First Ladies in Nigeria: the Rise of Amazon Crusaders for Better Life of the Vulnerable
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
The POWER of DELIVERY Is a Compilation of Selected Extempore Remarks, and the first of a Trilogy, by Governor Henry Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa State, Nigeria
DICKS The POWER of DELIVERY is a compilation of selected extempore remarks, and the first of a trilogy, by Governor Henry Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa State, Nigeria. ON In this book, the reader will encounter the robustness of Governor Dickson's DICKSON remarks delivered extempore with striking ability to inspire and engage its audience in a manner that is most compelling. Governor Dickson is an orator of a different hue. He speaks authoritatively with penetrating intellectual depth THE POWER OF typical of most great leaders in the world, both past and present. DELIVERY Restoration Leaps Forward GOVERNOR HENRY SERIAKE DICKSON A PROFILE THE POWER OF DELIVERY Governor Henry Seriake Dickson of Bayelsa State in Nigeria has, by his performance in office, underscored the critical role of leadership in strategic restructuring and effective governance. He has changed the face of development, sanitized the polity, and encouraged participatory governance. The emerging economic prosperity in Bayelsa is a product of vision and courage. Dickson, 48, is an exceptional leader whose foresight on the diversification of the state’s economy beyond oil and gas to focus more on tourism and agriculture holds great promise of economic boom. A lawyer, former Attorney-General of Bayelsa State and member of the National Executive Committee of the Nigerian Bar Association, he was elected to the House of Representatives in 2007 and re-elected in 2011, where he served as the Chairman, House Committee on Justice. His star was further on the rise when he was elected governor of Bayelsa State by popular acclamation later in 2012. He has been an agent of positive change, challenged the status quo and re-invented the architecture of Hon. -
Downloads/14Th%20Qterly%20Final%20 Se%2024%20Oct%2012.Pdf)
Representation in REDD Responsive Forest Governance Initiative (RFGI) Research Programme The Responsive Forest Governance Initiative (RFGI) is a research and training program, focusing on environmental governance in Africa. It is jointly managed by the Council for the Development of Social Sciences Research in Africa (CODESRIA), the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN) and the University of Illinois at Urbana Champaign (UIUC). It is funded by the Swedish International Development Agency (SIDA). The RFGI activities are focused on 12 countries: Burkina Faso, Cameroon, DR Congo, Ghana, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Senegal, South Africa, South Sudan, Tanzania, and Uganda. The initiative is also training young, in-country policy researchers in order to build an Africa-wide network of environmental governance analysts. Nations worldwide have introduced decentralization reforms aspiring to make local government responsive and accountable to the needs and aspirations of citizens so as to improve equity, service delivery and resource management. Natural resources, especially forests, play an important role in these decentralizations since they provide local governments and local people with needed revenue, wealth, and subsistence. Responsive local governments can provide forest resource-dependent populations the flexibility they need to manage, adapt to and remain resilient in their changing environment. RFGI aims to enhance and help institutionalize widespread responsive and accountable local governance processes that reduce vulnerability, enhance local wellbeing, and improve forest management with a special focus on developing safeguards and guidelines to ensure fair and equitable implementation of the Reduced Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD+) and climate-adaptation interventions. REDD+ is a global Programme for disbursing funds, primarily to pay national governments of developing countries, to reduce forest carbon emission. -
Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Byjibrin Ibrahim
Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa Jibrin Ibrahim Monograph Series The CODESRIA Monograph Series is published to stimulate debate, comments, and further research on the subjects covered. The Series will serve as a forum for works based on the findings of original research, which however are too long for academic journals but not long enough to be published as books, and which deserve to be accessible to the research community in Africa and elsewhere. Such works may be case studies, theoretical debates or both, but they incorporate significant findings, analyses, and critical evaluations of the current literature on the subjects in question. Author Jibrin Ibrahim directs the International Human Rights Law Group in Nigeria, which he joined from Ahmadu Bello University where he was Associate Professor of Political Science. His research interests are democratisation and the politics of transition, comparative federalism, religious and ethnic identities, and the crisis in social provisioning in Africa. He has edited and co-edited a number of books, among which are Federalism and Decentralisation in Africa (University of Fribourg, 1999), Expanding Democratic Space in Nigeria (CODESRIA, 1997) and Democratisation Processes in Africa, (CODESRIA, 1995). Democratic Transition in Anglophone West Africa © Council for the Development of Social Science Research in Africa 2003, Avenue Cheikh Anta Diop Angle Canal IV, BP. 3304, Dakar, Senegal. Web Site: http://www.codesria.org CODESRIA gratefully -
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa?
