A Description of London's Economy Aaron Girardi and Joel Marsden March 2017
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Annex 2: Strategic Context for London Borough Exemption Applications
Annex 2: Strategic context for London borough exemption applications Whilst the Mayor of London has made an exemption submission focussing on the locations identified in the London Plan as being of national importance (the Central Activities Zone and its extensions to the east and south-west and the Isle of Dogs), there are other strategically important locations in London which play a role in sustaining future economic growth and employment in outer and inner London, and of cumulative strategic importance to the London and national economy. These locations include: (i) Town Centres identified in the London Plan with potential for office development and other specialist strategic office locations (ii) Strategic Industrial Locations and selected locally significant industrial sites A number of London boroughs are making the case for exemptions with regard to these locations. This note is submitted by the Mayor to support these cases by providing a strategic overview. It sets out the strategic policy context for exemptions submitted by the London boroughs under criteria B of the Government's exemption process, or where appropriate under criteria A where these are of cumulative strategic importance to the London and national economy. Strategic context The London Plan aims to ensure that London continues to excel as a world capital for business, while also supporting the success of local economies and neighbourhoods in all parts of the capital. As Policy 4.1 of the London Plan puts it, the Mayor’s objective is to: “promote and enable the continued -
Bringing Home the Housing Crisis: Domicide and Precarity in Inner London
Bringing Home the Housing Crisis: Domicide and Precarity in Inner London Melanie Nowicki Royal Holloway, University of London PhD Geography, September 2017 1 Declaration of Authorship I, Melanie Nowicki, declare that this thesis and the work presented in it is entirely my own. Where I have consulted the work of others, this is always clearly stated. Signed: Dated: 24/08/2017 2 Abstract This thesis explores the impact of United Kingdom Coalition/Conservative government housing policies on inner London’s low-income residents. It focuses specifically on the bedroom tax (a social housing reform introduced in 2013) and the criminalisation of squatting in a residential building (introduced in 2012) as case studies. These link to, and contribute towards, three main areas of scholarly and policy interest. First is the changing nature of welfare in the UK, and the relationship between social disadvantage and policy rhetoric in shaping public attitudes towards squatters and social tenants. Second, the thesis initiates better understanding of what impact the policies have made on the homelives of squatters and social tenants, and on housing segregation and affordability more broadly. Third, it highlights the multifaceted ways in which different squatters and social tenants protest and resist the two policies. Methodologically, the thesis is based on in-depth semi-structured interviews with squatters, social tenants affected by the bedroom tax, and multiple stakeholders, including housing association employees, housing solicitors and local councillors. Critical discourse analysis was also employed in order to analyse rhetoric surrounding the two policies. This involved the analysis of political speeches and news articles. Conceptually, the thesis argues for the centrality of critical geographies of home in its analysis and does so through the concepts of domicide, home unmaking, and precarity in order to understand the home as a complex and fluid part of both the lifecourse and wider social politics. -
People, Places and Policy
People, Places and Policy Set within the context of UK devolution and constitutional change, People, Places and Policy offers important and interesting insights into ‘place-making’ and ‘locality-making’ in contemporary Wales. Combining policy research with policy-maker and stakeholder interviews at various spatial scales (local, regional, national), it examines the historical processes and working practices that have produced the complex political geography of Wales. This book looks at the economic, social and political geographies of Wales, which in the context of devolution and public service governance are hotly debated. It offers a novel ‘new localities’ theoretical framework for capturing the dynamics of locality-making, to go beyond the obsession with boundaries and coterminous geog- raphies expressed by policy-makers and politicians. Three localities – Heads of the Valleys (north of Cardiff), central and west coast regions (Ceredigion, Pembrokeshire and the former district of Montgomeryshire in Powys) and the A55 corridor (from Wrexham to Holyhead) – are discussed in detail to illustrate this and also reveal the geographical tensions of devolution in contemporary Wales. This book is an original statement on the making of contemporary Wales from the Wales Institute of Social and Economic Research, Data and Methods (WISERD) researchers. It deploys a novel ‘new localities’ theoretical framework and innovative mapping techniques to represent spatial patterns in data. This allows the timely uncovering of both unbounded and fuzzy relational policy geographies, and the more bounded administrative concerns, which come together to produce and reproduce over time Wales’ regional geography. The Open Access version of this book, available at www.tandfebooks.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 3.0 license. -
