It is the greed and unscrupulous drive for profits as the righteous comrade John Brown once stated: "...This guilty of this class in one or another of its several forms (chattel sla• land shall not repent except by blood." Undoubtedly, much of the very, wage slavery, etc.) which lies behind our three centuries of blood will be black blood. Thousands of us sliall die. Perhaps tens will travail. At their hands we have suffered brutal and harsh oppres• of thousands. Millions of us be inprisoued, incarcerated, in• sion beyond the ken of civilized imagination. Stripped utterly of terned. Families will be dislocated, tern away from loved ones, we muTdered. will human status, we were reduced to the level of animals with no more will be tortured, raped and 1-ut we fight on and we rights than a draft horse. At the whim of our bourgeois masters we will win. J were whipped, raped, maimed, murdered, denied family ties and all We will win because, among other things, we have a unique advan• human development. Similar oppression continues even today in di• tage which no other enemy of the amerikkan ruling class has ever had. rect and indirect forms. Behind the guise of white chauvinism in• Although the amerikkan ruling'; class sent armies and/murder to what• fested in an entire nation of 200 million white workers the dehuman• ever peoples and nations that have opposed their greedy aspirations, izing conditions yet exist--in the form of denial of opportunity none of these nations and peoples have been able to send troops and and democratic rights. The social conditions imposed upon us vet murder back to the amerikkan ruling class. Hence being scattered heap untold misery upon our people. Henocide, spiritually and throughout the belly of the beast, oppressive as it is has this one sically, continues systematically and premeditatedly--black ori 5 frorn his base of support anon,? the white vorHng class. Hopefully,

i\ e may cause a nation-vsride division among then on a par with the di• advantage--we have access to his entrails, his vital organs. And vision which occurred during the Vietnam War. We can only do this we shall take full advantage of this access. We shall strike by consistently and clearly avoiding brushes with the white working boldly, ruthlessly, relentlessly. For it is War! War without class, and heighten the contrast by delivering devastating blows to terms! the bourgeoisie. Anything we do to the bourgeoi s i e vill be fair. There will be no honorable terms in this war, no "international Our strategy in winning independence and separation is, simply rules." We will not be honored with the recognition of soldiers of stated, the strategy of Moses. To so plague and afflict the capital• a nation recognized and accepted in the world community of nations. ist pharoah class--that they will be glad to let our people go. We can be assured they will use everything in their considerable Black revolution is a colonial question which seeks not the destruc• power to block such international recognition. They will label us tion of the bourgeoisie as a class, nor to establish socialism in as criminals and terrorists--outside the wall of protection of hu• anerikkka, but has the limited objective of securing liberation of..,, mane rules. Nor shall we ask them for any quarter, though from time the black colony through conviiicing the capitalist oligarchy that, to time we may put on a show of demanding they abide by their own although the loss of the colony is a fundamental set-back, that with lofty proclamations of justice, due process, etc. But such shows the demands foT massive reparations ard all, it would yet be to will be tactics to expose their true beastly nature. We know what their greater advantage to surrender this part of their empire, that to expect before hand. These are the same people who murder our hopefully they may salvage the remainder. babies in church. KKK, CIA, they're all the same. Just like the That bein^ the case we hare the strategic advantage of not ad- CIA went through the mafia to strike at the Premier of Cuba, like• rocating the destruction of anerikkka or the overthroiA^ of the gov• wise they used KKK contacts to hit Dr. Martin Luther Xing, Jr. CIA, ernment thereby incensing the l>lind patriotisn of 200 million apoli• KKK, Cosa Nostra, Fascism, ail these kindred creeds have exploita• tical, apathetic vhite workl^kers. The bourgeois leaders will not tion and oppression of peoples at their core and they're all inter• be able to raise the cry that they are fighting to "save democracy," locked. Hence, if there perchance are those who are yet blinded by restore "libert)-," and "equality," etc. They can only raise the bourgeois propaganda and think the monopoly capitalist oligarchy is tired old cry of "lav 'n order." somehow a nobler breed of pit viper-throw it out of your minds. The question thea is hovi much pain must he inflicted or--will But again we reiterate that the enemy is the bourgeois ruling the ruling oligarchy ever suTremder the black colony: will they class and its agents and 1ackeys-- and not the white workers. We hold on to it at all cost? In our estimation the black liberation, must take great care in establishing this point, and in doing so skillfully fought, can inflict such strategic losses so as to contribute to the isolation of the enemy and possibly cut him off

I* II. WHITHER NEW AFRICA? threaten the loss of the entire empire. We pose no direct threat

to the multi-multi-billion dollar international holdings of the If during the course of our struggle we serve as a catalyst bourgeoisie; the copper holdings in Chile, the oil holdings in the that vill arouse the white workers into putting an end to the rule

Middle East, the rubber, gold, diamonds, uranium, lead, dianomite, of monopoly capital, and establishing a socialist America, our prob•

throium, tungsten, and endless other multi-billion dollar holdings lem may be somewhat simplified. Under socialism integration into

which make up their African and Third World imperialist empire. America becomes a viable alternative. We can possibly accept the

But should we inflict strategic blows at the various key power and definition of "black proletariat," and be assured that the plight of

industrial centers, blow up Wall Street, the Pentagon, defense ur people will be qualitatively changed within the context of a so-

plants? The capitalist ruling class cannot fight a war at home and ialist America. Self-determination in the form of community con•

at the same time maintain their overseas empire. Things would be• trol of political, economical, and social institutions will have

come pretty much out of joint for the pigs. The contradictions e an i ng- • •;

would all sharpen and accelerate their pace of development. Bour• But should our struggle fail to ignite the proletariat revolu-

geois priorities would become a jumble, their judgment distorted, ion In aneri'kl(ka--yet succeed in winning independence for the Black

their impulses erratic, and confusion would reign. Should we sus• lony; that is to say, force assent of the bourgeois oligarchv to

tain such a struggle for just a few years the beast would be so parate and set-up our nation, the question remains--where to lo-

crippled that the struggles of the Third World nations to liberate te the new Black Nation?

themselves would be almost assured victory, and the whole interna• The Hack-belt south (the states of Mississippi, Alabama, Geor-

tional system would collapse in upon them. The rise of the black ia, Louisiana,S.Carolina. So-called black-belt because of the color

amerikan in serious and sustained warfare with the capitalist op• £ the fertile soil, not because of the color of tlie people], has

pressor would signal the rise of the world's masses in revolution. urrently been the subject of much controversy on the left concern-

--The spark that would set the world on fire. g the existence of the Black l^ation. [See Part IV of this paper.

