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Yama No Kami~Die Japanische Berggottheit

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Yama no Kami~die japanische Berggottheit (Teil I : Grundvorstellungen) V o n N e l l y N a u m a n n INHALTSVERZEICHNIS (English summary p. 331-339) Einleitung. 0.1 Quellenmaterial. 0.2 Stand der Forschung. 0.3 “Berg” und “Wald” in Japan. 0.4 Das Thema und seine Probleme. Die Mythen des K ojiki und Nihonshoki. 1.1 Die Mythentexte. 1.11 Entstehungsmythen. 1.12 Wei ter e Mythen. 1.2 Analyse der Mythen. 1.21 Entstehungsmythen. Anzahl der Berggottheiten. “Oberste Berggottheit”. 1.22 Name und Wesen. 1.23 Die Berggottheiten der eroberten Gebiete. Yama no kami, die Gottheit der Jager und Waldarbeiter. 2.1 Der <(Herr der Tiere5*. 2.11 Tiergestalt des Yama no kami. 2.12 Der Spender des Jagdgliicks. 2.121 Legenden. 2.122 Opfer und Gebete vor der Jagd. 2.123 Danksagung nach der Jagd. Behandlung des er- legten Wildes. 2.13 Weitere Jagdriten. 2.14 Der Beschiitzer der Haustiere. 134 NELLY NAUMANN 2.15 Kurze Zusammenfassung. Tradition. Beziehungen des Yama no kami als Jagdgottheit zu den Jagdgottheiten der nordeurasischen Volker. 2.16 Anhang: Motive in Mythen, Sagen und Marchen, die sich auf einen Wild- oder Waldgeist beziehen. 2.2 Der “Herr des Waldes”. 2.21 Der Besitzer des Bodens. 2.22 Der Herr der Baume. 2.221 Der Baum als Wohnsitz des Yam a no kami. 2.222 Opfer beim Fallen von Baumen. 2.223 Der “Erste Gang in den Wald”，das Heimbringen von Baumchen und Zweigen und ihre Verwendung. 2.224 Der Schopfer und Erhalter des Waldes. 2.23 Die “Baumseele”. 2.231 Der Baum als Gottheit. 2.232 Der Geburtshelfer. 2.233 Krankheit und Heilung. 2.24 Erotische Ziige. 2.241 Die liisterne Berggottheit. 2.242 Der okoze. 2.25 Kurze Zusammenfassung. Waldgottheiten in Eurasien. Yama no kami, die Vegetationsgottheit der Bauern. 3.1 Der Wechsel von Yama no kami und Ta no kami. 31 2 Kagihiki. 31 3 X1 Dramatische Darstellung. 3 4 Die Vogelscheuche. 3.2 Yama no kami und die Totenwelt. 3.21 Die Lokalisation von Toten- oder Ahnenseelen im Walde. Marebito. Yama no kami als Ahnengottheit. 3.22 Berggottheit, Ahnengottheit und Initiation. Das Absinken der Berggottheit ins Gespensterhafte. 3.3 Yama no kami und Dosojin. 3312 Das Feuerfest. 33 Das Lachfest. 333 Fruchtbarkeitsriten. 334 Dosojin. 3.4 Altpnanzerische Elemente. 3.41 Wettkampfe und Divination. 3.411 Laufe. 3.412 Seilziehen. 3.413 Ballwerfen und Steinschlachten. 3.414 Steinkampf und Menschenopfer. 3.415 Wettkampf und Ortung: Land — Meer; Berggott und Meeresgott. Y A M A NO K A M I 135 3.42 Rituelle Jagden. 3.43 Konohanasakuyabime und Iwanagahime. 3.5 Die “siidlichen” Elemente im Yama no kami-Kult. 4. Zusammenfassung der bisherigen Ergebnisse. 5. English Summary. Abkiirzungen. Literaturverzeichnis. 0. Einleitung 0.1 Quellenmaterial In zusammenfassenden Darstellungen der Japanischen Reli- gionsgeschichte oder der Shinto-Religion, die in europaischen Sprachen veroffentlicht wurden,1 wird man vergeblich nach um- fassenderen Angaben iiber die japanische Berggottheit suchen. Die Mythologie berichtet nur kurz iiber eine oder mehrere Berg­ gottheiten, ihre Rangeinstufung in den ihnen gewidmeten Shin- to-Schreinen ist niedrig，2 ihr Kult scheint demnach unbedeutend gewesen zu sein. In starkem Gegensatz hierzu steht das reich- haltige Material, das in den letzten Jahrzehnten von Japanischen Volkskundlern zu dem Thema gesammelt werden konnte. 