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Indigenous West African Textile Fabrics Scopes

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Indigenous West African Textile Fabrics Scopes www.ijird.com January, 2018 Vol 7 Issue 1 ISSN 2278 – 0211 (Online) Borrowing or Appropriation: Indigenous West African Textile Fabrics Scopes Richard Acquaye Department Of Textile Design and Technology, Takoradi Technical University, Takoradi, Ghana Abstract: This study interrogates issues of appropriation, cultural and indigenous ownership and their implication for the production and commercialisation of indigenous West African fabrics. It draws on the ‘Maori Tattoo’, ‘Volkswagen-Tuareg SUV’ and ‘Northwest Coast Native American Potlatch’ controversies and makes a case for a system that will allow the use of cultural works as a reference for textile designs without necessarily provoking protests and disapproval. Textile designs have been the most animated form of visual expression in West Africa and have inspired many of the philosophies that underpin prestige and status in the region. The fabrics represent one of the many creative manifestations of cultural identity that have shaped communities occupying its diverse landscape. Cultural, religious and ritual meanings are conveyed by colour preferences, materials, embellishments and design. These textile design traditions provide a rich source of ideas for contemporary designers due to their form, colour and appeal. Therefore, the temptation to reference them in design terms without the appropriate permissions and clearances is very great. This study advocate for a process modelled on the principles of the ‘Creative Commons’ that will allow for greater access to the knowledge and culture for informed access and acceptable usage of West African indigenous textile design references. It hypothesises that sharing that knowledge and creativity with the world will engender new design ideas and by extension provide mutual benefit for both ‘cultural owners’ and users. The case study research method is used because data comes largely from documentation, archival records, interviews, direct observations and physical artifacts. Keywords: cultural, indigenous, appropriation, textile fabrics, West Africa 1. Introduction Cultural and indigenous ownership and appropriation issues have such an amorphous face in the West African region. Of course, this is not isolated as there are benign matters of such nature in even developed countries such as Canada, Australia and USA. All too often, anytime aspect of the region’s culture is used in designs or works of art that gives them prominence (both locally and internationally). Some individuals and identifiable groups from the area are quick to criticise and condemn the unauthorised and a disrespectful usage of such themes and heritage. Also despite initial hopes that principles of moral rights would provide a powerful leverage for indigenous societies with the spread of literacy and education, little has happened to this notion. Seemingly, the moral right dimension of appropriation, intellectual property and copyright is underdeveloped in West Africa, a situation that seems unlikely to change anytime soon. My studies have predisposed me to the fact that there has not been any landmark case of appropriation in the West African region beyond the verbal bashing and to some extent media outcries. I draw on the ‘Maori (Moko) Tattoo’, the ‘Northwest Coast Native American Potlatch’ and touched on the ‘Volkswagen Tuareg SUV’ controversies. This is because issues of cultural and indigenous ownership and appropriation has not been interrogated appreciably in West Africa. I will draw some parallels between the situations in textile fabric production in the region and that of the above controversies. These controversies may not be directly linked to textile production; however, their implication cast a shadow on certain patterns in West Africa. In any case, the Tuaregs are in West Africa except their case does not relate to textile designs but rather a vehicle brand. The Moko tattoo is a sacred part of Maori tradition in New Zealand. It could only be given by certain men, who had considerable prestige and training and the act of giving the Moko to a person was surrounded by Tapu (a state similar to holiness or sacredness, and or the forbidden). There are many rules governing the act, including that the recipient could not talk to others who were not also receiving the Moko, and could not eat with his or her hands during the process. Tattooing the Moko was a long and painful process, particularly as the marks were not made with a needle, but with a chisel that left a groove in the skin. It was considered part of the ritual and a demonstration of the recipient’s Mana (spiritual strength or INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF INNOVATIVE RESEARCH & DEVELOPMENT DOI No. : 10.24940/ijird/2018/v7/i1/JAN18005 Page 82 www.ijird.com January, 2018 Vol 7 Issue 1 courage) that he or