Urban guerrilla warfare nvay not have been successful as it has Proletariat Revolution --No!"]

been applied in South America in attempts to destroy bourgeois re• The Itepub lie of Nev Africa has already initiated a program to

gimes and establish socialism, It is uniquely suited, however, for e-claixi these lands wlilch at one time contained a majority black

our own unique colonial situation, i.e., a colony in the belly of opulation. They have done considerable research in the legitimiz-

the beast. If mere riots and social disorder will gain significant ng of thLs claim: have begun cooperative land development projects,

concessions, indications are that slcillfully applied urban guerilla d have called for a national black plebiscite to gain the approval

warfare on the same scale has a high chance of succeeding. d recognition of the l>lack colony. Indications are that the black masses would do well to get behind this movement with the full weight of our revolutionary thrust. Georgia, Louisiana, and S. Carolina combined. Yet It has a population

On the other hand, these lands do not hold any particular nos• total of less than a million people. It is currently under the talgia for us as a "national homeland." Also to make the imperialist bootheel of South Afrikkka which claims it as a » protectorate."' surrender these lands may be too much for the imperialist them• But the United Nations has ordered South Afrikkka out of Namibia, selves to handle. While they substantially control the institutions and South Afrikkka has refused to comply. Hence the Naniibians are of power, and the opinion shaping machinery, yet if we make it suf• waging armed struggle under the leadership of the Southwest African ficiently hot for them to seek a solution in keeping with our de• People's Organiaation (SWAPO]. mands, the masses of white workers who live in this area, and neces• Perhaps investigation will reveal that for sone reason or ano• sarily have to be "dispossessed" are likely to raise such strenuous ther Namibia may not be able to economically accomodate 20 or 25 and violent objections that the ogliarchy may not be able to per• million black americanized people. And certainly we vould have to suade them to comply, or overcome their opposition. In spite of seek an agreement with SWAPO and other black political^military or• this possibility we should not relinquish our claim to these lands gans which are waging the struggle there. Such an agreement must because it i_s a starting point with considerable legitimacy and necessarily include some type of "affirirative action" guarantees in moral justification. respect to the indigenous people to insure that another class sys•

It may be that we have other more viable alternatives, how• tem does not arise on their backs such as occurred in Liberia. ever. Marcus Garvey, in his "back-to-Africa" movement of the 20's, The South Afrikkkans, on the other hand, with their anerikkkan had planned to petition the League of Nations to turn over one of imperialist allies,. Gulf Oil, et a_]_. , underwriting inrestments and

the former Germany colonies, either Tanzania, or Southwest Africa enterprises in Kamibia,--1hey are likely to have heart palpitations

(Namibia) to the National Negro Improvement Association for the re• at the thought of 25 million angry, highly sophisticated blacks being

location of the Black Colony. Such an alternative presents its own deposited at their doorstep. But if we win an agreement vith SWAPO,

set of problems, and may not be at all practical today, yet we sub• and approval of the U.N"., and present sufficient threat to the ameri- mit it deserves careful and detailed consideration. Tanzania, of kkkan empire, then opposition or not--South Afrikkka Is in trouble.

course, has become an independent nation on its own so it is there• But, ard a^ain, the fact remains that whether we choose the

fore out of the question- Namibia is another matter. black-belt south, Namibia, or wherever, very little will he accw^m-

Namibia has an area of 317,817 square miles. That is a land plished until we have soundly rebuked the monopoly capitalist class.

area 60 thousand square miles larger than Mississippi, Alabama,

8 black communes each tuider the single banner of The New Black Na• PART irr. STRATEGY tion, or "New Africa" or whatever we choose to name it. Selfless NATION BUILDING - THE BLACK (NEW AFRICAN) COMMUNES love is the essence of unalienated relations. Each enclave, each

The Black Nation must first be built in diaspora. That is, comnune a brick in the edifice of the new nation. Black love, self• through social practice convert the hearts and minds of the frac• less love, love without contradict ion--revolutionary love is the tured and scattered Black colony into one heart and one mind. rock upon which we found our house--and the gates of hell shall not

This is a major task of the Black Liberation Movement. It in• prevail. volves the questions of unity, re-education, and winning mass com• Though in establishing the black commune, and along with it the mittment to the one aim of nation building. The key is to overcome black cultural strategy, we must be careful we move forward and not alienation. General human alienation and black self-alienation. backward. Adopting Africar names, and wearing African garb is well

General human alienation is expressed in the dog-eat-dog, individ• and good in that it denotes a new consciousness, re-claiirs the ualistic and selfish creeds that have l^een imbued in us. Black- black identity, and symboliz.es a rejection of the oppressors cul• self alienation is expressed in the lack of national confidence, or ture. But we should keep in mind that culture is e3tal)lished in ^ • faith in black ability. There are, in fact, a great many of our the process of revolution also. The heroes/heroines that arise dur• people who yet question whether blacTc people are capable of high ing this period, Becone national heroes/heroine, for all the time. The and noble motivation in their relations with one another. Other dates of memorable occurrences become holidays; the acts and prac•

than the imperialist guns, it is mass alienation that stands as the tices which are taken up by the people during the course of struggle major obstacle to Black Liberation. are later Instituted as ritual or national custom. In short, there

We must overcome the alienation and apathy of the 25-30 million is no need to go hack in African history to import a culture, but

black people, and mere preaching, propagandizing, and singing hit rather our cultural revolution need only follow the course outlined

tunes about unity will not do it. Such things are valuable and by the imperatives of our struggle.

certainly have their place, but it was not mere preaching and pro• And so the imjerative of our struggle is to overcome human and

pagandizing that imbued us with black-self alienation, but rather black-self alienation. Therefore, to obtair a clearer idea of what

it was social practice in racist amerikklca. Therefore, it is in the direction our cultural thrust must take let us briefly examine the

area of actual social practice that the solution must be sought. nature of alienaticn.