1 . z.B. Gunaert, Wilhelm: Japanische Religionsgeschichte. Tokyo, Stuttgart 1935. Aston, W.G.: Shinto (The way of the gods). London 1905. 2. Der GroJ3en Berggottheit im Distrikt Ochi in der Provinz Iyo wird am 19. Tag des 4. Monats im 2. Jahre Tempyo Jingo (766) unter der Kaiserin Shotoku der Folgende 4. Rang 2. Klasse verliehen (SNG II ，133). Der GroBen Berggottheit im Distrikt Aimi in der Provinz Hoki wird am 5. Tag des 2. Monats im 4. Jahre Showa (837) unter dem Kaiser Nimmyo der Folg. 5. Rang 2. Kl.verliehen (SNK 100). Im selben Jahre, am 7. Tag des 8. Monats wurde die GroBe Berggottheit von Iyo unter die myojin 名神，die “beriihmten Shint6-Gottheiten” auf- genommen (SNK 109). Weitere Rangerhohungen im Montoku-jitsu- roku und im Sandai-jitsuroku. Die GroBe Berggottheit von Iyo riickt schlieBlich im Jahre 875 bis zum Wirklichen 2. Rang auf (Sandai- jitsuroku II, 25). AuBer diesen beiden GroJ3en Berggottheiten von Iyo und Hoki sind in den alteren Geschichtswerken keine Berggottheiten erwahnt. 136 NELLY NAUMANN Zeugnisse eines ehemals bluhenden Volksglaubens—heute noch lebendig in abgelegenen Gebieten — und mannigfachen Brauch- tums verteilen sich iiber das ganze Stammland (Hondo, Shikoku und Kyushu). Diese werden erganzt durch wenige, aber wichtige Hinweise aus der Literatur, angefangen mit den altesten Literaturdenkmalern, den auch die Mythen enthaltenden Ge­ schichtswerken Kojiki3 und Nihonshoki (oder Nihongi)4 und der Gedichtsammlung Manyoshu5, bis zu der vielfaltigen Reise- und Tagebuchliteratur der verflossenen Jahrhunderte. 0.2 Stand der Forschung In seiner ersten in Buchform erschienenen Veroffentlichung Go-karikotoba-ki (1909) stellte der Senior der Japanischen Volks- kunde, Yanagita Kunio，die Frage was Yama no kami fur eine Gottheit sei.6 Damit war der AnstoB zu einer regen Sammeltatig- keit gegeben worden. 1926 bemerkt Kindaichi Kyosuke,* es gabe wenige Gottheiten, die so verschiedene und viele Aspekte zeigen, wie die Berggottheit. Welches sei da der urspriingliche Yama no kami?7 In mehreren Arbeiten unternahm Higo Kazuo in den dreiBiger Jahren den Versuch, die aus der Mythologie bekannte Gottheit Susanoo mit dem im Volke verehrten Yama no kami zu identifizieren8, wahrend Yanagita verschiedene die Berggott­ heit berlihrende Teilprobleme zu losen trachtete.9 Eine von der * Wir folgen bei Japanischen Personnenamen der Japanischen Sitte, Familienname zuerst. 3. Auf Wunsch des Kaisers Temmu sollte im Jahre 681 mit der Sammlung, Berichtigung und Koordinierung der tiberlieferungen begon- nen werden. Die Auswahl und Zusammenstellung des Materials besorgte O no Y^sumaro, der das K ojiki in der Zeit von 711-712 niederschrieb. 4. Erste der sechs Reichsgeschichten in chinesischer Sprache, von Prinz Toneri und O no Yasumaro verfai3t und 720 vollendet. 5. Das Manydshu wurde in der 2. Halfte des 8. Jahrhunderts angeb- lich von Otomo no Yakamochi zusammengestellt. Es enthalt in der Hauptsache Gedichte aus der Zeit von 645-759, aber auch einige aus dem 4. Jahrhundert und danach. 6. Yanagita (Neudruck) 1951 a ,19. 7. Kindaichi 1926, 439. 8. Higo Kazuo: Kurama no takekiri ni tsuite. MG III, 1931. S. 12-5­ 137; 196-205. Yama no kami to shite no Susanoo no Mikoto. M G III, 1931. S.247-254; 313-324. Nihon shinwa kenkyu. Tokyo 1938. Das 1. Kapitel enthalt aui3er den obigen beiden Aufsatzen zum Thema noch: Ibaraki jinja no wa-kuguri no shinji. 