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Yamahage a Studyyamahage of Folk Culture in Japan a Study of Folk Culture in Japan

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Yamahage a Studyyamahage of Folk Culture in Japan a Study of Folk Culture in Japan 国際教養大学課題解決型科目授業報告書 Online Edition: ISSN 2188-4153 Print Edition: ISSN 2188-4145 Akita International University Akita International University Yamahage A studyYamahage of Folk Culture in Japan A study of Folk Culture in Japan Written & Editted by Brandon GUICHARD Daisuke SAKAI WrittenRyoko IEDA& Editted by Ellen USUI Sara BIRNBAUM Yukari YOKOYAMA Brandon GUICHARDNatalie IRVING DaisukeTekle SAKAI JASENKAITE Ryoko IEDAAnna ‘Steve’ WHEELER Ellen USUI& Sara BIRNBAUMElm SANO Yukari YOKOYAMADr. Darren ASHMORE Natalie IRVING Tekle JASENKAITE Anna ‘Steve’ WHEELER & Elm SANO Dr. Darren ASHMORE Akita International University Yamahage A study of Folk Culture in Japan Written & Editted by Brandon GUICHARD Daisuke SAKAI Ryoko IEDA Ellen USUI Sara BIRNBAUM Yukari YOKOYAMA Natalie IRVING Tekle JASENKAITE Anna ‘Steve’ WHEELER & Elm SANO Dr. Darren ASHMORE Table of Content Acknowledgments Introduction I. Sixteen Theses on Folk Culture (by Brandon Guichard) p. 6 II. What is Culture? (by Daisuke Sakai) p. 23 III. Introduction to Japanese Folkloristics and Religion (by Ryoko Ieda) p. 33 IV. Visualizing Fear: Representations of Folklore in Japanese Media (by Sara Birnbaum) p. 41 V. Survival of Folk Culture: Through Change and Tourism (by Natalie Irving) p. 52 VI. Aesthetics in Folk Culture (by Anna Wheeler) p. 62 VII. All in a Glass of Night: The Yamahage of Hirasawa (by Dr. Darren Ashmore and Ellen Usui) p. 72 VIII. Taboo in Traditional Folk Culture: Participation of Outsiders and Women (by Yukari Yokoyama) p. 80 IX. Psychology of the Mask: Yamahage (by Tekle Jasenkaite) p. 88 X. Conclusion (by Brandon Guichard and Elm Sano) p. 99 3 Acknowledgement We would like to thank all the members of the Akita community who allowed us to eat and drink in their homes, interview them, and become Yamahage in their community. We would also like to thank the following people for their tremendous help, without which this project would not have been possible: Dr. Darren Ashmore Kohei Hibino Sakiko Kobayashi Dr. Yoshitaka Kumagai Kenno Miura Susumu Natsui Yuka Okura Rica Sato This book was published with the fund by “Re-Inventing Japan Project” of MEXT (Ministry of Education, Sports, Science and Technology). COPYRIGHT 2013 Akita International UniversityAll rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Publisher: Akita International University Educational Renovation Project Team - Address: Akita City, Yuwa, Japan 010-1292 - URL: http://web.aiu.ac.jp/icpt/ - E-mail: [email protected] - Tel: 81-18-886-5845/5911 - Fax: 81-18-886-5910 Printed in Japan 4 Introduction This is a book of essays written by the group of Akita International University students who participated in the 2012-2013 Winter Semester, Project-Based-Learning course on Folk Culture in Japan. The focus of our study was the Yamahage of Akita Prefecture. Each winter, men dressed in straw masks and capes in Akita Prefecture, known as Yamahage, visit the homes of each community member, seeking to frighten the children who live in each of them. The children, always in fear and horror answer the Yamahage’s questions of ” Will you obey your parents?”, “Will you get good grades?” etc. with acquiescence. In return for ensuring the good conscience of their children, parents in each home offer the Yamahage sake and treats for the rest of their travels. The tradition repeats itself each year and the children who were once frightened become the Yamahage themselves. As a class, we had the unique opportunity of becoming the Yamahage, ourselves: we travelled through the snow, wore the masks, drank the sake and scared the children. This was the way in which we were able to study this tradition. Along with it, we explored the issues and theories surrounding the general nature of folk culture and Japanese folklore. This book summarizes our thoughts throughout the semester. We hope you enjoy. The PBL team Fig 1. PBL members as Yamahage 5 I. Sixteen Theses on Folk Culture Brandon Guichard To begin a book centered on a specific form of folklore, it is imperative to first come to terms with what it means for a certain phenomenon to be deemed “folk.” Or more simply, “what is folklore?” One topic discussed in the beginning of this chapter is the idea that folklore is usually the amalgamation of stories, mythology, practices and art forms inherited from regions and times other than where and when the folk culture is experienced. This essay will be comprised in the same way. I draw from the ideology of Marxism to the philosophy of Immanuel Kant; all the way Michael Kurtiz’s film Casablanca1, as well as the many folklorists who have contributed to their field. Once we have come to some