We must put forth a program of action that will involve the black THE KATURE OF ALIEWATION

masses directly and consistently, man, woman and child and older In the first place, nass social alienation or human alienation

people in unalienated relations with one another. To establish of any historical epoch, be it slave, feudal, or capitalist society

II 10 In its greed and unbridled drive for profits the bourgeoisie

--stems from alienated labor. When in the process of production has created a world in which, unless they receive their profits the product of labor is taken from the laborer and turned against there will be no rewarding human relations, no art, no education, him in that it goes to pay for the very machinery and organs of no edification of the human personality. Unless the capitalist gets state and society which are oppressing him. Such organs include his off the top the individual is destined to live a grim, insecure, prisons, police, education (indoctrination) and media (propaganda) emasculated existence, rift with heartbreak, misery and destitution. systems and so forth. The alienation of labor does not stop at It'et, in its unceasing increase *'in the quantity of objects,"

these objective manifestations but is further transformed subjec• capitalism has at least generated a contradiction that we may take

tively into alienation of human self, i.e., human consciousness and advantage of. In its unfcridled drive for markets and profits capi• qualities become stunted and/or warped. Instead of mass intelli• talist production has far outstripped the simple needs of an unal•

gence and reason we have mass ignorance. Instead of discipline we ienated selfless people. Et has created in the consciousness of the have mass apathy which stems from essential powerlessness. Instead masses a vast array of artificial wants and needs--consumerism: To

of love, we have hatred and resentment, instead of consideration of be greedy, avaricious, selfish, wasteful--people programmed like

one's fellows--selfishness, instead of collectivism, individualism. restless animals, to translate all nervous energy Into insatiable

Karl Marx in analysing the effects of alienated labor upon the appetite. To consume--consume--consume. A people who would devour

masses states thusly: the earth, and failing tliat, turn to devour each other. The contra•

7 "As a result, therefore, man (the worker) only feels himself diction is this: in a land of plenty--this is a false consciousness, freely active in his animal functions--eating, drinking, pro• creating, or at most in his dwelling and in dressing-up, etc.; a "grafted mentality" as it is said. and in his human functions he no longer feels himself to be anything but an animal. What is animal becomes human and what Socialist revolution is diametiically opposed to this type of is human becomes animal." The Econoniic and Philosophic Manu- scripts of 1844 , edited by Dirk J. Struik (Int. Pub.) p. Ill gross, animalistic materialism (not to be.confused vith philosophic

On the other hand, capitalist commodity production, in addition rrateria lism] ; and embraces a humanism so moral that it border? on the

to all the classic forms of alienation mentioned above, also has religious, Nor can this tendency in world socialism be attributed

its own peculiarly developed variety of alienation--rabid, vicious, to either a qui"k of prudency on the part of revolutionary leaders,

predatory consummerism! Again Marx: nor to the claimed inability of socialist economies to produce.

"The increase in the quantity of objects is accompanied by an Cuba, lastern Europe, Vietnam, and certainly the Peoples Republic extention of the realm of the alien powers to which man is subjected, and every new product represents a new possibility of China--all recognize that truly human human relations is what the of mutual swindling and mutual plundering. Man becomes ever poorer as man, his need for money becomes ever greater if he revolution is about in the first i)lace . The aim is not only to take wants to overpower hostile being..." Ibid p. 147. over capitalist political and econonic power, but to destroy in its

12 13 "What is needed is a revolutionary Black Cultural movenent which entirety the whole vicious anti-people, money oriented culture. reverses the values rather than paints over then. Such a revolu-r. . Socialist revolution recognizes the priority economic relations has tionary culture must necessarily be rooted in voluntary poverty and on all other human relations, hence great pains are taken to estab• collectivism, " ^.^ lish that every individual in socialist society is secure in mater• VOLUNTARY POVERTY , ial necessities. Then it goes further and frees human relations of The system depends upon a rapid turnover in commodities and the soul-warping influences of the profit motiv*- by ordering a so• consumer goods. They build automobiles, and like items designed to cial super-structure/culture in which love, consideration of others cone apart within a specific number of years, it bombards the public may florish; where one's human dignity is respected regardless of psyche with commercials, and parades "middle class affluence" all to one's lack of material resources. promote and develop artificial needs in the people. It changes style Similarly, we in the Black Libert lion Movement must begin to rapidly in everything from cars and clothes, to furniture and appli• take cognizance of this aspect of the struggle. To do so is not ances; inducing people to buy long long; before the goods they own premature, but is of the most pressing historical imperatives: have lost their utility. It promotes a "keep-up-with-the-Jones'," "...we are faced with two choices: to continue as we have done for forty years fanning our pamphlets against the hurricane, or "rat-race" mentality, with the revard of status for those who keep starting to build a new revolutionary culture that we will be able to turn on the old culture." George Jackson, Blood In My up and the punishment of ridicule and lost of fact for those who Eye. fall behind. One of our first jobs then, is to induce the tens of And those last half dozen words are highly important: a revo• millions of black partisans to fall behind--and glory in it! lutionary culture that we will be able to turn on the old culture. The cynic reads what ve propose here and doubtless will say its Heretherto Black Cultural Nationalist, perceiving the need of a new against "human nature." When what he will most nearly mean is that culture, have for the most part only succeeded in transplanting and it is against animal nature; and what he will actually be doing is transforming bourgeois values into a black mode. The wearing of the considering: us as niggers rather than black rnen/women. For what we latest African fashions, Afro cosmetics, and artifacts, lavish propose here is a human nature at its highest. Certainly there will African style weddings and so forth, did little more than take the be suffering, certainly there will be confusion, chaos, even death; same malignant consumerism and paint it in black face. The system foT after all this is va r. A just, uncomprom i s ing, nation-building quickly absorbed Black cultural nationalism and found a niche for it peop les war. r • within the mainstream of predatory bourgeois economics. Black Cul• Voluntary poverty! It is our task to CTeate an atmosphere tural Nationalism, rather than a counter-culture, became another where a person need not have a dime in order to participate in so• sub-culture where all the viciousness of the profit motive held full ciety as a human being. An atmosphere -where a person need not feel sway. ashamed of his/her lack, nor feel she/he is offending his/her peers whose whole occupation is organizing people and articulating the by not keeping up with the Jones'; a society where there is no sta• contradictions of class society. Dedicated black men and black tus associated with gaudy dress and shiny gadgets. Such psychology women who perceive the essential humanity of every victim; every should be reversed and the more stitches on one's clothes should be wino, every prostitute, every so-called criminal, and seek to in• held in the highest esteem. volve every black soul. Men and women who with skill, confidence,

People must be liberated from their lust for material goods. and unswerving dedication wiL] "cast down their nets where they are,

This is not to say, however, that a person should seek to live bare for the harvest is plenteous, but the laborers indeed are few."