Towards a New Type of Regime in Sub-Saharan Africa? DEMOCRATIC TRANSITIONS BUT NO DEMOCRACY Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos cahiers & conférences travaux & recherches les études The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non-governmental and a non- profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Using an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. With offices in Paris and Brussels, Ifri stands out as one of the rare French think tanks to have positioned itself at the very heart of European debate. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the author alone. The Sub-Saharian Africa Program is supported by: Translated by: Henry Kenrick, in collaboration with the author © Droits exclusivement réservés – Ifri – Paris, 2010 ISBN: 978-2-86592-709-8 Ifri Ifri-Bruxelles 27 rue de la Procession Rue Marie-Thérèse, 21 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – France 1000 Bruxelles – Belgique Tél. : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 Tél. : +32 (0)2 238 51 10 Email: [email protected] Email: [email protected] Internet Website : Ifri.org Summary Sub-Saharan African hopes of democratization raised by the end of the Cold War and the decline in the number of single party states are giving way to disillusionment. -
Ethics of Violence in Nigeria
ETHICS OF VIOLENCE IN NIGERIA SAMSON ELIAS MIJAH N.C.E., (UNIMAID.), B.Ed., (A.B.U.), M.A., (UNIJOS.). PGA/UJ/11332/00 A thesis in the Department of RELIGIOUS STUDIES, Faculty ofArts. Submitted to the School of Postgraduate Studies, University of Jos, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the Award of the Degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY of the UNIVERSITY OF JOS OCTOBER 2005 ii CERTIFICATION This is to certify that the research work for this thesis and subsequent preparation of this thesis by Samson Elias Mijah (PGA/UJ/11332/00) were carried out under my supervision. _________________________ ________________________ Supervisor Head of Department Professor Cyril O. Imo (Ph.D) Rev. J.M. Kangdim (Ph.D) _________________________ ________________________ Dean, Faculty of Arts Internal Examiner _________________________ ________________________ External Examiner Dean, School of Post- Graduate Studies. iii DECLARATION I, Samson Elias Mijah, do hereby declare that, apart from the references cited in this work, for which I have duly acknowledged, this work is the result of my own research. To the best of my knowledge, this thesis has neither in whole nor in part been presented for another Doctorate Degree (Ph.D) elsewhere. _____________________ SAMSON ELIAS MIJAH OCTOBER 2005 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My gratitude goes first, to God Almighty who graciously sustained me through the rigours, pains and joy of this terminal degree of a Ph.D. I acknowledge with thanks, the indefatigable supervisory role of Professor Cyril O. Imo, of the Department of Religious Studies, University of Jos. He has at several times availed himself to me for pure academic digest in respect to this thesis. -
Political Party Defections by Elected Officers in Nigeria: Nuisance Or Catalyst for Democratic Reforms?
International Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Studies Volume 7, Issue 2, 2020, PP 11-23 ISSN 2394-6288 (Print) & ISSN 2394-6296 (Online) Political Party Defections by Elected Officers in Nigeria: Nuisance or Catalyst for Democratic Reforms? Enobong Mbang Akpambang, Ph.D1*, Omolade Adeyemi Oniyinde, Ph.D2 1Senior Lecturer and Acting Head, Department of Public Law, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria 2Senior Lecturer and Acting Head, Department of Jurisprudence and International Law, Faculty of Law, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria *Corresponding Author: Enobong Mbang Akpambang, Ph.D, Senior Lecturer and Acting Head, Department of Public Law, Ekiti State University, Ado-Ekiti, Nigeria. ABSTRACT The article interrogated whether defections or party switching by elected officers, both in Nigeria‟s executive and legislative arms of government, constitutes a nuisance capable of undermining the country‟s nascent democracy or can be treated as a catalyst to ingrain democratic reforms in the country. This question has become a subject of increasing concerns in view of the influx of defections by elected officers from one political party to the other in recent times, especially before and after election periods, without the slightest compunction. It was discovered in the article that though the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria 1999 (as amended) has made significant provisions regarding prohibition of defection, except in deserving cases, yet elected officers go about „party-prostituting‟ with reckless abandon. The article concludes that political party defections by elected officers, if left unchecked, may amount to a nuisance capable of undermining the democratic processes in Nigeria in the long run. -
Wasted Billion Report