understand of what it means for a tradition or form of art to be considered “folk” we will engage in the dialectics of folk culture preservation. Hold on. Marxism vs. Folk Culture A Definition and Debate on Temporality If we look in the folklore section of a library we may come across books with titles such as American Folklore Companion, Afro-American Folktales, The Folklore of Japan, The Development of Soviet or Irish or English Folkloristics, etc. What we find among all the titles is that the folklore being studied is usually capable of being summarized by one term, name, or better yet, one type of people. In the past century, the study of folklore has grown in academic popularity and as with all historical inquiry, it may very well be from the idea that we believe, and rightly so, that the study of our past and those who had their hand in shaping it, will tell us something about who we are as a people, today. But the notion that we may find something out about ourselves by looking into the traditions of those who came before us is founded on the idea that we have some psychological relationship with the past, which is to say, that our psyche shares common components with the psyche of those who came before us: perhaps because we occupy similar geographic regions or because we share similar emotional and instinctual make up. Only with this idea in mind do we begin to study the cultural objectification of a people from the past, ie. tradition and ritual, song and dance, temples and shrines. We may also note that, even more than with those in the past, we share a certain psychological connection with our contemporaries in the present: with the ones we share similar languages with, the ones we dress like, and learn like, and love like. These shared psychological states are present within our common collective consciousness, and the collectivity within the consciousness of a group is the cause for the distinction we make between referring to a group of individuals as, simply, people, and what we commonly refer to as the people. And it should be noted that “the people” is the very etymological and German root of the word, folk. So then, the foundation of the term 1 Via the analysis of Slavoj Zizek 6 “folk” connotes a set of customs and tradition made by the people to be experienced by the people, or simply, those set of customs created by a common collective consciousness. However, in reading the texts on folkloristics, we tend to find a group of preconditions or necessary guidelines one community must embody in order to be deemed a “folk society.” Let us briefly examine a summary of those conditions set out by the respected folklorist Robert Redfield: In a descriptive sense he finds folk societies to be small, isolated, nearly self- sufficient groups homogeneous in race and custom. Their component parts are closely interdependent, personal relationships are face-to-face, technology is simple and division of labor is slight. The family plays a large part in societal institutions, the sanctions which govern conduct are predominantly sacred, piety is emphasized, and ritual is highly developed and expresses vividly the wishes and fears of the people. Such a society is relatively immobile, change is slow, the ways of life form a single web of interrelated meanings, and habits of members tend to correspond to custom. The total list characterizes a hypothetical ideal society.2 Before we asses these conditions, keep in mind that current folkloristic studies emerged as a study of those cultures which were pre-Industrial Revolution3 . Focus has never been directed on contemporary cultures, which is to say, the term has always been temporally limited. Why is this so? In the pre-industrial era we see forms of communities and culture radically different in their mental and physical production than we see now. Only in the 15th or 16th century did the printing press become a viable option of expressing oneself through written word to a large audience of people. By the 17th century, transportation via boats developed to the point of allowing people to share with the world what they had written, thus, allowing people to travel to distant lands, exchange letters and books to people of different races and ethnicities, all at an unprecedented level. This era of the rapid expansion of writing and communication is often referred to as the Republic of Letters. Before the printing press though, most stories, songs and fairytales were transmitted orally from one person to another, and before the advancement of shipping technology the tales and songs were only shared with those people one had direct geographical connection with. A common consciousness will always exist among a group of common people, yet the way in which this collectivity is expressed and objectified depends on the social constructs and technologies available at the time.
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