austere lives, but rather, with all the knowledge and skill at the Voluntary poverty is inseparable from commune building. A vast

finger tips of modern society, and all the technology and gadgets number of black people are locked into poverty in any regard. And

already in existence, it would appear that an individual can make people individualized and locked into poverty trying to eke out a

with her/his own hands, from pieces of scraps if necessary, just living in an alienated world, often find him/herself sinking deeper

about any luxury item one desires. Nor should any material thing be and deeper into a lonely embittering existential existence. Volun•

so valued that a person cannot simply give it away--without a qualm. tary poverty, however, as a way of life embraced and shared b^ a

For there must be a sharing on a vast scale, a sharing, not only of g'^o^P of people, has proven itself a fulfilling life. Here the

material things, but of knowledge, skills, and time itself. Christ• wants and needs of the individual are not sought in a private des- • '-I' mas, 5or example, if it must be celebrated it should be done in such peration but Is the shared concern of all, and the force which ex• a way so as not to promote the agrandizement of the exploiter. udes from such a collective polarization is of such a nature as to ' Voluntary poverty immediately relieves tremendous pressure off solve the individual needs of all. the ghettos, where the young bloods, seeking to compensate their The communes should be set up on these three principles: 1) lack with a crow-bar and a pistol, incur a ceaseless war with the economic self-reliance/survival programs; 2) to humanize relations

police and upon their neighbors. We must create a new spiritual among the people; and 3} as a political base. In the Marxist-Leninist

world in the Black colonies in which people may have fulfilling and tradition comnune building in this manner vould be considered "base-

rewarding relationships, and develop their human potentials without hiiilding: among the peaple." But in our application it is "Nation

money being the overriding factor. Building:,'* for it is from the Black Coimnines that we may anticipate

THE BLACK COMMUNE ^ V Flew Africa to spring.

What is called for in this instance is a National Black Cadre rh€ Black cadre, in an intense door to door campaign throughout

along Marxist-Leninist lines, i.e., professional revolutionaries the scattered colonies, organize groups of families, groups of

16 17 cooperatives, farms, repair shops become a premium; auto repair, friends, and/or groups of neighbors into innumerable communes and appliance repair, snail motor repair, etc., tailor shops, carpenter tied together in a federation of communes--all under the banner of shops, and the whole range of services required for the well being the Black Nation, or New Africa. Each commune would elect its own of the.people,--set up by the people themselves, and not by the officials and representatives to the federation. cadre or some agency. 1) Self-reliance. It being impossible to set up an immediate It is not in our best interest to set up profit making enter• communist society where the means of production are owned by the prises. We should avoid at all cost the money-dog priorities and people, we can at this point only do the second best thing and keep "politics in command." The investment of commune funds into strive to set up a system of communalism wherein wealth and material capitalist enterprise (stocks and bonds) should be wholly forbidden. goods are owned or at least shared in common. It would mean to give Our communalism and survival programs are not the end we seek, but over into a common pot whatever worldly goods one may have acquired. the means to an end. The setting up of petty commodity production Such a communalism would, of course, be completely voluntary and should not be forbidden. Commune petty commodity production while loosely speaking may be handled in this manner. While commune mem• distributed either at cost, free, or at minimal charge (though dona• bers may or may not all live in the same house (most likely they will tions above price is fair), may not show a profit in the capitalist not) each member of a particular commune shall present to the offi• sense- But we can expect the surplus value created to far exceed cials of that commune a list of goods and services which s/he cur• that in a capitalist enterprise. That is beca-use labor will be pro• rently places at the disposal of the commune. Goods may include any• vided by volunteers, or wages paid at subsistence level only. In thing from entire houses, to rooms in a house, to any article what• other words, the surplus value created in this manner, which in cap• ever which has utility. The extent of one's giving will doubtless italist enterprise would le translated into profit for the owners, correspond to a certain ratio of the amount of possessions over the instead we again place at the disposal of the people. Periodic , extent of one's metanoianized (revolutionized) consciousness. But lecks and audits should he made to be certain that no person is in po- regardless of the extent of one's giving--s/he may receive what• ition to take advantage of the largneaa of tlie conrnune or has slipped

ever goods are available simply by asTcing for it--and according to »'.icTc into his/her degenerate bourgeois consciousness and is raking

need. iT the hest of everything for him/herself and clique of favorites.

The hundreds of millions of dollars in wages which are yet at Willie we cannot ex:pect to carve out complete, or even partial econo-

the disposal of the black worker, and which the capitalist sees as • ic independence vith these measures, vre can become sufficiently

"consumer demand" money, becomes something else; a source of primi• t »If•re 1i ant to have a peroeptifcle undermining affect upon the sys-.

tive accumulation for the commune. The communes must set up innum• • of "free enterprise."" . , ,, erable counter-economic institutions and survival programs. Food 19

18 2) Establishing human human relations. launching pad for strikes, demonstrations, boycotts, and other left

Aside from its economic function, the Nev African Commune activism. should serve as a base by which a whole counter-social-superstructure It is by such strategy we involve the whole people in the revo• is erected. In this area we can achieve rot only self-reliance but lutionary process. By initiating a counter-culture revolution cen• a large measure of independence as well. It should be the business tered around the communes of New Africa we create a nationalist of the commune wherever possible to set up schools where real learn consciousness in concrete terms. At the same time our armed strug• ing takes place; to promote street theaters, and peoples' art; to gle will have definite aims, and wide support, and will not be con• publish newsletters and otherwise keep the commune informed and up ducted in an isolated, rootless way. We create the "new" man/woman, to date about current issues and events concerning New Africa, Legal i.e., the New African. To paraphrase a remark once made by Karl services and medical services should be made available to its membci Marx, we say--Ihe Black Commune is the riddle of Black liberation

The communes tied together in a federation of neighborhood communes so 1ved, and it knows itself to be that solution. with a centralized office to coordinate barter between communes, an. But a word of caution is due here. Various pacifist and acti•

to implement other services of a joint nature should be undertaken. vist sects have embraced the concept of voluntary poverty, and there