9. Yanagita Kunio: Yama no kam i to okoze. Tokyo 1936. Hito- YAMA NO KAMI 137 Zeitschrift Ise minzoku veranstaltete, ganz Japan umfassende Umfrage sollte nicht nur neues Material zutage fordern, sondern vor allem das festhalten, was an Brauchtum und Glaubensvor- stellungen noch vorhanden war, da sich nach dem zweiten Welt- krieg fast iiberall ein rasches Schwinden alter Traditionen be- merkbar machte. Die Ergebnisse der Umfrage wurden 1956 als Band 3 der Ise minzoku veroffentlicht, zusammen mit einer vom Herausgeber Hotta Yoshio verfaBten Bibliographie und einer Einfiihrung in den Problemkreis.10 In seinem Aufsatz weist Hotta darauf' hin, daB diese Probleme vielleicht bereits die Grenzen der Japanischen Volkskunde iibersteigen, daB man nicht umhin konne, Einfliisse von Norden, von Sibirien her etwa, und solche von Siiden, von China, Indochina und Indien her in Be- tracht zu ziehen.11 Das zweifellos hohe Alter mancher Vor- stellungen um die japanische Berggottheit, die Veranderungen und Erweiterungen, denen dieser Glaube ausgesetzt gewesen sein muB, und die eng mit der Entwicklung der Japanischen Kultur und auch des Japanischen Volkes verkniipft sind, zeigen die Be- deutung des Fragenkreises um Yama no kami. Es ist das Ver- dienst Hottas, auf diese Zusammenhange nachdriicklich auf- merksam gemacht zu haben. Die vorliegende Arbeit will nun zunachst eine Zusammen- fassung des hier bekannt gewordenen und erreichbaren Mate­ rials sowie der damit verbundenen Probleme geben. Soweit sich dabei die Moglichkeit bot, wurde versucht, zur Deutung ein- zelner Erscheinungen beizutragen. 0.3 “Berg” und “W ald” in Japan Vorausgeschickt seien noch einige Bemerkungen zu der Bezeichnung “Berggottheit”. “Berggottheit” ist die wortliche Ubersetzung des Japanischen Yama no kami, da man das Wort yama iiblicherweise stets mit “Berg” wiedergibt, wobei wir unter tsume-kozd. In: Hitotsume-kozo sono ta. Tokyo 1941，S. 1-80 nach- gedruckt. Mehitotsugoro-ko. Ebenfalls in Hitotsume-kozo sono ta ent- halten. (S. 81-141). Tengu-matsu; Kamisama-matsu. Nachgedruckt in Shinshu-hen. YCS 12. Tokyo 1953. 10. Hotta Yoshio: Yama no kami kankei bunken mokuroku. IM III ，1956/57. Heft 1/2, S. 61-65; Heft 3/4, S. 49-50. Yam a no kami no sho-mondai. IM III, 1956/57. Heft 1/2，S. 56-60. 1 1 . Hotta 1956 b, 58 f. 138 NELLY NAUMANN Berg eine Bodenerhebung von gewisser Hohe verstehen. Im Japanischen hat aber yama sehr oft und grundlegend die Be- deutung des bewaldeten Berges. Diese Bedeutung ist so aus- schlaggebend, daB man in vielen Fallen yama nicht anders als mit “Bergwald” iibersetzen kann. So finden wir z.B. in den altesten Geschichtswerken den Ausdruck yama no hi fiir “Wald- brand”.12 Yama-shigoto ist “Waldarbeit”，yama-kasegi wo suru hito，“Leute，die sich mit Waldarbeit ihren Unterhalt verdienen，’， sind Holzfaller, FloBer, Kohler und verwandte Berufe，auch die Jager gehoren zu dieser Gruppe. Dieser Sachverhalt wird sofort verstandlich, wenn man die geographischen Verhaltnisse Japans betrachtet. Der japanische Inselbogen besteht im Grunde aus einer einzigen Kette von Gebirgsziigen und Vulkanen. Nur 16.7% der Bodenflache sind Kultur land; 75% des Landes sind steiler geneigt als 15°; 62% der Gesamtoberflache Japans sind mit Wald bedeckt. Der Waldbestand war friiher noch bedeutend groBer.13 DaB daher auch Yama no kami die Gottheit des Berg- waldes ist, werden wir im Verlauf der Untersuchung weiter bestatigt finden.