Inner and Outer London
Autumn 2011 Briefing Inner and outer London: a tale of two cities? Outer London is important to the future success of the wider city; 60% of Londoners live there and 40% Policy implications of the London’s jobs are there. It is the location of • Suburbia may not be fashionable but it is key infrastructure for London and the nation. Outer often successful and adaptable; ‘people like London cannot be considered in isolation from the living there’. centre but the relationship is multifaceted. • A fine grain response is needed that recog - nizes the variety of outer London. There are common issues across outer London; con - gestion, the quality of public transport and other • Some outer London neighbourhoods have public services and the health of local High Streets successfully adapted to significant demo - but there is a danger in focusing on the need for in - graphic change; some feel threatened by their tervention without fully understanding what already proximity to central London, others derive works in the different places. London’s mayoral can - much direct benefit from their closeness. didates cannot afford to ignore outer London but Outer London offers an adaptable, flexible there are no obvious policy prescriptions. • but poorly understood built form. Many people continue to commute from outer to • The economic relationship between outer central London but many more journeys take place and central London is variable. within outer London. These complex patterns of com - muting are hard to satisfy through public transport. • The London Plan should allow for locally dis - Some parts of outer London remain white and tinct solutions; outer London needs nurturing wealthy, other parts are now home to successful eth - not prescription from the Mayor. -
Outer East London
A Broad Rental Market Area is an area ‘within which a person could reasonably be expected to live having regard to facilities and services for the purposes of health, education, recreation, personal banking and shopping, taking account of the distance of travel, by public and private transport, to and from those facilities and services.’ A BRMA must contain ‘residential premises of a variety of types, including such premises held on a variety of tenures’, plus ‘sufficient privately rented residential premises, to ensure that, in the rent officer’s opinion, the LHA for the area is representative of the rents that a landlord might reasonably be expected to obtain in that area’. [Legislation - Rent Officers (Housing Benefit Functions) Amendment (No.2) Order 2008] OUTER EAST LONDON Broad Rental Market Area (BRMA) implemented on 1st October 2009 Map of the BRMA Overview of the BRMA The above map shows Stratford, Walthamstow, Leyton, West Ham, East Ham and their surroundings within a boundary marked in red. Predominantly residential, the BRMA measures approximately nine miles from north to south and about four miles from east to west. As Stratford will host the Olympic Games in 2012, investment is currently underway to bring commercial, employment and transport improvements to the area. Docklands is located further south and contains City Airport and the Excel Centre. Docklands is a business district of significance and of importance for the country as a whole. This BRMA is situated in Transport for London Zone 3. Public transport is plentiful with four underground lines connecting in all directions, supplemented by an overground rail system connecting Walthamstow to Stratford and then eastwards towards Leytonstone. -
A13 Riverside Tunnel Road to Regeneration the Tunnel Is Essential to East London and Thames Gateway’S Economic Success the A13 Riverside Tunnel Road to Regeneration
The A13 Riverside Tunnel Road to Regeneration The tunnel is essential to East London and Thames Gateway’s economic success The A13 Riverside Tunnel Road to Regeneration Thank you for taking the trouble to find out more about the proposed A13 Riverside Tunnel. The tunnelling of a 1.3km stretch of the A13 will not only improve traffic flow along this key route, mitigating the two notorious bottlenecks at the Lodge Avenue and Renwick Road junctions, but will also transform a severely blighted area. As well as creating a new neighbourhood of over 5,000 homes called Castle Green, the tunnel will act as a catalyst for the building of another 28,300 homes in London Riverside, while creating over 1,200 jobs and unlocking significant business and commercial growth in the surrounding area. The tunnel is essential to east London and the Thames Gateway’s economic success and will stimulate growth along its route as well as easing congestion. It also signifies a new way of working in this country adapted from successful models from other European cities. A large proportion of the scheme could be self-financing, with the majority of the funding being generated by the tunnel itself, through the land value uplift and sale of the homes, the community infrastructure levy and new homes bonus. If the government also supports our proposal for stamp duty devolution in Castle Green, then this would mean further significant funding for the scheme could be secured. Cllr Darren Rodwell Cllr Roger Ramsey Leader of Barking and Dagenham Council Leader of Havering Council Road to Regeneration 03 About the A13 The A13 is one of the busiest arterial routes into the capital, connecting the county of Essex with central London. -
