The Roles of Judeo-Arabic in France and Israel: a Preliminary Sociolinguistic Comparison*

Yehudit HENSHKE University of Haifa

THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL: A PRELIMINARY SOCIOLINGUISTIC COMPARISON*

ABSTRACT

This article, which is based on field research in France and Israel, explores the sociolinguistic role of Judeo-Arabic among Jews of North African extraction in France as compared to Israel. Its focus is on this sector in France, and the Israeli context serves as its backdrop. Among the topics discussed are: the speakers’ attitude toward Judeo-Arabic, and the limited use of Judeo-Arabic in France, alongside the individual categories in which Judeo-Arabic has been better preserved in France. Also examined were the strategies that influence the use of idioms and aphorisms in France and the role of Judeo-Arabic in Israeli, but not in French, humor. Exami- nation of the Hebrew communal tradition elicited an intriguing insight. This consideration clearly showed that whereas features of Hebrew (like pharyngeals) could be preserved by Jews of North African origins in France, the same characteristics were no longer preserved in their Judeo-Arabic.

RÉSUMÉ

Cet article, fondé sur un large éventail de cas étudiés en France comme en Israël, détermine la place du judéo-arabe dans le langage des juifs originaires d’Afrique du nord et installés en France, ainsi que le rôle de ce dialecte en Israël. L’étude de cas menée en Israël ne sert ici que de point de comparaison, afin de mieux cerner l’état des lieux en France. Notre but est de comprendre comment les locuteurs, en France et en Israël, utilisent leur dialecte judéo-arabe maternel. Si l’on a pu noter qu’en France, l’emploi du judéo-arabe est relativement restreint, certaines de ses expressions ou composantes ont été en revanche mieux préservées qu’en Israël. On a également étudié les différentes stratégies qui ont influencé l’usage des expressions idiomatiques utilisées en France. En outre, on a constaté la place essentielle du dialecte judéo-arabe dans l’humour israélien, alors qu’on ne peut en dire autant pour l’humour français. Finalement, nous avons eu la surprise de découvrir que, si plusieurs caractéristiques de l’hébreu (comme la prononciation pharyngée) sont pré- servées chez les juifs d’origine nord-africaine en France, ces dernières ne sont plus conservées dans leur dialecte judéo-arabe.

* I thank Cyril Aslanov and David Guedj for reading this article and for their instructive comments. I also thank the anonymous readers and the editors of REJ for their suggestions.

Revue des études juives, 179 (1-2), janvier-juin 2020, pp. 181-208. doi: 10.2143/REJ.179.1.3287594 182 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

The revival of Hebrew as a spoken language saw its transformation from a literary language used in the bet midraš into a spoken one for everyday use. Yet, to date, studies of the development of Modern Hebrew have focused on its classical roots — Bible, rabbinic literature, and medieval Hebrew — devoting far less attention to the contribution of spoken Judeo- languages to Modern Spoken Hebrew; even here the spotlight has been trained on Yiddish and Judeo-Spanish.1 This state of affairs prompted consideration of the role played by the Judeo-Arabic dialects brought to Israel by North African émigrés in the formation of Modern Hebrew. Although most striking in the Israeli sociogeographical periphery, the influence of these dialects is not restricted to the periphery but has spread to General Hebrew as well. By way of determining and tracing the Judeo-Arabic influence on spoken Hebrew, from 2007 on I conducted a field survey based on questionnaires and interviews among a sample population of some 120 native-born Israelis from different geographical regions in Israel, all members of the second, third, or fourth generations to ‘aliya from Islamic lands, North Africa in particular.2 The interviewees not only reflected a range of ages, with kindergarten and primary school age children at the lower end of the spectrum, but also a broad range of social statuses, from white- to blue-collar workers. Also taken into account was the spoken and written language of influential figures for whom language is a tool, such as rabbis, authors, playwrights, poets, and lyricists. Following careful transcription and proofreading, the recorded conversations of the sample population in Israel were subjected to preliminary linguistic analysis, tagged, and uploaded to dedicated linguistic analysis soft- ware. During the same timeframe, by way of arriving at a clearer picture of Hebrew/Judeo-Arabic interlingual contact in Israel, I also studied the behav- ior of the same Judeo-Arabic dialects among North African Jewish emigres and their families in France. The French/Judeo-Arabic interlingual contact provided an opportunity for contrastive analysis.3

1. See Y. Henshke, “The Contribution of the Hebrew Component in Judeo-Languages to the Revival of Spoken Hebrew”, Revue des études juives 172 (2013), p. 169-187. 2. This article is based on a study carried out from 2015 to 2017 with the support of ISF grant 149/14. 3. The influence of French culture on North Africa and the principled distinction between the Jews who emigrated to France and those who emigrated to Israel is well known: see Y. Tsur, “France and the Jews of Tunisia: The Policy of the French Authorities towards the Jews and the Activities of the Jewish Elites during the Period of Transition from Moslem Independent State to Colonial Rule, 1873-1888” (Hebrew), Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, 1988; Y. Tsur and H. Hillel, The Jews of Casablanca: Studies in the Modernization of the Political Elite in a Colonial Community (Hebrew), Tel Aviv, 1995; S. Della Pergola, “The THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 183

Two cities with Jewish populations were chosen for the study in France: one peripheral — the coastal city Marseille; one metropolitan — the capital city Paris. In the context of the study, I also examined the language of families in the Parisian suburbs — Boulogne, Créteil, Maisons-Alfort, Saint Maur, and even Sarcelles — on the assumption that, as for other languages, it would differ from that spoken in the metropolitan center. The French study was multigenerational and three generations of single families were represented in most of the interviews: grandparents — parents — children.4 The sample in France encompassed some 109 men, women, and children of both sexes and represented a broad social, economic, and religious spectrum.5 The majority of the interviews were conducted in in homes and family settings; in addition, I also attended family celebrations,6 and visited synagogues,7 schools,8 Jewish stores,9 and restaurants.10 I would like to stress that, although a shared feature of all the members of the sample population was their belonging to, or descent from, the North African immigration to France that began in the mid-twentieth century, they are nevertheless a varied population. Some display no connection to Jewish tradition and have become completely integrated into French society; others are the

Immigration of Algerian Jews and the Absorption in France”, in H. Saadoun (ed.), Algeria (Hebrew), Jerusalem, 2011, p. 37-40, and is also definitively exemplified by this field study. Nonetheless, the Israeli and French groups studied here share a broad common denominator. 4. For the names and family relationships of the French informants, see the Appendix. 5. I thank all the participants for their willingness to devote time to conversations and interviews (for their names, see the Appendix). I also thank Yoann Morvan of Aix-en- Provence, Corinne Kadouch of Marseille and the devoted, energetic research assistant Milena Kartowski-Aïach of Paris for their assistance. The socioeconomic spectrum ranged from artists and stage directors, to computer experts, businessmen, collectors and scholars, storeowners (books, clothing, jewelry), restaurant owners, kindergarten teachers, economists, engineers, teachers, bookkeepers, CEOs, university instructors, merchants (wholesale and retail), writers, administrators, blue-collar workers, lawyers and jurists, housewives, psychologists, rabbis and their wives, doctors, seamstresses, and schoolchildren. The religious spectrum, as defined by the interviewees, encompassed secular, traditional, and religious Jews and also children of mixed marriages. 6. A wedding to which I was invited by the rabbi’s wife Chulammith Saadoun, which was celebrated in the Grande Synagogue de la Victoire (Paris); a bar miṣwa held in the KLC (Kehillah lechem chamaim) synagogue in Marseille; and a wedding in a Paris restaurant to which I was invited by Ms. Laurence Hayyat. 7. The KLC synagogue in Marseille, under the leadership of Rabbi Dr. Fenech; the AJJ (Amicale des juifs de Jerba) synagogue in the 19th arrondissement of Paris. 8. The Talmud Torah attached to the KLC synagogue in Marseille; the boys’ school attached to the AJJ in the 19th arrondissement of Paris. 9. I toured the stores and businesses in Cours Belsunce and nearby neighborhoods in Marseille with Dr. Yoann Morvan, whom I thank for taking the time to accompany me. See the section on Commercial Language below. 10. Inun (in Sarcelles), Sagron, Le-kikar, Aviel pâtisserie. 184 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL products of mixed marriages between Jews and non-Jews; still others exhibit greater affinity to Jewish tradition and Judaism. The initial findings from this survey are presented here, with implicit and explicit comparisons to the Israeli study. Again, these findings are preliminary and by no means represent an exhaustive treatment of the topic. I note in addition that my interest here lies primarily in sociolinguistic, rather than philological, issues and that the treatment is restricted to the roles of Judeo- Arabic in France as compared to Israel. At this stage of my research, broader topics, such as a comparison to North African Muslim Arabic in France, are outside the scope of the present article.