she not display any discomposure while their skin was being broken. The design of each Moko was unique and although much of the symbolism is lost now, it would usually display the tribe and status of the wearer. It might also tell from his battle wounds, or ancestors or in a woman’s case, her right to marry, or her job, such as a midwife. It also told of the plain fact that the wearer had been given the right to wear Moko. Something that was not granted to everyone, and that the wearer had survived the giving of it, also far from a certainty. (Sawaya 2010) This beautiful tattoo or artwork has enjoyed a renaissance in recent years, with both Maori and non-Maori receiving it on their skin. They are also being used as inspiration in other artistic ventures. Some non-traditional uses of the Moko have led to misunderstandings, debate and hostility in the recent years. It has become apparent; that traditional methods and purposes are often lost or ignored in these modern interpretations, leading to misapplication and inappropriate usage. The real debate began with the introduction of European methods of tattooing. Needles, in particular, became more famous and eventually overtook the traditional chisel. The Moko made with needles could be of a finer design, as well as healing faster and cleaner. King (1992), explains that some families, as late as the 1970's, did not consider needle tattooing the ‘real thing’. Several celebrities have had Maori designs tattooed on themselves recently, notably Robbie Williams and Ben Harper. In the case of Williams, although his tattoo was made by a Maori artist, it was not meant to be meaningful in the traditional sense. Pita Sharples, a Maori cultural authority, objected to the design, claiming that it was the intellectual property of his tribe. Maori tattoo inspired designs have also been demonstrated on the catwalk, with several cases in the last ten years. A typical example was Jean Paul Gaultier's1 collections in 2007. The argument of appropriation here is very vague; in one vain advocate are pressing for the use of the chisel rather than the utilisation of a needle for the tattoo. In another breath, they are also saying nobody should wear the tattoo unless the person is deemed fit by Maori tribal leaders and the tattoo must be done by ‘spiritual people’ who are sacred. In another regard, the tribal leaders are calling for a stop in using the Moko tattoo design ideas in other art forms such as T-shirt, fabrics and other surface designs. Some praise this sort of international attention as a means of showcasing Maori art to the world. Others condemn it for devaluing the sacred nature of Moko. Ironically, there were cases of Moko being forced on some early Europeans who visited the New Zealand region. John Rutherford, for example, was a sailor who was captured by a tribe and forcibly tattooed (Sawaya 2010). The controversy today lies not in the idea of non-Maori being tattooed, but with non-Maori appropriating the traditional designs without understanding them, or giving them proper respect. In 2003, Volkswagen launched it is first ever SUV, the Touareg. "Touareg" means "free folk" and is the name of a nomadic tribe of the Sahara. They are sometimes referred to as “the people of the veil” or “the blue people of the Sahara” in reference to the indigo turbans are worn by men, which stain their skin. Volkswagen wrote in a press release, explaining their decision to use the name of the nomadic North African ethnic group. "A proud people of the desert, the Touareg embody the ideal of man's ability to triumph over the obstacles of a harsh land. To this day, they have maintained their high character and self-reliance." An official from Volkswagen is on record for saying that, the name comes from their view that people living in the desert are "peaceful" and" the vehicle would be an excellent desert vehicle." The SUV is also typified for strength similar to the firm character of the Touareg. The Touaregs, who once controlled the caravan trade routes across the Sahara, are a semi-nomadic, pastoralist people of North African Berber origin. They are nominally Muslim and presently number approximately 1 to 1.5 million. They are grouped into independent federations and live in southern Algeria, south-western Libya, Mali and Niger and fewer numbers in Burkina Faso and Nigeria. Touareg society is stratified and includes a noble class, tributary groups and marginal classes made up of religious leaders and artist/smiths called Inadan. Their economy is based on breeding livestock, agriculture and trade. They speak Tamasheq a language related to other North African nomadic peoples, as well as French and they read and write using a script called Tifinar, which is linked to that of ancient Libya. It is an undeniable fact that the Touaregs are not known around the world if you compare them to other African tribes such as the Asantes of Ghana, the Masais of Kenya or the Zulus of South Africa.
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