Location, Location, Location
Focus: Luxury brands w Location, location, room for value throughout the chain... I think ARM creation of a safe social network for children. ose is probably the keystone in that process.” companies flourish because of Tech City itself. e e dotcom bubble would burst in the early 00s, community acts as an extended support group. Its location but ARM, with its strategy of forging ahead through job fairs draw thousands of hopefuls and its pubs In our ongoing series on reputation, Brittany partnerships and communications, avoided the act as real-life chatrooms for the countless businesses Golob charts the development of the British disaster that befell its contemporaries. “Have many finding their feet in tech entrepreneurship. technology industry of them sold up and become satellites of mainly US Places like Stockholm and Berlin have established firms? Yes, but that’s true elsewhere too,” Cellan- technology bases, Gaza and Glasgow boast a startup Jones adds. “It has a positive side – small UK tech culture and Kenya will develop the so-called Silicon arold Wilson stood in front of the Labour start-ups have been quick to grasp the need to go Savannah by 2030. What makes London different, Party Conference at Scarborough in global and often that means they need access to the however is something it has boasted for centuries 1963 and declared that Britain needed a kind of capital only available in the US.” – the financial industry. Both geographically and Hrevolution. Revolution in the name of capitalism, As the 20th century faded into the 21st, Britain economically, the tech startups that crowd the streets of democracy and of science, a revolution that began developing a tech industry that seems of Shoreditch and the country’s signature financial would forge a new Britain. -
London to Wales Route Strategy March 2017 Contents 1
London to Wales Route Strategy March 2017 Contents 1. Introduction 1 Purpose of Route Strategies 2 Strategic themes 2 Stakeholder engagement 3 Transport Focus 3 2. The route 5 Route Strategy overview map 7 3. Current constraints and challenges 9 A safe and serviceable network 9 More free-flowing network 9 Supporting economic growth 10 An improved environment 10 A more accessible and integrated network 10 Diversionary routes 14 Maintaining the strategic road network 15 4. Current investment plans and growth potential 17 Economic context 17 Innovation 17 Investment plans 17 5. Future challenges and opportunities 21 6. Next steps 27 i R Lon ou don to Scotla te nd East London Or bital and M23 to Gatwick str Lon ategies don to Scotland West London to Wales The division of rou tes for the F progra elixstowe to Midlands mme of route strategies on t he Solent to Midlands Strategic Road Network M25 to Solent (A3 and M3) Kent Corridor to M25 (M2 and M20) South Coast Central Birmingham to Exeter A1 South West Peninsula London to Leeds (East) East of England South Pennines A19 A69 North Pen Newccaastlstlee upon Tyne nines Carlisle A1 Sunderland Midlands to Wales and Gloucest M6 ershire North and East Midlands A66 A1(M) A595 South Midlands Middlesbrougugh A66 A174 A590 A19 A1 A64 A585 M6 York Irish S Lee ea M55 ds M65 M1 Preston M606 M621 A56 M62 A63 Kingston upon Hull M62 M61 M58 A1 M1 Liver Manchest A628 A180 North Sea pool er M18 M180 Grimsby M57 A616 A1(M) M53 M62 M60 Sheffield A556 M56 M6 A46 A55 A1 Lincoln A500 Stoke-on-Trent A38 M1 Nottingham -
Waltham Forest Archaeological Priority Area Appraisal October 2020
London Borough of Waltham Forest Archaeological Priority Areas Appraisal October 2020 DOCUMENT CONTROL Author(s): Maria Medlycott, Teresa O’Connor, Katie Lee-Smith Derivation: Origination Date: 15/10/2020 Reviser(s): Tim Murphy Date of last revision: 23/11/2020 Date Printed: 23/11/2020 Version: 2 Status: Final 2 Contents 1 Acknowledgments and Copyright ................................................................................... 6 2 Introduction .................................................................................................................... 7 3 Explanation of Archaeological Priority Areas .................................................................. 8 4 Archaeological Priority Area Tiers ................................................................................ 10 5 History of Waltham Forest Borough ............................................................................. 13 6 Archaeological Priority Areas in Waltham Forest.......................................................... 31 6.1 Tier 1 APAs Size (Ha.) .......................................................................................... 31 6.2 Tier 2 APAs Size (Ha.) .......................................................................................... 31 6.3 Tier 3 APAs Size (Ha.) .......................................................................................... 32 6.4 Waltham Forest APA 1.1. Queen Elizabeth Hunting Lodge GV II* .................... 37 6.5 Waltham Forest APA 1.2: Water House ............................................................... -