Communal Origins

In Israel Jews from Islamic lands have come to be regarded as a single homogeneous unit, by both the in-group and the out-group.11 Often desig- nated mizraḥim,12 this group is contrasted with Ashkenazis or Israelis, and the boundaries between its components have been blurred.13 In Israel, North African Jews come under this inclusive rubric, and Moroccan Jews are considered the most prominent representatives of the varied North African communities and of mizraḥim as a whole.14 The prominence of Moroccan Jews among the mizraḥim explains the predominance of their language in the sociogeographical periphery; its influence can be shown to extend to second- and third-generation Israelis who are not necessarily of Moroccan origin.15 Note the following observation by a third-generation descendant of non-North African emigres:

11. Much has been written on this distinction. One of many sources is H. Hever, Y. Shenhav and P. Motzafi-Haller (eds), Mizraḥim in Israel: A Critical Observation into Israel’s Eth- nicity (Hebrew), Jerusalem-Tel Aviv, 2002. 12. For alternative suggestions for this term, see Y. Henshke, “Israeli, Jewish, Mizrahi or Traditional? On the Nature of the Hebrew of Israel’s Periphery”, Journal of Jewish Studies 68 (2017), p. 137-157. 13. B. Kimmerling, Immigrants, Settlers, Natives: The Israeli State and Society between Cultural Pluralism and Cultural Wars (Hebrew), Tel Aviv, 2004; S. Smooha, “Mizraḥim”, in N. A. Stillman (ed.), Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, vol. 3, Leiden-Boston, 2010, p. 440-443. 14. E. Ben-Refael and S. Sharot, Ethnicity, Religion and Class in Israeli Society, Cam- bridge, 1991. Note the numerical superiority of Moroccan Jews in Israel. 15. See Y. Henshke, “Sara Shilo’s No Gnomes Will Appear: A Linguistic Analysis”, Hebrew Studies 54 (2013), p. 265-284; Y. Henshke, “The Judeo-Arabic Origins of Modern Israeli Idioms and Proverbs”, in M. Bar-Asher and S. Fraade (eds), Studies in the History and Culture of North African Jewry, vol. 2, Jerusalem and New Haven, 2015, p. 75-84. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 185

As the daughter of second-generation Yemenite and Azerbaijani Persian Jews, I find my speech is more influenced by Moroccan and Tunisian Judeo-Arabic than by Aramaic and Yemenite Judeo-Arabic. I have observed the same phenomenon among many members of the third generation [to ‘aliya] who grew up nearby. The influence of North-African Judeo-Arabic is more recognizable than that of the languages linked to their [countries of] origin.16

The same phenomenon is attested in the Hebrew of the descendants of ‘olim from the former Soviet Union living in the geographical periphery of Israel; they report that this is the spoken Israeli Hebrew with which they are most familiar. Some female students from this group recounted that with their arrival in Jerusalem to pursue higher education came the realization that their natural speech was considered “substandard”; this pressured them to modify their spoken language. One student even noted that, for her, language became a source of constant anxiety in social settings in Jerusalem. The situation in France, however, differs. Here we find a hierarchical distinction between Jews with different North African origins:17 Algerian Jews, who were French citizens in their homeland, are differentiated from Tunisian and Moroccan Jews, which were French protectorates, and all of the former are differentiated from Djerban Jews (southern Tunisia).18 The prevailing social hierarchy was enunciated stereotypically by a young woman of mixed Tunisian-Catholic parentage:19 “Algeria is at the top, followed by Morocco, then Tunisia. Djerba is at the very bottom.” Other participants in the study displayed agreement as to the outer ends of the hierarchy but ranked the middle groups differently. This distinction is rooted in the predominant language in their countries of origin and its status; namely, a distinction is made between Jewish communities in which French dominated both as the spoken and cultural language,20 and those in which Arabic

16. Ta῾ir K. (oral communication, 2014). 17. C. Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord est-il un judéo-français?”, Perspectives: Revue de l’Université de Jérusalem 9 (2002), p. 79-101; C. Aslanov, “Rem- nants of Maghrebi Judeo-Arabic among French-Born Jews of North-African Descent”, Jour- nal of Jewish Languages 4 (2016), p. 69-84 (72-77). S. Uran, “France”, in Stillman (ed.), Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, vol. 2, p. 220-226, and see the bibliography there. 18. Aslanov (“Remnants”, p. 72) proposes a different division based on date of immigration to France. He distinguishes between Moroccan Jews, on the one hand, and Algerian and Tunisian Jews on the other. 19. Laurence H., Marseille-Paris (oral communication, 2015). 20. See O. Tirosh-Becker, “The Language of Algerian Jewry”, in Saadoun (ed.), Alge- ria, p. 117-132 (117-119, 130); C. Aslanov, “The French Spoken by Algerian Jewry”, ibid., p. 133-138; D. Schroeter, “Algeria: Under French Rule”, in Stillman (ed.), Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, vol. 1, p. 148-152. 186 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL dominated. There were also intermediate blends: combined use of Arabic and French, or French and Arabic.21 The outer marker of French rule was the city of Algiers and its environs. Indeed, Judeo-Arabic disappeared from Algiers in the early-twentieth century, as M. Cohen has noted.22 This was confirmed in an interview by one of the heads of the Algerian Jewish organizations in France.23 Born in 1943, he reported that his great-grandmother spoke Arabic, his grandparents French (though they used Arabic as a secret language in their children’s presence); but neither he nor his mother were able to speak to or understand the Arabs of Algiers. A similar picture emerged regarding several participants in the field study of Moroccan or North Tunisian origins, but with one significant difference. These families, whose members spoke only French among themselves and viewed it as the language of culture, nevertheless conversed in Arabic with their servants and with Muslims in the streets, namely the lower classes. Moreover, the largely male family members who engaged in commerce used Arabic to communicate with their colleagues,24 and parents used Arabic as a secret language in their children’s presence. On the other hand, the Jews originating from Djerba in southern Tunisia were Arabic and Hebrew speakers,25 and viewed French as a language of communication, not necessarily culture.26 In attempting to understand the linguistic situation of Djerban Jews in France, it is important to note their ongoing, close relationship with the Judeo-Arabic-speaking mother community in Djerba. To this we must add its unique communal organization.27

21. A. Maman, “Language”, in H. Saadoun (ed.), Morocco (Hebrew), Jerusalem, 2003, p. 143-154. 22. M. Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord (Hebrew), Jeru- salem-Ashkelon, 1999, p. 313-314. 23. Dr. Didier Nebot (oral communication, Paris, 2015). 24. Y. Tsur (A Torn Community: The Jews of Morocco and Nationalism, 1943-1954 [Hebrew], Tel Aviv, 2001, p. 178-196) aptly notes that socioeconomic divisions among Jews are not identical to those in Western cultures. 25. On the language of Jews from southern Tunisia, see Aslanov, “Le francais des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 94. 26. This is a generalization. Note that from the 1940s to the present the language of instruction in the Jewish school in Djerba has been Hebrew only. The Parisian members of this community founded a separate communal organization (Amicale des Juifs de Djerba), synagogue, and boys’ school. In Marseille as well they founded several synagogues and their own school attached to the KLC synagogue run by Rabbi Dr. Mamouch Fenech. On Djerban Jewish opposition to modernity, see J. Taïeb, “Jerba”, in N. Stillman (ed.), Encyclopedia of Jews in the Islamic World, vol. 3, p. 16. 27. See previous note. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 187

In this respect, their sociolinguistic situation resembles that of Muslims in France: isolation and ongoing links to the mother communities (lə-blad).28 The other North African Jewish communities shift between the two languages. Thus an elderly interviewee from Tlemcen, Algeria,29 whose family spoke both French and Arabic there, holds a special diploma for teaching French to Muslims and possesses mastery of both languages. Bits and pieces of Arabic are embedded in the speech of her daughter, a psychologist, and her granddaughter, a student, both natives of France. This brings us to consideration of the current sociolinguistic situation among North African Jews in France.