Wasted Citizens Report on State and Local Government Budgets in the Niger Delta 2012 Billions Niger Delta Citizens and Budget Platform Wasted Billions Citizens Report on State and Local Government Budgets in the Niger Delta Niger Delta Citizens and Budget Platform Copyright 2013 Social Development Integrated Centre (Social Action) All rights reserved ISBN: 978-8068-73-6 Published by: Niger Delta Citizens and Budget Platform Social Development Integrated Centre (Social Action) 33, Oromineke Layout, D -Line Port Harcourt, Nigeria Tel/Fax +234 84 765 413 www.citizensbudget.org Design and Layout: Jittuleegraphix Cover Photo by: Ken Henshaw/Social Action Wasted Billions Table of Contents List of Figure v List of Abbreviations vi Acknowledgments viii Executive Summary 1 Recommendations 5 Method and Score 7 Background 8 Akwa Ibom State 17 Bayelsa State 26 Delta State 37 Edo State 47 Rivers State 57 About NDCBP 72 iv Wasted Billions List of Figures Figure 1 Recurrent and Capital expenditure budget shares in the Akwa Ibom 2012 budget Figure 2 Internally generated revenue in Akwa Ibom 2012 compared to total budget Figure 3 Allocations to different sectors in the Akwa Ibom 2012 Budget Figure 4 Allocation to Education in the Akwa Ibom 2012 budget Figure 5 Allocation to Health in the Akwa Ibom 2012 Budget Figure 6 Allocation to food sufficiency related programs in the Akwa Ibom 2012 Budget Figure 7 Bayesla state budget 2007-2012 Figure 8 Distribution of Bayelsa state 2012 revenue source Figure 9 Bayelsa state recurrent and capital expenditure budget -
First Election Security Threat Assessment
SECURITY THREAT ASSESSMENT: TOWARDS 2015 ELECTIONS January – June 2013 edition With Support from the MacArthur Foundation Table of Contents I. Executive Summary II. Security Threat Assessment for North Central III. Security Threat Assessment for North East IV. Security Threat Assessment for North West V. Security Threat Assessment for South East VI. Security Threat Assessment for South South VII. Security Threat Assessment for South West Executive Summary Political Context The merger between the Action Congress of Nigeria (ACN), Congress for Progressive Change (CPC), All Nigerian Peoples Party (ANPP) and other smaller parties, has provided an opportunity for opposition parties to align and challenge the dominance of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). This however will also provide the backdrop for a keenly contested election in 2015. The zoning arrangement for the presidency is also a key issue that will define the face of the 2015 elections and possible security consequences. Across the six geopolitical zones, other factors will define the elections. These include the persisting state of insecurity from the insurgency and activities of militants and vigilante groups, the high stakes of election as a result of the availability of derivation revenues, the ethnic heterogeneity that makes elite consensus more difficult to attain, as well as the difficult environmental terrain that makes policing of elections a herculean task. Preparations for the Elections The political temperature across the country is heating up in preparation for the 2015 elections. While some state governors are up for re-election, most others are serving out their second terms. The implication is that most of the states are open for grab by either of the major parties and will therefore make the electoral contest fiercer in 2015 both within the political parties and in the general election. -
Inequality in Nigeria 12
Photo: Moshood Raimi/Oxfam Acknowledgement This report was written and coordinated by Emmanuel Mayah, an investigative journalist and the Director Reporters 360, Chiara Mariotti (PhD), Inequality Policy Manager, Evelyn Mere, who is Associate Country Director Oxfam in Nigeria and Celestine Okwudili Odo, Programme Coordinator Governance, Oxfam in Nigeria Several Oxfam colleagues gave valuable input and support to the finalisation of this report, and therefore deserve special mention. They include: Deborah Hardoon, Nick Galasso, Paul Groenewegen, Ilse Balstra, Henry Ushie, Chioma Ukwuagu, Safiya Akau, Max Lawson, Head of Inequality Policy Oxfam International, and Jonathan Mazliah. a former Oxfam staffer. Our partners also made invaluable contributions in the campaign strategy development and report review process. We wish to thank BudgIT Information Technology Network; National Association of Nigeria Traders (NANTS),Civil Society Legislative Advocacy Centre (CISLAC), Niger Delta Budget Monitoring Group (NDEBUMOG, KEBETKACHE Women Development and Resource Centre and the African Centre for Corporate Responsibility (ACCR). Ruona J. Meyer and Thomas Fuller did an excellent job editing the report, while the production process was given a special touch by BudgIT Information Technology Network, our Inequality Campaign partner. © Oxfam International May 2017 This publication is copyright but the text may be used free of charge for the purposes of advocacy, campaigning, education, and research, provided that the source is acknowledged in full. The copyright holder requests that all such use be registered with them for impact assessment purposes. For copying in any other circumstances, or for re-use in other publications, or for translation or adaptation, permission must be secured and a fee may be charged. -