Government "poverty money" should not be accepted except on an indi is much to be learned from them. But for the most part they are small insignificant enclaves with moral persuasions and lacks revo• vidual level. For that matter each comnune should have its expert lutionary impact. Also many vanguard people unconsciously, and oc• the field of welfare, unemployment, aid for dependent children, and casionally consciously, practice the basic principles of voluntary so forth, and see that each person so qualified receives full bene poverty to some extent, by automatically slaring their material fits. Government grants to fund our collective programs, economic wealth with other members of their organizations, or treating their or social, has a corrupting effect, and "poverty pimping" should b. organizations as communes. But in order for voluntary pouerty to avoided. t>e a revolutionary factor it must be elevated to a mass level and 3) Political Base. be part of a whole liberation process and ongoing struggle; a pro• Finally, of course, the New African Conmunes should serve as > cess that includes mobilization of the masses, violence, political, political base where the issues and candidates are known, discussc- underground, and Above ground activities. The Black Nation in mo- endorsed, criticized, and/or exposed. The cadre should organize pc ' i on. litical study classes in each commune if possible. On the local As a nation, once we win independence we can expect there will level, especially the political clout of the communes, will be a be a period wherein we must live austere and make great sacrifices. power to reckon with. And of course the communes are to serve as 21

20 rades share their meager possessions. Bat the fact that we will be A period where we will be required to live frugally and labor hard. making innumerable expropriations against the system means hun• No matter how much reparations we may win, our greatest national i dreds of thousands of dollars will pass through our hands individ• source will ever remain the labor power of our people. Hence we ually. This money is to support the struggle; and while we must use must expect to labor as an inspired people, and nor must we allow a portion of it to meet our own minimal daily needs, we must all our frugality and austerity destroy or undermind our humanity. Our consciously commit ourselves to the principles of voluntary poverty human relations and human dignity is enhanced by hard work as long ...lest some rade forget his calling. And of course if we, armed to as it is not alienated labor; as Long as we eliminate class divisi • the teeth and strapped Like "Mexican bandits," have embraced volun• and maintain people control of institutions of power. tary poverty and are supplying the above ground movement with funds,

VOLUNTARY POVERTY AND THE BLACK GUERRILLA it may possibly serve as a deterent to some bourgeois minded indi•

One last word. We as guerrillas are the warriors of the Blai. - vidual who night otherwise risk diverting the peoples' funds to his

Nation. We are not ordinary black partisans. We are angry men/ own selfish purpose- women—totally displeased. a hundred percent dissatisfied. We will Above all we must eschew the principles of the money-dog. Nei• not be bought off. There is not sufficient money in the world to ther we nor the revolution need money so bad that we compromise our buy us. We do not seek personal aggrandizement, though we exappro revolutionary principles. There are some so-called black nationalist priate a thousand banks. We are not satisfied with--$600 dollar ppf sects, who, in pursuing a bourgeois ethic have gotten themselves in month apartments. We have no desire for a wife, children, two car«, such a financial bind that they allow themselves to be utilized to and a home in the suburbs. As long as black people are under the funnel heroin into the black community. Such a practice is in di• yoke of capitalist oppression, as long as black people lack control rect opposition to everything they are supposed to stand for, and it

of the determining factors of their lives, we will not be satisfied displays a contempt for black people. thing intensifies and mul• with anything less than war. Comrade George speaks for us: tiplies the contradictions of the colony like dope and they know it.

"So, my friends, the terms have been established. That is th« Some day we may have to bring such so-called nationalist to a reck• only way I will accept any more time in this life, I don't want to live any other way. I want to hide, run, and look ov oning. Neanwhile, Let us avoid such pitfalls ourselves. my shoulder. The only woman that I could ever accept is one who would be willing to live out of a flight bag, sleep in a PART IV • coal car, eat milkweed, bloodroot, wild greens, dandelions, • rabbit, a handful of rice. She would have to be willing to rv| PHOLETEItlAT REVOLUTI DM---NO! and work all night and watch all day. She would bathe when ««f could, change clothes when we could. She would own nothing, We reject proletariat revolution, but not because, as some have not solely because she loved me but because she loved the prit* ciple, the revolution, the people." Soledad Brother. 1) rof erred that a proletariat novernent witli a majority white prole•

In practical terms we treat our individual cells as a communt ' tariat in the forefront would be inherently racist. This is not". (we tend to do this as an unconscious principle anyway), where th«l

22 «

tear all this shit down and start a novo--on any system as long as valid grounds for rejection. Granted that a vhite proletariat may the new system has them in a more favorable position. The white indeed harbor significant remenants of racism. But even so should workers are not. There is a certain visible vocal class conscious the proletariat movement be successful and a socialist America es• element of the white working class, but his element is a miniscule tablished, then the material basis for race discrimination would be minority for all its visibility. substantially removed. People ownership of the means of production By and large the white proletariat serves as the social base of means there would be full employment, hence the competition between support for monopoly capitalism; they identify very solidly with the black and white workers for available jobs would be removed. There capitalist system. After the white worker of Pord Motors, General would be fairer and wider distribution of wealth, the quality of Motors, LI. S. Steel or whatever, has done with his strike once every life for the black masses would be raised qualitatively overnight-- two years, he is done with the class struggle. He sits back to en• even with proletariat racism. But again we raise the question of joy his affluence and privileges again for another few years until proletariat racism only for the sake of argument and rebuttal. Thet• the pinch of inflation galvanizes him again to action. And of course is no certainty that proletariat racism, a remenant of degenerate it was Har3( who stated that the struggle for higher wages, while bourgeois consciousness, could survive or be effective against the necessary, was in itself piecemeal reformism, and that the cry of the sharp and scientific dialectics of class struggle, particularly with revolutionary was not for higher wages, but "--abolishment of the black Marxist-Leninist awareness being what it is today. wage system." This is the furthest thing from the minds of the white No. We reject proletariat revolution on other grounds. And proletariat. • - those other grounds are essentially this; that in the final analyi Due to the exploitation of the Third World where the imperialist it is not revolutionary--but counter-revolutionary. reap untold billions in the plundering of the natural resources and In the first place proletariat revolution seeks a complete de• labor of the Third World masses, the imperialist have been able to feat of the monopoly capitalist class, and to establish a socialist cushion the edge of exploitation for their workers at home. The America. And it lacks a most fundamental ingredient--a radical pro worJcera in the imperialist countries are paid a much, much higher letariat. wage, and enjoy an infinitely higher standard of living. As a re• " .The proletariat of each country must, of course, first of aii settle matters with its own bourgeoisie." Communist Mani- sult the working class of the imperialist countries, particularly •festo rhe U.S.a. are "brought off." Their essential human needs are met, The black worker, which comprises only about 101 of the amei ! ir the most part, within the context of the system. kkan proletariat class, it is true, is as radical as it can be For the Black liberation Movement to take on the task of prole• (withtiut necessarily being class conscious^, they would as soon tariat revolution would he to present a black challenge to the