Multilingualism

1. Judeo-Arabic — French

The entire spectrum of participants in the French study displays conspicuous agreement regarding the relative statuses of French and Arabic: they identify French as the language of culture and the public sphere, and main- tain that Arabic has no place in France and no role or significance in Jewish life there. Moreover, because the latter’s use is perceived as interfering with the integration of Jews into French society, most of the informants stated — in various forms and levels of intensity — that Jews should detach themselves from, and forget, Arabic. The reality, however, is more complex. The above-noted sociolinguistic division in line with country of origin is still evident among twenty-first- century Jews in France. The descendants of Jewish emigres from Algiers whom I encountered speak only French, know no Arabic, and display no interest in renewed contact with Arabic. Descendants of Jewish emigres from Morocco and Tunisia use Arabic in limited, isolated spheres, within familial settings and at most in the synagogue.30 Finally, descendants of

28. See A. Barontini, “Locuteurs de l’arabe maghrébin – langue de France: Une analyse sociolinguistique des représentations, des pratiques langagières et du processus de transmis- sion”, Ph.D. diss., INALCO, 2013, p. 332-333, the bibliography there, and the interviews conducted during the survey. 29. Reine M. (oral communication, Paris, 2015). 30. Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 75-76, describes a more limited reality. In the speech of Tunisian (and Algerian) Jews there is sporadic use of Arabic words, whereas Jews of Moroc- can descent do not interpolate Arabic into their French. See also Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 93. As noted above, a different sociolinguistic picture emerged from my field study. 188 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

Djerban Jews continue to speak Arabic at home, among family members, and within the larger community. Note, for example, the combination of a French salutation and Djerban Judeo-Arabic in the opening of a conversa- tion between a Djerban mother and her French-born daughter: [sava ġale? Malka ḥətžə l-yom?] (How are you my dear? Will Malka be coming today?). Nonetheless, even the more extensive use of Arabic by the Djerban community in France did not extend to the public sphere, as conveyed by a young Djerban-born woman.31 This native Judeo-Arabic speaker was employed, together with a relative, in a Marseille kindergarten. Neverthe- less, she reported that they did not speak Arabic between themselves in the kindergarten, offering in explanation the notion that Arabic should not be imported into the public sphere. In short, the superiority of French in the eyes of the members of the Jew- ish communities in France and the break with Judeo-Arabic are well attested. This contrasts with the linguistic situation in Israel, where Judeo-Arabic appears naturally in familial conversations, in the street, and in public settings; its influence on the Israeli Hebrew of the periphery is apparent and has also been demonstrated in scholarly studies.32 As noted earlier, this influence extends beyond the bounds of the North African communities to groups with other ethnic origins, again mainly, but not only, in the periphery. The linguistic contrast between Israel and France is particularly strong among Jews of Moroccan descent. In France, this community’s members make minimal use of Judeo-Arabic,33 whereas in Israel Jews of Moroccan descent are in the forefront of its use and in the creation of a unique Israeli- Mizrahi sociolect.34 The following reported interaction among members of a single family is illustrative. An older Moroccan-born woman,35 living in Marseille, commented that, in telephone conversations, her sisters living in Israel make frequent use of Judeo-Arabic, whereas she speaks to them

31. Milka M. (oral communication, Marseille, 2015). 32. See Y. Henshke, “On the Mizraḥi Sociolect in Israel: A Sociolexical Consideration of the Hebrew of Israelis of North African Origin”, Journal of Jewish Languages 1/2 (2013), p. 207-227. 33. Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 75-76 notes that Jews of Moroccan descent in France are exceptional in not using Judeo-Arabic at all. 34. I will not compare the cultural-linguistic features of Moroccan Jewish emigres to France and Israel. The distinction between France and Israel with regard to use of Judeo- Arabic is also evident among members of the same family. See the continuation of the paragraph. 35. Alice A. (oral communication, Marseille, 2015). THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 189 only in French. Although these women grew up together in a single house- hold in Morocco, the status of Judeo-Arabic in their speech has shifted in line with their places of residence. An opposite phenomenon underscores this picture. One of the Israeli participants of Moroccan descent in the study,36 a native of Kiryat Bialik whose family spoke only French, began to speak Arabic following her marriage and relocation to Acre.

2. Other Languages of Contact

Any discussion of Judeo-Arabic in France must relate to two other languages that influence the language system of French Jews: Contemporary Hebrew and Muslim Arabic. Despite the growing influence of Israeli Hebrew in the French Jewish arena as a source of Jewish and Israeli identity,37 and the sense by some participants in the study that the Judeo- Arabic identity and language were being replaced by Israeli ones,38 my focus is on the influence of Muslim Arabic. Beyond noting that French Jews at times mimic Israeli intonation or give their children Israeli names, I will not discuss the developments with respect to Contemporary Hebrew here.39 With respect to the standing of Muslim Arabic in France, I note a shift in the status of Muslims and Jews as compared to North Africa. In France, Muslims and Jews are immigrants of equal status, and Jews and Muslims alike must interact with, or be integrated into, French culture and language. However, in contrast to Jews whose efforts to become part of French society are characterized by avoidance of Arabic, Muslims to a large extent preserve their native language and continue to speak Arabic not only at home but also in public.40 Indeed, the presence of Muslim Arabic is conspicuous in the streets of France.41 The increasing use of Arabic in France and the interaction with Muslims, with whom they share a linguistic-cultural heritage, poses a challenge for

36. Aviva P. (Acre). 37. See below. 38. See also Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 84. I encountered names such as Eden, Matan, Na᾿or, Ilana, Ayelet, Ilanit, Ma῾ayan, and Eliran. 39. See Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 82 and the reference there. 40. Barontini, “Locuteurs de l’arabe maghrébin”; Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 71 and the detailed discussion ibid., p. 77-78. 41. D. Caubet, “L’arabe maghrébin-darija, ‘Langue de France’ dans les parlers jeunes et les productions culturelles: un usage banalisé?”, in G. Ledegen (ed.), Pratiques linguistiques des jeunes en terrain linguistique, Paris, 2001, p. 25-46. For a model of “departiculization”, namely, the penetration of French by Yiddish words, see P. Nahon, “Notes lexicologiques sur des interférences entre yidich et français moderne”, Revue de linguistique romane 81 (2017), p. 139-155. 190 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

French Jews and influences their use of language. The responses of the participants in the study ranged from steadfast refusal to use Arabic to willingness to use it in intercultural settings. Thus, displaying the same principled stance toward public use of Muslim Arabic as to Judeo-Arabic, some interviewees rejected the former’s use in the public sphere; for them, as a language, Muslim Arabic has no legitimacy in France; nor do they wish to have any contact with it. Some even noted that they refrained from speaking Judeo-Arabic in order to avoid being identified as Muslims. Thus, when asked if he used Arabic expressions in slang or in conversations with Mus- lims, a man of Algerian descent emphatically stated: “Arabic is not my language!” Another interviewee, of Tunisian origin, declared that here, in France, he does not speak Arabic with Muslims. Youths from the suburb of Maisons-Alfort reported that they do not speak Arabic with the French Mus- lims and that the latter must learn French.42 Other participants expressed surprise at the linguistic situation among Jews of North African descent in Israel, inquiring time and again why Jews speak Arabic in Israel. On the other hand, some interviewees view Arabic as a shared secret code that represents the positive points of Jewish-Muslim interaction. Director and author Chochana Boukhobza43 noted in an interview that, out of respect for her secretary, who is of Algerian origin, she makes certain to converse with her in Arabic; in addition, she views this as a declaration of shared cultural origins. Similarly, an English teacher44 in a Paris high school related that she inserts Arabic expressions into conversations with her Muslim colleagues in the teachers’ room.