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    2015 - HARVARD-YENCHING THE SYMBOL OF THE DRAGON AND WAYS TO SHAPE CULTURAL IDENTITIES IN INSTITUTE WORKING VIETNAM AND JAPAN PAPER SERIES Nguyen Ngoc Tho | University of Social Sciences and Humanities, Vietnam National University – Ho Chi Minh City THE SYMBOL OF THE DRAGON AND WAYS TO SHAPE 1 CULTURAL IDENTITIES IN VIETNAM AND JAPAN Nguyen Ngoc Tho University of Social Sciences and Humanities Vietnam National University – Ho Chi Minh City Abstract Vietnam, a member of the ASEAN community, and Japan have been sharing Han- Chinese cultural ideology (Confucianism, Mahayana Buddhism etc.) and pre-modern history; therefore, a great number of common values could be found among the diverse differences. As a paddy-rice agricultural state of Southeast Asia, Vietnam has localized Confucianism and absorbed it into Southeast Asian culture. Therefore, Vietnamese Confucianism has been decentralized and horizontalized after being introduced and accepted. Beside the local uniqueness of Shintoism, Japan has shared Confucianism, the Indian-originated Mahayana Buddhism and other East Asian philosophies; therefore, both Confucian and Buddhist philosophies should be wisely laid as a common channel for cultural exchange between Japan and Vietnam. This semiotic research aims to investigate and generalize the symbol of dragons in Vietnam and Japan, looking at their Confucian and Buddhist absorption and separate impacts in each culture, from which the common and different values through the symbolic significances of the dragons are obviously generalized. The comparative study of Vietnamese and Japanese dragons can be enlarged as a study of East Asian dragons and the Southeast Asian legendary naga snake/dragon in a broader sense. The current and future political, economic and cultural exchanges between Japan and Vietnam could be sped up by applying a starting point at these commonalities.
  • Myths & Legends of Japan

    Myths & Legends of Japan

    Myths & Legends Of Japan By F. Hadland Davis Myths & Legends of Japan CHAPTER I: THE PERIOD OF THE GODS In the Beginning We are told that in the very beginning "Heaven and Earth were not yet separated, and the In and Yo not yet divided." This reminds us of other cosmogony stories. The In and Yo, corresponding to the Chinese Yang and Yin, were the male and female principles. It was more convenient for the old Japanese writers to imagine the coming into being of creation in terms not very remote from their own manner of birth. In Polynesian mythology we find pretty much the same conception, where Rangi and Papa represented Heaven and Earth, and further parallels may be found in Egyptian and other cosmogony stories. In nearly all we find the male and female principles taking a prominent, and after all very rational, place. We are told in theNihongi that these male and female principles "formed a chaotic mass like an egg which was of obscurely defined limits and contained germs." Eventually this egg was quickened into life, and the purer and clearer part was drawn out and formed Heaven, while the heavier element settled down and became Earth, which was "compared to the floating of a fish sporting on the surface of the water." A mysterious form resembling a reed-shoot suddenly appeared between Heaven and Earth, and as suddenly became transformed into a God called Kuni-toko- tachi, ("Land-eternal-stand-of-august-thing"). We may pass over the other divine births until we come to the important deities known as Izanagi and Izanami ("Male-who-invites" and "Female-who-invites").