The 2015 Presidential Election and the Concession of Defeat by Goodluck Jonathan: a Recipe for the Consolidation of Democracy in Nigeria Dr
DOI: 10.21276/sjhss.2017.2.1.10 Saudi Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences ISSN 2415-6256 (Print) Scholars Middle East Publishers ISSN 2415-6248 (Online) Dubai, United Arab Emirates Website: http://scholarsmepub.com/ The 2015 Presidential Election and the Concession of Defeat by Goodluck Jonathan: A Recipe for the Consolidation of Democracy in Nigeria Dr. Akaayar Felix Ahokegh1 1Department of History & International studies, Kogi State University, Anyigba. *Corresponding Author: Dr. Akaayar Felix Ahokegh Email: [email protected] Abstract: Nigeria’s federal system concentrates enormous political and economic powers in the centre. Thus, politics for the control of this very powerful centre have always been tense and often result to crises. This paper examines the political variables that accounted for power-shift, from the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan of the Peoples’ Democratic Party to Mohammadu Buhari of the All Progressive Congress. The paper holds that Jonathan’s acceptance of defeat opens a new chapter in the political history of Nigeria, which invariably would translate to the consolidation of democracy in the country. As a mark of conclusion, the paper suggests the following palliatives: politicians should sustain the Goodluck Jonathan spirit of sportsmanship, demonetization of the polity and a redefinition of the nation’s federal system, to devolve more powers to the component parts. Keywords: Nigeria, federal system, economic powers INTRODUCTION fortunes and between the Niger Delta communities and Democratic governance is about election [1], successive governments for compensation due to the which everywhere in the world produces competition degradation of their environment caused by oil spillage for political offices. -
Conflict Bulletin: Imo State
The Fund for Peace Conflict Bulletin: Imo State Patterns and Trends, 2012-2014 with a transition committee. In a politically distribution of incidents between 2012 and risky move, Okorocha later switched from 2014. The bar chart shows the relative APGA to APC, but nevertheless emerged violence from one Niger Delta state to the victorious in the second round of the 2015 next. The trend-line on the next page shows elections, the first round of which were the number of incidents and fatalities over initially declared inconclusive. time. The second bar chart shows the trend of incidents of insecurity by LGA per capita. Violence per capita in Imo is among the The summaries draw on data collected by lowest in the region, as is the number of FFP’s UNLocK, the Council on Foreign fatalities per capita. Incidences of violence Relations’ NST, WANEP Nigeria, CSS/ETH largely occurred in the LGAs surrounding Zurich, NEEWS/TMG, Nigeria Watch, and the capital city of Owerri. Between January ACLED integrated on the P4P platform. They 2012 and December 2013, incidents also draw on data and information from reported included criminality, abductions “Violence in Nigeria: Patterns and Trends,” and vigilante/mob justice. There were also a by Patricia Taft and Nate Haken (Springer mo state has a population of number of fatalities associated with public Press, April 2015). approximately 3.9 million people, unrest and reports of ritual killings in the according to the 2006 census. The state. The first half of 2014 was the most population is predominantly Igbo violent of the two-year period with a Reported Violence (98%). -
The Jonathan Presidency, by Abati, the Guardian, Dec. 17
The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati Published by The Jonathan Presidency The Jonathan Presidency By Reuben Abati A review of the Goodluck Jonathan Presidency in Nigeria should provide significant insight into both his story and the larger Nigerian narrative. We consider this to be a necessary exercise as the country prepares for the next general elections and the Jonathan Presidency faces the certain fate of becoming lame-duck earlier than anticipated. The general impression about President Jonathan among Nigerians is that he is as his name suggests, a product of sheer luck. They say this because here is a President whose story as a politician began in 1998, and who within the space of ten years appears to have made the fastest stride from zero to “stardom” in Nigerian political history. Jonathan himself has had cause to declare that he is from a relatively unknown village called Otuoke in Bayelsa state; he claims he did not have shoes to wear to school, one of those children who ate rice only at Xmas. When his father died in February 2008, it was probably the first time that Otuoke would play host to the kind of quality crowd that showed up in the community. The beauty of the Jonathan story is to be found in its inspirational value, namely that the Nigerian dream could still take on the shape of phenomenal and transformational social mobility in spite of all the inequities in the land. With Jonathan’s emergence as the occupier of the highest office in the land, many Nigerians who had ordinarily given up on the country and the future felt imbued with renewed energy and hope.