3. Commercial Language

Arabic is present, however, in commercial contacts between Jews and Muslims.45 From my conversations with Jewish merchants during an extended visit to the Marseille commercial district Cours Belsunce,46 I learned that they use Arabic to communicate with Muslim merchants,

42. On the attitude of young French Jews of North African origins toward Arabic and Arab culture, see K. A. Arkin, Rhinestones, Religion and the Republic: Fashioning Jewishness in France, Stanford, 2014, p. 56-98. I thank Dr. Peter Nahon for this reference. 43. I thank her for her time and her assistance in the field study and in finding informants. 44. Joël C. (oral communication, 2015). 45. See the fascinating discussion of the language of the wholesale retailers of Paris in Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 93-97. 46. I thank Dr. Yoann Morvan of the University of Provence Aix-Marseille for accompa- nying me on my first day touring this district. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 191 mainly those from Algeria. This was also the case for contacts between Jewish storeowners and Muslim shoppers there. In Paris, Jewish clients shopping in Muslim stores reported that they used Arabic. Thus, for example, a psychoanalyst of Tunisian descent47 indicated that she used [t᾿iš] (thank you) and [ayš-ek meġsi] (God be with you, thank you) with the local greengrocer.48

Spheres of Use of Judeo-Arabic in France

The processes outlined above — French Jews’ declared break with Arabic and the adoption of French cultural-linguistic norms — have led to Arabic’s limited influence and visibility there, as opposed to the Israeli public sphere. Most of our informants claimed that second- and third-generation immigrants in France are not distinguishable linguistically in the public sphere.49 This is not the case in Israel, where the distinctiveness of Mizrahi Hebrew is not only recognized in the scholarship,50 but is also a source of social and ethnic distinctions in literature and drama,51 and is a distinguishing feature of writers of Mizrahi origins into the twenty-first century.52

47. Dr. Elisabeth C.H. (oral communication, Paris, 2015). 48. The transcription system used in this article differs from the IPA system with respect to the following letters: ġ = ʁ; ḥ =ħ; ž = ʒ; š = ʃ; ṭ = ŧ; y= ȷ. Note that among the various informants, the examples of words and expressions cited in the article had different realizations. My goal here is to note their existence, not to specify the different realizations that I heard. 49. On the other hand, some informants noted the uniqueness of the French spoken by native-born French Jews of North African extraction, mainly those studying in Jewish schools in France. 50. See H. Blanc, “Israeli Hebrew Texts”, in H.B. Rosen (ed.), Studies in Egyptology and Linguistics: In Honor of H.J. Polotsky, Jerusalem, 1964, p. 123-152; A. Stahl, Lan- guage and Thought of Culturally Deprived Children in Israel (Hebrew), Tel Aviv, 1977; O. Schwarzwald, Grammar and Reality in the Hebrew Verb (Hebrew), Ramat-Gan, 1981; Y. Bentolila, “The Sociophonology of Hebrew as Spoken in a Rural Settlement of Moroccan Jews in the Negev” (Hebrew), Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, 1984; M. Horvits, “Sociolin- guistic Aspects of Combined Languages in Narrative Discourse about Oriental Jews: The ‘Ivrarvit’ Case” (Hebrew), Am Vasefer 10 (1998), p. 56-73; M. Muchnik, “Tel Aviv ‘South- erner’ Dialect in The Moon Goes Green in the Wadi” (Hebrew), Helkat Lašon 35 (2004), p. 5-19; Henshke, “Mizraḥi Sociolect”. 51. R. Ben-Shahar, “‘Al lešon demuyot mizraḥiyot be-maḥazot u-bhe-ma῾arkhonim ῾ibhriyim” [On the Language of Mizraḥi Figures in Hebrew Plays and Skits], in D. Oryan (ed.), Ha-te᾿atron ha-yiśre’eli, Tel Aviv, 2004, p. 91-104; id., “Oriental Speech in Israeli Prose” (Hebrew), Carmillim 12 (2016), p. 19-50. 52. Y. Oppenheimer, Diasporic Mizrahi Poetry in Israel (Hebrew), Tel-Aviv, 2012; id., From Ben-Gurion Street to Shari al-Rashid: On Mizrahi Prose (Hebrew), Jerusalem, 2014; 192 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

Indeed, in France the use of Judeo-Arabic is restricted to well-defined spheres and is anchored in Jewish religion and tradition, specific locales, and special occasions.53 I note the prominence of the traditional Hebrew component embedded in Judeo-Arabic in these settings.54 These words and expressions often differ from those current in Contemporary Hebrew and serve as a sociolinguistic marker that distinguishes between Israel and France. Another sphere in which differences are attested between the use of Judeo-Arabic in France and in Israel is the culinary one. As opposed to Israel, where Moroccan names of foods and dishes are common in the periphery but also in core areas,55 in France the names of Arabic foods on the supermarket shelf, in Jewish restaurants, and among the public at large are rather Tunisian and Algerian:56 for example, [slata məšwiya] (a salad of grilled vegetables); [tarši] (spicy pumpkin salad); [bkayla] (a roasted meat and spinach dish); [azbana] (stuffed intestines); [kinituš] (tiny baked pasta).57 In addition, borrowed Judeo-Arabic words from the emotional sphere are present in the French of Jews of North African origin. Although Judeo- Arabic words from this sphere have also been embedded in Contemporary Hebrew,58 here too the societies differ: in France the Judeo-Arabic dialects of Northern Tunisia and Algeria predominate, whereas in Israel most of the Judeo-Arabic words that have penetrated Hebrew derive from Judeo-Moroc- can Arabic. Another difference inheres in the distribution of the words and categories. Although Judeo-Arabic words of praise or denigration are conspicuous in both countries, French speakers display greater use of Judeo- Arabic for other emotions, mainly fear and anger; in Israel these categories are very limited.