2 k 25 "amerikkkan way of life." Would be to stir the blind patriotism

and emotionalism of 200 million white amerikkkans--a few million of rhetoric have been expended. Every paper uses as a starting point

which are probably not even racist, but when you are "out to destroy Stalin's definition of a nation, to wit:

amerikkka"--wel1, there you are. In other words seizing proletariat "A nation is a historically constituted, stable community of people formed on the basis of common language, territory, eco• power in amerikkka is not the job of the black worker, and the Black nomic life and psychological make-up manifested in a common culture." Marxism and the National Question, Stalin Liberation Movement has no business trying. From there they generally go on to comment on the assessment of Therefore, the orthodox Marxist-Leninist, i.e. the proletariat!; the Coinirunist International in which they analyzed the situation of lack a proletariat movement. If the proletariatist are going to be• the black people in the south during the era which extends from the come involved in an indepth peoples' movement that strikes at basic Civil War until about 19 50, and in the light of that definition con• bourgeois institutions, it most necessarily must be a movement other ferred upon these people, the status of "an oppressed nation." than the "proletariat", i.e. white workers' movement. The Black Since that time the trend of blaclc migration to the urban industrial Liberation movement is the most likely replacement. Here they find centers has taken its toll, and black people, it is acknowledged by a people's struggle that is daily, hourly, and nationally embroiled all concerned, no longer constitute a majority in this area (except in the embittering contradictions that lie at the base of the system in a fev counties in Mississippi); also the development of capital• That being the case, one would think they would concentrate ist method of farming, and the breakdown of the sharecropper feudal their energies toward supporting--even joining the Black Liberati'M- system, dispossessed the people from the land, and they lost what Movement; but no, instead we find a tremendous effort on the part little "economic cohesion" that existed for them. Hence some take many proletariatists to convert the black revolution into the prol' the position that a Black Nation no longer exist in this area, while

tariat revolution. To that end, they must destroy/defeat Black I others attempt to cling in some fashion or another to the old Com-

eration as a colonial question, and keep it within the context fraat mintern concept. All of this argument is terribly enlightening as

work of a native proletariat issue. To this end, we find the let these Marxist-Leninist are at their scientific best, and the infor•

engaged in a wide ranging and heated debate on Black Liberation and mation amd historical data they develop in the course of their ar•

"The National Question." Or more spec ifically--whether a Black Na• guments is invaluable--and recomended reading. But for all its ab•

tion exists in the five southern states termed "the black-belt sorbing interest, we must at the same time point out that it is an

south," (Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and S. Carolina altogether false issue. And if not, is there scientific validity to any such claim in the It was kind of funky at the onset. When the Communist Interna• conceivably near future. tional in IS 28 first gauged the black question in the light of Every proletariat organization of note, black or white, has p Stalin's definition, and proclaimed a Black Nation--they did not do ferred position papers on the subject. Beams of paper and tons o 26 it with the thought in mind to promote Black Revolution, but rather and Hayinarket riots, the "IWW", Big Bill Heywood, and the "dynamite to promote proletariat revolution. 1928, it may be recalled, was a revolution," etc. period when the Marcus Garvey Black Nationalist movement was in its But not so today. Today the intention is the same, to divert

Hey-day, with phenomenal success of mobilizing the black masses. The the BLM into proletariat revolution. Int in order to do this they communist party sought to undercut this movement. They sought to find it more feasible to destroy all consideration of Black Libera• unite the Black Liberation Movement of that era with the proletariat tion as a national question. Hence tliey take the same definition revolution by co-opting the claim of Black Nationhood. It was some which the Comnintern utilized to justify the Black Nation--they use what on the order of a campaign promise, that, should the BLM join to challenge the Black Mation. Look yon, they say, no black majority them, they would guarantee beforehand that when the proletariat rev. currently exists in the south, the all important common economic ac•

lution succeeded blacks would have the right to this land, to set u; tivity is missing, you liaire no nation at this time.

an independent nation, or as a state within Socialist America with The trutli is, of course, that -we've had no nation there at any

self-determination. . ; ^^ 5 tinie_, but a prison, and a concent rat ion-work camp. Technically

By this we do not intend to pass too severe a judgment on the speaking, even within tlie framework of Stalin's definition, although

Commintern. All in all it was appropriate for the time. For the we liad a majority black population, a common language, culture etc.,

black movement of that era was indeed in need of an ally as sophis ve lack a ecoiLomically intervoven activity. The sharecropper--feuda1

ticated, powerful and tenacious as the international proletariat. system tied us economically to the bourgeois planter class, or to the

Indeed, whether the glorious Comrade Garvey knew it or not, black capitalist bants. The markets and retail purchases of that black ma•

liberation, whether back-to-Africa, or whatever, could not be won jority was lomlnat&d ove nvheLmingly by white ownership and bourgeois

without a struggle against imperialism. Nor do we intend to imply i^^steni of commodity production. Historically, we have never exer-

that the Commintern was i^orking a deceit. They were not. Every• • Lsed sorerei^TLty there, or self-determination over our lives. The

thing we've said here, they said it in front. What makes it funky Maclc-!»elt south has been about as much of a nation to black people I'i was that up until that time the proletariat movement had virtually tlis peni tciLtia ry with its llack majority population.

ignored the oppression of blacks, and had made no serious efforts t« Ifo, wkile the Commintern was a little bit funky with its offer,

organize, integrate, or take up issues which affected blacks. When •'>day's proletariat revo liit i onaries are inlulging in rank hypocrisy.

they finally did make a more it was after the Black people had beg Uecaiise as lor^ as capitalism is not kicked souadly in the ass, it

organizing themselves--then it was co-optive in intent. But at ••kes little <] i ff e rence wlieth er our claims to tkis land or any land

least during this period there existed a virile and forward stridl •in be scientii ica 1 ly "demons trated." And if tke proletariat revo-

proletariat movement in anierikkkka: the era of "the Palmer raids", -ition \rere su< ces s ful--.again it would make little difference whether