Structures for Development: Getting Them Right
1 Please do not quote until published, Feb 2008 Edwards, M (2008) 'Structures for development in Thames Gateway: getting them right' in London's Turning: the prospect of Thames Gateway Eds. Phil Cohen and Mike Rustin. London, Ashgate. Details at https://www.ashgate.com/shopping/title.asp?key1=&key2=&orig=results&isbn=0%207546%207063%205 Chapter sixteen Structures for development: getting them right Michael Edwards, Bartlett School of Planning, UCL The Thames Gateway is an enormous undertaking. In many respects it resembles some of the earlier major projects of British town planning like the Milton Keynes generation of new towns or the London's Docklands development. Like them, it may come to be regarded by some as a great achievement of public policy and by others as a great disaster. The fact that positive and negative views can be taken of the same project does not (or does not merely) reflect alternative subjective perspectives: it stems from the fact that there are real conflicts in the society and thus different criteria for judging success. The Thames Gateway project poses daunting choices for those with the power to decide on the future development of South East England. Government and the Mayor of London both agree that much of the wider South East's growth should be concentrated in the Thames estuary (DCMS 2006; Mayor of London 2004). They share the intention that London will expand to the East, not to the West, and that the rationality of capitalist growth is the unquestionable way forward. This chapter explores aspects of this supposed rationality, arguing that the aspirations of 'sustainability' and 'community' cannot be achieved in the neo-liberal framework which is on offer. -
The London Strategic Housing Land Availability Assessment 2017
The London Strategic Housing Land Availability Assessment 2017 Part of the London Plan evidence base COPYRIGHT Greater London Authority November 2017 Published by Greater London Authority City Hall The Queen’s Walk More London London SE1 2AA www.london.gov.uk enquiries 020 7983 4100 minicom 020 7983 4458 Copies of this report are available from www.london.gov.uk 2017 LONDON STRATEGIC HOUSING LAND AVAILABILITY ASSESSMENT Contents Chapter Page 0 Executive summary 1 to 7 1 Introduction 8 to 11 2 Large site assessment – methodology 12 to 52 3 Identifying large sites & the site assessment process 53 to 58 4 Results: large sites – phases one to five, 2017 to 2041 59 to 82 5 Results: large sites – phases two and three, 2019 to 2028 83 to 115 6 Small sites 116 to 145 7 Non self-contained accommodation 146 to 158 8 Crossrail 2 growth scenario 159 to 165 9 Conclusion 166 to 186 10 Appendix A – additional large site capacity information 187 to 197 11 Appendix B – additional housing stock and small sites 198 to 202 information 12 Appendix C - Mayoral development corporation capacity 203 to 205 assigned to boroughs 13 Planning approvals sites 206 to 231 14 Allocations sites 232 to 253 Executive summary 2017 LONDON STRATEGIC HOUSING LAND AVAILABILITY ASSESSMENT Executive summary 0.1 The SHLAA shows that London has capacity for 649,350 homes during the 10 year period covered by the London Plan housing targets (from 2019/20 to 2028/29). This equates to an average annualised capacity of 64,935 homes a year. -
Competition, Cooperation, Co-Opetition. a Conceptualization of the ‘Network Brand’
Competition, Cooperation, Co-opetition. A conceptualization of the ‘Network Brand’ Cecilia Pasquinelli Istituto di Management, Scuola Superiore Sant’Anna Abstract - Place branding relies on the assumption of inter-territorial competition which seems to be the overall approach to place management. Competition involves not only cities but also provinces, nations, states, villages and supra-national regions. However, there is room for sustaining that competition is not an exhaustive key for understanding regional development and, consequently, for interpreting place marketing and branding. Within the general frame of competition, regions and local areas may seek inter- territorial cooperation in order to enrich their offer and enhance their competitiveness. In this regard, a gap in place branding and marketing literature is identified and this paper contributes to filling it, by proposing a conceptualization of the “network brand”. Assuming cooperation/co-opetition as a way to face inter-territorial competition, this research is in charge of answering to the following research questions. Firstly, to what extent network and network brand building is a pragmatic process i.e. inspired by market principles, rather than being a political process i.e. highly related to power game emerging within and among the involved territories? Secondly, to what extent the network brand is a “post-modern” brand? A secondary research was carried out by reviewing 12 inter-territorial networking experiences in Europe and US. Concerning the first research question, evidence suggests that, beyond a surface of pragmatism, there might be a political process leading to the emergence of a network brand. Moreover, there is a chance that in some cases a pragmatic approach to networking tends to turn into a political process by means of institutional spillovers, turning the network into a political arena.