R. Bliboim, “Yehudit and Israelit: A Linguistic-Cultural Study” (Hebrew), Hebrew Linguis- tics 66 (2012), p. 43-61; Y. Henshke, “Israeli, Jewish, Mizrahi or Traditional”. 53. This process is not unique to French Jews; it is well reflected in contacts between Hebrew and other languages throughout Diaspora Jewish history (Y. Henshke, “Hebrew Ele- ments in the Spoken Arabic of Djerba” [Hebrew], Massorot 5 [1991], p. 77-118; Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques, p. 158-162) and even in interlingual contacts in general (U. Weinreich, Languages in Contact: Findings and Problems, The Hague, 1967, p. 56-57). 54. Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 82-83. 55. See Henshke, “Mizraḥi Sociolect”, p. 219-220. 56. This is because most of the Jews of Algeria and Northern Tunisia immigrated to France. On the characteristics of Jewish immigration to France, see n. 3 above. 57. The more usual form is [nikituš], as pointed out by Dr. Peter Nahon, whom I thank for this comment. 58. See Henshke, “Mizraḥi Sociolect”, p. 221-222. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 193

The findings for France included the following categories and expressions:59

1. Expression of fondness and praise [namši kubaġa ali-k] (I would die for you) [ati-ni busa] (give me a kiss) [šnu xwal-ek] (how are you?) [mezyana] (pretty, good) [l-aziza] (my dear) [xnin]; [xnina] (merciful; good-hearted) [ġola] (amazing)60 [bahi] (good)

2. Greetings and salutations [t᾿iš] (may you live) [t᾿iš ya wald-i] (may you live, dear boy) [iyayš-ek] (may you live; thanks) [ma n᾿iš ali-k] (I would die for you) [barux-ba bi-kum] (welcome) [tərbax] (may you have good fortune)61 [be saxa] (be well)62

3. Requests [ayš-ak bint-i] (precedes a request—may my house live) [bi-l-akəl] (be wise, stay calm)

4. Longing [ya xasġa] (those were the days)

5. Tiredness [klakt tfadit] (I got tired; I was very bored)

59. Regarding the question of different realizations, see n. 48 above. 60. This expression’s source is negative (see below), but it can also signify empowerment. .[tarviax] תרויח :In Israel, the Hebrew translation of this Arabic expression is common .61 62. A mixed English-Arabic expression. 194 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

6. Fear [la-yusutuġ]63 (God/Allah help me) [wo ali-ya wo] (oh dear) [ya ġabbi] (oh my God!) [ġad bal-ek] (be careful) [xamsa u-xmis] (five and five; an expression against the evil eye) [ġasġa] (trouble, terror)64 [faž᾿a] (panic, fear) [ġamma] (terror)

7. Anger [yəži ad] (enough already) [smata fi-k] (you had that coming…) [uskut] (be quiet!) [xlas] (enough) [tġexa] (blows)

8. Denigrations [ya blid] (pest) [ġkik]; [ġkika] (pest, m. and f.) [blata] (the nerve) [ġola] (monster) [samet] (vengeful, evil person) [bġul] (horse, stupid and crude) [xmaġ] (stupid, donkey) 65

9. Curses [šxana] (fever) [yati-k šxana] (may he give you a fever) [yati-k gziġa] (may you be struck by misfortune) [inal abu-k] (may your father be cursed)

10. Sundry [šuf] (look!)

63. Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 87-90. 64. Ibid. 65. The last two words have also penetrated French via Muslim Arabic. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 195

11. Idioms and Aphorisms

Another sphere in which Judeo-Arabic has been preserved among French Jews of North African descent is that of idioms and aphorisms. Many French informants note the rich sayings, idioms, and metaphors in Judeo-Arabic, which they view as missing from French. Therefore, even though they avoid speaking Arabic on principle, the use of Arabic idioms and sayings has been preserved in familial-communal settings. Similar, but more emphatic, voices were heard on the Israeli side. Whereas the French speakers attributed this to a “lack in the French language,” the Israelis linked this phenomenon to questions of identity and the preservation of their communal Judeo-Arabic traditions. The Israelis also noted that they found it natural to incorporate these sayings in their spoken Hebrew.66 In the Israeli context, I assigned the use of Judeo-Arabic sayings and idioms to three categories: original Judeo-Arabic, original traditional- Hebrew, and translation into Contemporary Hebrew.67 Although I found examples of the parallel categories in France their distribution differed. Another difference between the communities is that the majority of the examples from France are of idioms and the minority aphorisms.68 The following examples come from the study in France. Some speakers use French- ified Arabic expressions: [ġasˈġa] instead of [ˈġəsra] (= fear, terror)69 [t᾿iš] instead of [t῾iš] (= may you live) [fhamt u-la la] (= did you or did you not understand?) [bla bas] (= may he live, a blessing for someone not present)

These Arabic expressions were also found in mixed combinations, Arabic- French and Arabic-English: [je la ġasġa] (I’m stressed) [enjoy lə-῾mər dyali] (= enjoy yourself my dear) [be saxa] (be well)

Note also the following sayings: [li žian yakul xəz’ġa] which has its source in [li ži῾an yakəl ḥəzra] (= a hungry person will even eat a stone) [ḥatta dubban ikaḥ] (= even flies cough [inferior people talk and express opinions])

66. Henshke, “The Judeo-Arabic Origins”, p. 75-84. 67. Ibid., p. 77-82. 68. This is perhaps attributable to the limited time I spent in France. A longer stay and in-depth conversations could perhaps lead to a different picture. 69. See Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 79. 196 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

Some traditional Hebrew sayings are also attested in their speech, such as a euphemism used) חוץ מכאן ;(well done — יישר כח rather than) חזק וברוך to indicate taboo language). Surprisingly, many participants in the study reported that they tended to translate Judeo-Arabic idioms into French,70 and even used them in the public sphere, namely, the French-speaking environment. Even the most intran- sigent opponents of the use of Arabic in France admitted to rendering Arabic expressions into French. These phraseological calques are widespread among the native-born second- and third-generations, and are not restricted to those with limited education. Moreover, they serve as an identifying linguistic criterion for those of North African descent. One example is the oath sur la tête de ma mère ([u-ras əmm-i] = by my mother’s head), which is typical among descendants of Tunisian Jews in France.71 Similarly, the frequent use of the French expression la vérité,72 is the translation of a prominent Arabic discourse marker [əl-ḥəqq = the truth].73 This idiom almost always occurs at the beginning of the utterance as a preliminary statement that expresses mild objections, embarrassment, or apology.74 This is also the case for the idiom dis-moi [qul-li = tell me]. Used as an opening to a question, it aims to draw the interlocutor’s attention to the question.75 One interviewee harshly criticized this “ridiculous” Jewish expression; after all, if the person with whom I am conversing turns to me with a question clearly he or she expects an answer. Thus, despite the demonstrative avoidance of use of Judeo-Arabic by French Jews, Judeo-Arabic expressions have found their way into French both overtly and covertly. These Frenchified expressions distinguish these Jews sociolinguistically from their French compatriots.

70. See also Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 74, who demonstrates the translation of the expres- .(xamsa ῾li-k] = may you be spared the evil eye]) חמסה עלי-כ sion 71. In Southern Tunisia a parallel expression was common [u-ras buy-a] (by my father’s life). For similar oaths among Tunisian wholesalers, see Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 95. 72. Aslanov identifies the source of this expression among the wholesalers of Tunisian origins (ibid.). 73. See J.S. Colin, Le dictionnaire Colin d’arabe dialectal marocain, ed. Z.I. Sinaceur, Rabat-Paris, 1994-1996, p. 352-354. ha-’emet] = the truth) — is found in the Hebrew]) האמת — This prefatory expression .74 of the periphery and of Israeli Arabs. [tagid li] תגיד לי :This expression is also found in the Hebrew of the Israeli periphery .75 but I am not certain that it is restricted to this sociolect in Israel. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 197

12. Humor

As noted, in Israel Judeo-Arabic is used regularly in different linguistic categories and social settings. One especially prominent sphere in which we find Judeo-Arabic (especially Judeo-Moroccan Arabic) used openly is that of humor. Judeo-Arabic humor in Israel is found on a broad spectrum: rang- ing from private jokes to theatrical shows and the media. In Israel several theater groups perform in Judeo-Arabic;76 most of the plays in their repertoire are comedies.77 Stand-up comedy in Judeo-Moroccan Arabic is also common there and both genres attract sizeable audiences.78 Other works are distributed online and have gained an impressive number of followers.79 The use of Judeo-Arabic in the sphere of humor in particular is surprising. Does Judeo-Moroccan Arabic have especially comic attributes? What components spark laughter? The Israeli participants in the study responded that Judeo-Moroccan Arabic is inherently funny, and naturally lends itself to jokes. The same claim is found in the scholarship, but has not been proven beyond a general statement of this language’s “rich parables, catchy sayings, and amusing curses.”80 But this richness applies to many other languages and does not make Judeo-Moroccan Arabic “funny.”