29 how couLd it be claimed that this minisciile blacl bourgeois faction we had any scientifically valid claim; we could "re-locate" or provides the base for a black nationalist political movement. Cer• otherwise correct any deficiency that would legitimize our "morally" tainly those tied to the system can be expected to remain loyal to justified claim for self determination. In other words, at the the system in most instances; and the tliirst for a monopoly of the least the Communist International's offer should still hold. black market by the miniscule self-empIcyed managers, contractors And so the question is why? Why are the orthodox Marxist so in• and retailers does not spill over into tlie area of armed struggle. tent upon challenging Black Nationalism that they risk compromising And upon mentioning armed struggle we liit upon tie gist of the prob• the integrity of the Marxian science? Is it because Black National• lem. ism is "narrow" and racist? ¥e doubt it. Bl^ck so-called racism ITe submit at this point, that the current Waricist proletariat does not have the underpinnings of vested interest and can be changed seek to channel black liberation into proletariat revolution because to perceive the class enemy relatively easy. (Relative to white con• black liberation posed as a colonial question inlerently entails sciousness changing.) armed struggle. Perhaps it is because Black Nationalism is "bourgeois," i.e. the "Colonialism is not a thinking macliine nor a body endowed with thrust of the black bourgeois to create a national market; "to pro• reasoning faculties. It is violence in its natural state, and it will only yield wken confronted -with greater violence." Fanon vide a market for black owned manufacture and services." According And this is the root of the problem. There is no place in the to the Philadelphia Worker's Organizing Committee (PWOC), a multi• vision of amerikkkan proletariat revolution for violence. They per• national Marxist Leninist group such as this is indeed the intent ceive confrontation and struggle alright. They -perceive parliamen• behind the rise of Black Nationalism. Yet by their own statistics, tary contest, general strikes, demonstrations, hcpefully mass social 89.5% of black people are working class, and only 10.5 are members disorder, at worse a scatte-red handful cf jail terns, maybe riots, of the black bourgeois, and petty bourgeoise class. And of this, and some head busting; a fe-w deaths--but armed straggle? "...the 10.5 bourgeois/petty bourgeois 9.9% are tied to the system in the streets being cordoned off. Armoured pij carrieis everywhere, the capacity of "public adirinistrators, Salaried managers (manufacture, smell cf cordite..." Forget it. Let thsre be nc mistake about it, no retail, etc.); professional Clawyers, doctors, college professors, amount of provocaturing, no amount of criticisirg or exhortation will etc.), sales managers, insurance brokers, realtors, etc.. Foremen, "trick" them into a violent posture. No, we hate to admit it about police, firemen and security guards. fellow Warxist-Leninis t s . hut we are afraid it is mach as the indom- And that leaves 1.21 who could benefit from a monopoly of bl : liable Comrade Malcolm )C said when speaking cf Cemrade King and the markets. And that l.Z% divides evenly into .6% "self employed maw < I others in the early l?6C's, he said (rather loii-dly) : gets (manufacturers, contractors, reatilers) and .61 farmers. So

30 "IF THESE SO CALLED REVOLUTIONARIES KNEW WHAT REVOLUTION WAS REALLY ABOUT, THEY WOULD SHUT UP AND GET ON OUT OF THE WAY!" disorienting it politically and preventing it from gauging its Similarly, it may be stated about the proletariatist. They true friends and its real enemies." seek to channel Black Revolution into a piece-meal reformist wheel- And further; spinning racial struggle. "...we must direct our main "blow against white chauvinism.'*

Let us take for example again the words of the PWOC. They con• ''The class struggle, including the fight against discrimination in all its forms, is the school in vhich the white workers will tend that for many of this "boundless attachment" to the idea of thr learn that their real interests lie with the Black workers. And it is the active struggle of the white workers against racism Black Nation is a moral aspiration, and that black people do not want that will generate confidence in the power of the united prole• tariat on the part cf the Black workers." revolution, but freedom where they are at. And so we ask--now who is the uptopian? En the first place, "Is it not clear that the Black People want not an artificial union but an end to discrimination and the achievement of full they base their whole strategy on a fiction. There is no "American democracy...the right to self determination is at best abstract to them and is more often perceive! as a demand injurious to workers .movenent." A handful of left OT|anizations with thinly spread their interests." Against Dogmatism on the National Question Pamphlet of the PWOC, p. 4 7 national cadres in no way constitutes a movement of amerikkkan workers.

In other words, they see as we see/that Black Revolution and Ir essence vhat they're saying is that the -primary job of proletariat

establishing a Black Nation involves preparing 25 million black peo• revolution is--altering the consciousness of the white working class.

ple to perceive their interest anew, and mi grate--flock to a partic-j We submit that changing the consciousness of black people into

ular area. In other words, an operation upon Black consciousness. accepting a Slack Nation and committing themselves to struggle for it

To many this may indeed seem to be the truly farfetched aspect of thi shall be qualitatively easier than at teiup t ing to change the conscious•

whole proposition. But consider this: vhen the PWOC begins to spi( ness of white vorkers . The material con

of proletariat revolution they end up saying we must operate on whH( white racism, The competition for jobs promotes racial antagonisms.

consciousness (did Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. say different?]. The differences in s«cial/cultural conditions which result from being

"To merge the struggle of Black people with the American worktl riled vital areas oi development; lumpen suh-culture etc., serve Movement is the strategic aim--the path to Black Liberation ani [ Socialist Revolution-- the key to 'ending the criminal rule of It her to broaden differences and reinfcrce century long notions of the U.S. monopoly class." •' ite supremacy. Finally, white supremacy is actively promoted by And: ' ruling class. 71 Is means nillions oi dollars are spent, and the "The most powerful obstacle is tke promotion of the ideology white supremacy, which not only serves to divide the class .m •«cr of established institutions are breiight into play to maintain split the white workers away from the Black freedom struggl.-, but actually enables the bourgeoisie to recruit sections ot vhite worker in a national conspiracy of racism. white workers into its camp. The powerful grip of white ch.nMi nist ideoloQy over the masses of vhite workers turns them To significantly change white consciousness, whether it be against the struggle for democratic rights on the part of th» Black people. This ideology is tlie single most divisive wea -flrd a more amenable position or the race question, or to out an in the hands of the class enemy, splitting the working clasv • radicalism, it would be necessary first t« remove the material

32 53 underpinnings. It is theorized that as the international contra• italism were yet expanding, could yet grant concessions without it dictions sharpen, that is to say the groving Socialist competition affecting adversely their profit margins, then the race issue in for world markets, the recovery of other capitalist countries from anerikkka would be considerably more anenable. As it stands, white the devastation wrought hy World War II, Britain, France and espe• vorker consciousness is immutable within the context of the system. cially Germany and Japan, competing on the world markets further Mo, the struggle against racism is necessary to expose contra• proscribe and limit the amerikkkan imperialist access to markets and dictions, and raise consciousness and educate blacks to the system,

raw materials; the thrust of the Third Vorld for a greater share in but as a primary strategy for liberation, however, it is a bankrupt

its own resources (The Organization of Petroleum Producing Countries, line. In one sense it is the other side of "Marrow Nationalism" in

for example), the nationalization of industry by other Third World that it makes race issues the main focus of struggle. It purports

countries, and of course the wars of liberation being won by the tc hit at the root of the system, but actually engages the movement •