76. See S. Kofman-Simḥon, “Ha-te᾿atron ha-maroqa᾿i be-yisra’el: Mi-te᾿atron meḥa᾿a qehilati (be-῾ibhrit) le-qomediyot miqtso῾iyot (be-magrebit)” [The Moroccan Theater in Israel: From a Communal Protest Theater (in Hebrew) to Professional Comedy (in Maghrebi Judeo- Arabic)], Ha-ḥinukh u-sebhibho 32 (2000), p. 381-394. 77. http://theatergreb.wixsite.com/el-magreb/shows (performed 15 November 2017). 78. See A. Maman, “Jewish Moghrabi from David Bouskila to Asher Cohen: A Revival or a Swan Song?” (Hebrew), in Y. Tobi and D. Kurzon (eds), Ḥiqre Ma῾arab u-Mizraḥ: Studies in Language, Literature and History Presented to Joseph Chetrit, vol. 1, Jerusalem, 2011, p. 111-113. 79. Some of the YouTube performances are followed by hundreds of thousands of viewers. The largest number of followers (439,066 viewers) was recorded for the following performance: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J8k3jQkKa6Q (uploaded on 15 November 2017). In 2013-2014 I attended two theatrical performances in Judeo-Moroccan Arabic: an adaptation of Molière’s The Miser, performed by the Maghreb troupe of Dimona at Kibbutz Tzora, and a performance by the Almaghreb theater group from Migdal ha-῾Emek at the Gerard Behar Center in Jerusalem. The latter group performed French comedies translated and adapted to Judeo-Moroccan Arabic, as well as new Israeli versions in Judeo-Arabic. The audience at both performances exhibited a range of ages, sexes, education, and origin (spouses/partners of Moroccans). For a linguistic analysis of the plays performed by these troupes, see Maman, “Jewish Moghrabi”, p. 113-120. See also Kofman-Simḥon, “Ha-te᾿atron ha-maroqa᾿i”, p. 390-391. 80. Ibid., p. 392. 198 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

I suggest that the answer lies in the social, not the linguistic, sphere. A chief function of humor is to release tension, both personal and social.81 The use of Judeo-Arabic in the sphere of humor is a manifestation of social coping mechanisms and the boundaries that define the minority group that speaks this language. Although multi-faceted,82 in this context I focus on the sociolinguistic aspect of these coping mechanisms: the ambivalent attitude toward Judeo-Arabic in Israel. For many years the prevailing policy in Israel encouraged the use of Hebrew only and discouraged the use of other (Jewish) languages.83 Accord- ingly, the use of Judeo-Arabic in Israel was considered non-normative and it gained no official standing in the public sphere. Nonetheless, this language continued to exist, to varying extents, in a secondary, hidden fashion in the Israeli periphery.84 Thus, by its very nature, the open, incongruous,85 use of this language creates surprise, laughter, and embarrassment. Namely, Judeo- Arabic is not innately humorous, nor does it possess particularly comic attributes, but rather the use of Arabic in the larger Israeli context is seen as a joke. Moreover, its speakers have a real need to use this secondary language, which is their mother tongue: the language of home, identity, and culture. The comic framework indeed possesses subversive features that challenge accepted norms; at the same time it provides an excellent outlet for resolv- ing the cultural clash, because it is an appropriate, normative way of employ- ing nonnormative language. This “legitimate” framework also serves as a cohesive social force among these peripheral speakers in the context of wider Israeli society.86 In France, an almost entirely different picture emerges; there the use of Judeo-Arabic for humor is on the margins of society, where it may appear among family or close community members. The participants in the study reported that there are no Judeo-Arabic theater troupes or performances. The late-twentieth-century comedians Michel Boujenah, Gad Elmaleh, and others portrayed mainly French-speaking North African persona.87 One of the

81. L. Shifman, “Televised Humor and Social Cleavages in Israel, 1968-2000” (Hebrew), Ph.D. diss., Hebrew University, 2004, p. 7-8. 82. See Shifman’s comprehensive study of humor and social cleavage in Israeli society (previous note). 83. Henshke, “Mizraḥi Sociolect”, p. 208 and the references cited there. 84. Ibid., p. 208-213. 85. For the different types of incongruity in humor, see the survey by Shifman, “Televised Humor”, p. 8-12. 86. On the role of humor in consolidating minority groups, see ibid., p. 5. 87. Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 89. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 199 participants in the study unexpectedly noted how surprising he finds his sister’s invitations to attend performances in Judeo-Moroccan Arabic during his visits to Israel.88

Preserving the Hebrew Tradition

Despite their compartmentalization of, and their varying degrees of ideo- logical-practical dissociation from, Judeo-Arabic and notwithstanding their assimilation of French linguistic norms, many French Jews of North African origins surprisingly preserve a significant Judeo-Arabic substrate with respect to its traditional Hebrew component. This preservation is attested in several linguistic spheres: phonology, morphology, and phraseology.

1. Phonology

Aslanov’s study of French – Judeo-Arabic interlingual contact has shown the extent to which Arabic words and expressions, which remained in Jew- ish speech, were distorted and became French.89 Thus, for example, paroxytone [ˈža῾ma] (namely) with pharyngeal ‘ayin was transformed into Frenchi- fied oxytone [zaġˈma], and pharyngeal ‘ayin became a velar consonant.90 However, this process of assimilation had less effect on the Hebrew phono- logical traditions of the communities of origin. This is apparent in everyday speech, and naturally in the reading of sacred texts: prayer, the Torah reading, the recitation of the Passover Haggadah, and so on. With respect to the realization of Hebrew consonants the most conserva- tive community is that of Djerba. Not only do its members fully realize the pharyngeals and the semi-vowel waw, some also realize uvular qof. The founder and synagogue rabbi of the Paris Djerban community, Rabbi Bougid Saadoun, even stated that anyone who does not realize the pharyngeal and other consonants properly while reading the Torah portion in the synagogue must be replaced by a different reader and the section in question repeated.91 In the small Djerban synagogue on the outskirts of Marseille the founding member of the synagogue subjects potential Torah readers to a proficiency

88. Emmanuel B. (oral communication, Marseille, 2015). 89. Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”; id., “Remnants”. 90. Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 77. 91. As reported by community president Dr. Gabriel Kabla and other informants who participated in the study, who asked to remain anonymous. 200 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL test before they are allowed to read Torah publicly.92 However, because the continuity and preservation of the communal Hebrew tradition among Djer- ban communities in France may distort the picture of the use of communal Hebrew tradition by Jews in France as a whole, Djerban Jews have been omitted from the following discussion.

Pharyngeals As noted earlier, scholars have observed that, because French has no pharyngeal consonants, Jews did not preserve the Arabic pharyngeals.93 This is evidenced by the realization of the word [ˈḥənna], a core aspect of North African Jewish culture. Performed to this day, we would have expected this ceremony to preserve its Arabicness (and Arabic pronunciation). But among most of the Jewish participants in the study we find the realization [enˈe] without ḥet and with French stress. The first-generation immigrants noted that this was already the case in their countries of origin, in Morocco and Tunisia. When speaking Arabic, they said [ˈḥənna] but when speaking French, [enˈe]. It was therefore surprising to find that many of the participants in the study retained the realization of ῾ayin and ḥet in traditional Hebrew words: bet] בית החיים ,[bar yoḥay] בר יוחאי ,[pesaḥ] פסח ḥanukˈka],94] חנוכה lag ba-῾omer]. The same] לג בעומר ,[šavu῾ot] שבועות ,[(ha-ˈḥayyim (cemetery speaker who pronounced [ḥaˈnukka] with paroxytone stress dropped the ḥet in the Arabic salutation for good morning: [sba al-xiġ] (= ṣbaḥ əl-xir). Another female participant dropped the ῾ayin in the initial part of the expression [yati-k lə-ˈgziġa] (= ya῾ṭe-k lə-gzeˈra — may he send you misfortune) but retained it in Hebrew words. The topic of pharyngeals requires further clarification. Since Muslim Ara- bic is heard in the streets, ḥet and ῾ayin can be heard in the mouths of sub- urban French speakers who do not know Arabic; indeed, this is fashionable in Paris.95 But as shown above, the distinction made by Jews between Hebrew and Arabic pharyngeals attests to the fact that for them these pro- nunciations are rooted neither in Muslim Arabic, nor in the streets of France, but rather in their communal Hebrew traditions. To return to the social spectrum described in the opening of this article, one participant in the study, a native of Algiers who spoke no Arabic,

92. Youseff C. (founder of the synagogue); Rafael C. (oral communication, Marseille, 2015). 93. See above. 94. [ˈḥnukka/ˈhnuka/ˈhanuka] alongside the Israeli [ˈxanuka]. 95. See n. 41 above. THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 201 realizes no Hebrew pharyngeals; another pronounces ḥet but not ῾ayin. Among the remaining Algerians whose families originated in Annaba, Lag- houat, Constantine, and Tlemcen, we find the pharyngeal consonants realized to varying degrees, even though some of these individuals have only scant knowledge of Arabic. Ḥet and ῾ayin are also heard among the descendants of other North African communities and even among the children of mixed couples (North African-Ashkenazi; North African–non-Jewish). Even elementary school children in Marseille whom I interviewed realized some of the pharyngeal consonants ḥet and ῾ayin in traditional Hebrew words.

Paroxytone Stress Any discussion of stress in the context of interlingual contacts requires prior discussion of the languages in contact: French, Judeo-Arabic, and the different strata of Hebrew. The French rules of stress differ definitively from those of North African Judeo-Arabic: French has oxytone stress, whereas Judeo-Arabic has largely paroxytone stress.96 The Hebrew words embedded in Judeo-Arabic, on the other hand, retain the oxytone Tiberian stress: [ḥənˈnox]; [məṣˈwa]. Note, however, that this harmonious description of the Hebrew component does not apply equally to all North African communities. The Tunisian Jewish communities, from the north in particular, have preserved a prominently paroxytone stress, in opposition to the Tiberian rules;97 for example, [ˈbraxa], [ˈgzera], and [ˈḥnuka], among other Hebrew words.98 The interaction between paroxytone Judeo-Arabic and oxytone French is in reality more complex. An ancient system — paroxytone Judeo-Arabic and its mainly oxytone Hebrew component (which is paroxytone in North Tuni- sia) — interacts with contemporary French, which is oxytone. Scholars have already noted that in the Arabic-French contact paroxytone Arabic words have become oxytone among French speakers. Thus, for example, paroxytone [ˈġəsra] became [ġasˈġa].99 However, oxytone Hebrew words incorpo- rated into French retain their original stress.

96. See D. Cohen, Le parler arabe des Juifs de Tunis: Étude linguistique, The Hague- Paris, 1975, p. 84-90. But note the details on the morphological structures with oxytone stress there. 97. This stress has ancient Hebrew, not Arabic, roots. For the source of this stress, see Y. Henshke, “Penultimate Accentuation: The Evidence from Tunisian Jews” (Hebrew), in A. Maman, S.E. Fassberg, and Y. Breuer (eds), Sha῾are Lashon: Studies in Hebrew, Aramaic and Jewish Languages Presented to Moshe Bar-Asher, vol. 3, Jerusalem, 2007, p. 320-333. 98. See ibid. 99. See Aslanov, “Remnants”, p. 79. 202 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

But, as noted, Tunisian Judeo-Arabic has an embedded secondary system: a paroxytone Hebrew element. From the perspective of the average speaker, who does not distinguish between the two elements of Judeo-Arabic, all paroxytone words in Judeo-Arabic should acquire oxytone stress when used in French. Namely, we would expect a process whereby the Hebrew element in these speakers’ language would become oxytone, as happened with Ara- bic words. This turns out not to be the case. In their French, Hebrew words and expressions retain paroxytone stress; for example, [ˈḥnuka], [ˈgzera], [bet a-ˈḥaim], among others. Thus, as opposed to [enˈe] and [ġasˈġa] that have acquired oxytone stress in French, Hebrew words retain their original paroxytone stress, among Tunisian Jews in the main. These relationships are summed up in Fig. 1. Judeo-Arabic in North Africa French

Paryoxtone stress Oxytone stress

Judeo-Arabic words embedded in French

Oxytone stress

Jews of North Tunisian origin

Judeo-Arabic in North Africa Hebrew words in Judeo-Arabic French

Paroxytone stress Paroxytone stress Oxytone stress

Judeo-Arabic words embedded in French

Oxytone stress

But: Hebrew words embedded in Judeo-Arabic (used in French)

Paroxytone stress

Figure 1: Stress systems THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 203

Accordingly, the preservation of paroxytone stress in Hebrew has an important place in French-Jewish multilingualism. As for phonology, here too there is an internal Jewish distinction between the two components of Judeo-Arabic: Arabic and traditional Hebrew. Arabic has essentially been abandoned, whereas the traditional paroxytone Hebrew stress continues to be heard among the second- and third-generation descendants of Tunisian emigres, even though it contradicts the rules of French stress.

2. Traditional Morphology and Phraseology

The Hebrew component of Judeo-Arabic in France is also reflected in nouns, nominal derivation patterns (mišqalim), and traditional phrases. Com- parison of the French and Israeli communities provides a picture opposite to the one surveyed above. If Judeo-Arabic has been more widely preserved in Israel than in France, its Hebrew component has been better preserved among French speakers than among Israelis. kippur] as designating the Day of] כיפור Examples: The Hebrew noun Atonement is attested in the Judeo-Arabic of all North African Jewish yom kippur] current in Yiddish,101] יום כיפור communities,100 as opposed to which became the normative name in General Israeli Hebrew alongside bib- yom ha-kippurim].102 My findings were that the use of] יום הכיפורים lical [kippuġ/kipuġ] was preserved among Jews of North African origin in both France and Israel. Moreover, in Israel this word has crossed the ethnic divide and is used by Israelis from various communities; nonetheless it has not become completely divorced from its marked Mizrahi label.103 daruš], which] דָ רּוש draš] and] דְ רָ ש This was not the case for the terms in North African communities denoted the rabbi’s sermon.104 Rarely used in draša]. This is also] דרשה Israel, they have been replaced there by the noun hesger] (= memorial services for the] ז הֶ ְ ּכֵ ר fqeda] and] פקידה the case for deceased)105 that was attested among the French participants in the study:

100. Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques, p. 294; Y. Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech: A Grammatical Study and Lexicon of the Hebrew Component of Tunisian Judeo- Arabic (Hebrew), Jerusalem, 2007, p. 261-262. 101. A. Harkavy, Yiddish-English-Hebrew Dictionary, New York, 1928, p. 252. 102. Henshke, “Hebrew Component”. 103. Ibid. 104. Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques, 295; Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 218; M. Bar-Asher, “Oriental and Maghrebi Jewish Languages and the Traditions of Hebrew” (Hebrew), Carmillim 10 (2014), p. 6-9. 105. Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques, p. 300, 312; Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 345. 204 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