Third World (Vietnam, Angola, Mozambique), and so forth all add up in endless piece-meal confrontations that, no sooner is resolved in

to perceptible constriction of the amerikkkan empire. Amerikkkan one area re-appears in another. Today a busing issue in Boston,

capitalism is no longer the virile expanding giant; it can no longer temorrow the death penalty in Georgia, democratic rights in South »

grant concessions without it affecting their profit index; a few more Carolina, migrant farm workers in Florida, nazis in California, i

blows and it is believed (hoped) by the theorists, that the amerikkk lynching in Mississippi, police brutality in Detroit, housing in t

ruling class will no longer be able to protect the white working cli Chicago, KlLOcera in Cairo, Illinois, discrimination in the building

from bearing the contradictions of exploitation. This, it is hoped, trades, failure of affirmatire action in industry, and etc., ad

will radicalize then, will conipell them to seek a socialist solutiou infinuiB. All this proves nothing if not that, in respect to race at

Others prophesize that "Soviet Social Imperialism" in its expii: least, white consciousness is iirmutafcle vithin the context of capi•

sion must inevitably clash with amerikkkan capitalist imperialism, talism. If proletariat revolution is dependent upon altering this,

and in the ensuing world war usher in the proletariat revolution. then we can look to have fcouigeoisedom with us until the year >, 2,DC0,O0O A.D. All this sort of thing is like waiting on an act of providence

(especially the latest bit about "Soviet Social Imperialism). Whil- On the other hand, blac* consciousness is changing all the time.

it is true that the amerikkkan empire is constricting rather than There is no consciousness in ameril(lcl

expanding, there is no indication that it will bear well for race ing on a par with black consciousness. "While today the black masses

relations. But rather to the contrary. The imperialist are more | may appear to be caught up ir the clutches of degenerate bourgeoise ^

likely to be successful in aining white workkker diaaffaction into I -onsciousness , of rabid consumerisni, opportunism, individualism, .^^^

racist channels. That, in fact, is precisely the problem. If cap i 'getting over on the n&xt man," and such other human alienation as

55 generated by the galloping predatory capitalist economy, this is struggle. We anticipate that anything we can do to help further essentially a false consciousness without substantial material sup- proletariat revolation, any way we can form united fronts, concerted porta and against our "jreal interest." It is but another stage in action, cr whatever, we will lock arms in unity. But there is no the Black Nation's unending quest for its lost human identity. It point in our attempting to submerge Black Liberation in proletariat is an integral part of the task of Black Socialist Revolution to re• stTuggle--or rnasqaerading as proletariat revolution. Such attempts cover this identity in the course of struggle. True the state of are false, confusing and in the final analysis leads head-long down

Black consciousness is a major issue to be contended with, but we a blind alley. hold that affecting black consciousness favorably holds infinitely greater promise than affecting white racism.

In conclusion, it should be pointed out that our rejection of I SUGGESTED RIADINGS ' proletariat revolution should not be construed in an absolute sense. ^' Foundations «E Leninism by Joseph Stalin "•• ^ ; y Primarily we resist the attempts of certain Marxist to divert our Lenin on the National Question. CCntn'I. Pub.) 5- Studies In A Dying ColoniaUsm by Franz Fanon ' ' struggle into non-productive channels. The proletariat methods of *• Against Dogrnatism on the Mation Question. P.W.O.C. ' ' ' -..^it.. strike, demonstrations, boycotts, parliamentary maneuvers and so QUEST rows ^>---' - -.>-v.i)f4i; forth, shall certainly be an integral part of our peoples' struggle. 1. Vritat are some of the questions ^ou have on this pamphlet? Discuss But if Black Revolution is to be successful, we must maintain our tnem wath your cell. perspective as an oppressed nation, a colonized people, and with the 2. Vhat is the ai™ oi Black Revolutionr blood and sacrifice that entails. S. ¥liat is the aim oi Proletariat Revolution?

Nor do we mean to entirely forsake proletariat revolution, such 4. ¥kat are some of the alternatives for Black Revolution in so far as a land base is coiLcerned? as it is, for we recognize a certain "...dialectical strengthening 5. Can you think of any new possible alternatives? *' that occurs between the movement of liberations of the colonized peo ^' ISr^tK^^xi^'i-'^ ^^''^"^^ ^^^^^ -"ost important aspect pies and the emancipatory struggles of the exploited working class of the Nation. B-uiliiiig strategy outlined here. of the imperialist countries." [Fanon) Particularly in that ours 7. Can you think of anything new that nay be contributed to strategy? is a situation where both the "colonized peoples" and the "exploited 8. lo you thinl you are ready to embrace 'Voluntary poverty " and lire 'communal" wdth your comrades? working class of the imperialist country" occupy the same territory, 9. ¥h.y do we reject froletariat resolution? Explain.'''^-' the same industrial complexes, and the same economy. Certainly ther» 0. Is this rejection of proletariat TeTolation total'' Explain. is no way we can jerk the pillar of the Black Colony out of the very ribs of the beast without having a profound effect on the proletarlit 37 36 and without a means of livelihood. "lumpen" literally means THE REVOLUTIONARY BLACK LUMPEN PROLETARIAT raggedy; the "raggedy proletariat," and refers to that class of

"So the pimps, the hooligans, the unemployed dispossed individuals who live in urban areas, and would and the petty criminals, urged on from behind, throw themselves into the struggle for libera• normally be among the working- class (the proletariat) except that tion like stout working men .... The pro• stitutes too, and the maids who are paid two they are chronically without jobs, or are only narginally c pounds a months all the hopeless dregs of humanity, all who turn in circles between sui• employed. As a result this class genera.lly seeks to augment its cide and madness, will recover their balance, once more go forward, and inarch proudly in the ^ miserly incones with all sorts of illegal acts. Hence lumpen great procession of the awakened nation." The Wretched of the Earth, Franz Fanon ' proletariat usually refers to petty criminals, pLck-pockets,

The question has been debated throughout the preceeding robbers, pxostLtuites, pimps, and so forth. In its broader con•