[ˈfkida]; [azˈġiġ, azˈgiġ].106 In Israel these expressions are used only by first- generation immigrants and are almost never freely used by native Israelis. tfaˈllim],107 alongside the Israeli bar miṣwa] תפילים In France I even heard and French communion.108 lashon kodeš] (holy] לָ שון קודש Ancient construct-state patterns such as [šaliax tsibuġ] שָ ליח ציבור tongue; a designation for Hebrew),109 and (precentor),110 are also heard among these French speakers. Other phrases ḥus mi-kan],111 used euphemistically for taboo language] חוץ מכאן include siman tov] for [mazal tov];112] סימן טוב ;[le-ˈhavdil] להבדיל like the Israeli ḥazak u-barux] (well] ,חזק וברוך bet a-ˈḥaim] (cemetery);113 and] בית החיים done),114 which I heard realized both with pharyngeal ḥet [ḥazzak u-bġux] and without it [azzak u-baġuġ]:115 in both realizations there is secondary Some of these expressions, such .חזק gemination in the second radical of bet] בית החיים ḥazzak u-bġux] 116 and] ,חזק וברוך [šaliyax tsibuġ] ,שָ ליח ציבור a-ˈḥaim] are also heard among native-born Israelis of North African descent; siman tov] were not attested in the] סימן טוב ḥus mi-kan] and] חוץ מכאן Israeli study. This brief survey demonstrates that preservation of traditional Hebrew elements is stronger in France than in Israel. Several processes underlie this finding; here I focus on the linguistic aspect. Contemporary Hebrew has in most cases suitable, accurate Israeli-Hebrew alternatives for traditional daruš]. This is the] דרוש darš] or] דרש draša] for] דרשה ,terms; for example -bar] בר מצוה azkara] (for a deceased person), as well as] אזכרה case for .[le-ˈhavdil] להבדיל bet qəvarot], and] בית קברות ,[mazal tov] מזל טוב ,[mitsva

hazgiġ] and] הזכר A 17-year-old youth, third-generation in France, used the word .106 explained to me that this was a French word. 107. Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques, p. 314; Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 403. 108. See Aslanov, “Le français des Juifs d’Afrique du Nord”, p. 85-86. 109. Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 105-106; Henshke, “Hebrew Com- ponent”, p. 185-186. 110. Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques, p. 305; Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 105-106; Henshke, “Hebrew Component”, p. 185. 111. For similar expressions, see Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 235. מזל mabruk ῾alikum] and] ,מברוכ עליּכום siman tov] is found alongside] סימן טוב :.Ibid .112 .depending on the context and addressee טוב 113. Bar-Asher, Traditions linguistiques, p. 312-313; Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 192-193. 114. Henshke, Hebrew Elements in Daily Speech, p. 236. יישר ḥazzak u-bġux], not] חזק וברוך Some informants noted that they take care to say .115 yišar koax]. This shows the distinction between, and deliberate choice of, a traditional] כח North African expression over an Ashkenazi-Israeli one. .[ḥazzak] חזק In Israel as well I heard a geminated realization of the zayin in .116 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 205

In these instances there is strong competition between the alternatives, and the choice of one or the other is generally not linguistic but rather cultural: a choice between a prestigious shared expression of Israeliness and a more restricted Mizrahi expression, often labeled as “low” or nonstandard.117 Obviously, because French, on the other hand, does not offer alternatives for these Hebrew expressions, they have been preserved in their traditional forms. Moreover, the preservation of traditional forms can serve as a marker of the extent of penetration and influence of Contemporary Hebrew. Where Contemporary Hebrew and its culture are present, the presence of Israeli expressions is more pronounced among speakers and the traditional expressions are pushed to the margins. But notwithstanding the intriguing nature of this phenomenon of preservation of communal Hebrew traditions, in actuality, this does not contradict the trend of dissociation from, or concealment of, Arabic. Hebrew here is an internal component related to the restricted Jewish identity and is not present in the French public sphere; these elements are preserved only in Jewish settings that do not challenge French identity. In any event, the natural, unconscious separation between the two parts of the mother tongue — Arabic and Hebrew — is fascinating. Arabic has been pushed to margins and concealed, whereas Hebrew, which was embedded in Arabic for centu- ries, is alive and visible.

Yehudit Henshke [email protected]

Appendix Informants in the French Study, 2015

Families

First Name Surname Residence Family Relationship Afriat-Levi Ms. Margaret Levi Marseille Grandmother Ms. Lydia Afriat Créteil Daughter Mr. Jacki Afriat Créteil Son-in-law Mr. Yoan Afriat Créteil Grandson

117. See the determination by H. Rosén (Ha-῾ibhrit šelanu [Our Hebrew], Tel Aviv, 1956, p. 139) in the 1950s: “A substrate of social strata known as having inferior status.” 206 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

First Name Surname Residence Family Relationship Amzalag Ms. Edit Amzalag Créteil Grandmother Ms. Rachel ——— Créteil Daughter Mr. Richard ——— Créteil Son-in-law Ayache-Kadouch Ms. Yolene Ayache Marseille Mother Mr. Bernard Ayache Marseille Mother’s husband Ms. Corinne Kadouch Marseille Mother’s daughter Ayoun-Abraham Ms. Georgette Abraham Saint Maur Grandmother Mr. Alain Ayoun Paris Son Ms. Dennis Ayoun Paris Daughter Ms. Naomi Ayoun Saint Maur Granddaughter Azriya-Tubul Mr. Yoan Azriya Maisons-Alfort Husband Ms. Sarah Azriya Maisons-Alfort Wife Ms. Sharon Tubul Maisons-Alfort Cousin Bokobza Mr. Armand Bokobza Créteil Husband Ms. Joelle Bokobza Créteil Wife Cohen Mr. Youssef Cohen Marseille Father Mr. El῾azar Cohen Marseille Son Mr. Haiim Cohen Marseille Son Cohen-Genuna-Coudry Ms. Judit Genuna Paris Grandmother Ms. Joelle Cohen Paris Daughter Ms. Julie Coudry Paris Granddaughter Cohen Solal-Moutot Ms. Reine Moutot Grenoble Grandmother Dr. Judith Cohen Solal Paris Daughter Mr. Henry Cohen Solal Paris Son-in-law Mr. Nethanel Cohen Solal Paris Grandson THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL 207

First Name Surname Residence Family Relationship Ibgui Mr. Gad Ibgui Paris Father Mr. Abraham Ibgui Paris Son Nataf-Zerbiv Ms. Raymond Zerbiv Paris Grandmother Mr. Eliyahu George Zerbiv Paris Grandfather Ms. Martin Nataf Paris Daughter Mr. Felix Nataf Paris Son-in-law Ms. Laure Nataf Paris Granddaughter Mr. Jeremy Nataf Paris Grandson Saadoun-Guetta Rabbanit Chulammit Saadoun Paris Mother Ms. Havva Guetta Paris Daughter

Confidential informants

First Name Surname Residence Family Relationship Ms. Alice ——— Marseille Mother Ms. Emmanuelle ——— Marseille Daughter

——— ——— Paris Mother Dr. Eva ——— Paris Daughter

Individual interviewees

First Name Surname Residence Mr. Bernard Allali Paris Ms. Chochana Boukhobza Paris Mr. Gerard Bueno Marseille Dr. Elisabeth Cohen-Hadria Levi Paris Rabbi Lionel Dray Marseille Mr. Acher Fenech Marseille Rabbi Dr. Mamouch Fenech Marseille Mr. Inun Haddad Sarcelles 208 THE ROLES OF JUDEO-ARABIC IN FRANCE AND ISRAEL

First Name Surname Residence Dr. Sam Harro Marseille Ms. Myriam Hattab Sarcelles Ms. Laurence Hayyat Marseille Dr. Gabriel Kabla Paris Ms. Corinne Levitt Sarcelles Mr. Raphy Marciano Paris Ms. Milka Mimoun Marseille Dr. Didier Nebot Boulogne Ms. Celine Semama Marseille Dr. Jonas Sibony Maisons-Alfort Mr. Willy Sitbon Paris Mr. Yoann Taieb Paris

An additional 39 interviewees asked to remain anonymous. In addition, to protect their privacy no children’s names were recorded.