Changing Views, Cultural Survival Knowledge and Power in the Marshall Islands

Donna K. Stone Changing Views, Cultural Survival Knowledge and Power in the Marshall Islands rancis Bacon’s insight that “knowl- sures that raised the owners’ social and political edge is power” is as meaningful status. The irooj and citizenry alike entrusted today in the Marshall Islands, and themselves to the leadership of the experienced elsewhere, as it was in 16th-century navigators whose knowledge of the stars, clouds, England.F For over 2,500 years the Marshallese and waves enabled only them to determine the people accrued an immense body of knowledge position of the atolls and predict the weather. that allowed them to survive in an environment The navigator enjoyed privileges that were other- containing few natural resources. In the past, wise reserved only for the irooj and ruler class. when Marshallese people and culture were more Therefore, to ensure a higher social station and a isolated, those who controlled this information better inheritance for their progeny, the naviga- kept it concealed because knowledge represented tors, as well as other members of the nitijela, con- power. cealed the substance of their science. The position of the traditional chief, known Today, with increased external influences, as irooj, was sanctioned and empowered through the shift from traditional rural to urban living, his knowledge. This belief and practice were and the availability of new technologies, tradi- reflected linguistically in the Marshallese expres- tional knowledge and its control no longer offer sion, irooj im jela (the irooj and knowing); “the the same prestige. As “western” values replace or irooj knows everything.” He may not have known diminish Marshallese traditions and are transmit- “everything” but he did control the knowledge ted to younger generations, both the practice and available and regarded as worthwhile in his com- knowledge of the traditional Marshallese way of munity. Chiefs achieved control by surrounding life disappear. The available knowledge pool has themselves with those who had specialized been fragmented into individual private arenas of knowledge. By controlling them, he displayed his practice, with variations among atoll and island power. Historically, the irooj assembled accom- groups. Many Marshallese are not aware that tra- plished individuals into a nitijela (pit of knowl- ditions and stories differ among atolls, and that edge). This group was composed of a diviner, those who “know” have little agreement. medicine person, navigator, fishing master, The Republic of the Marshall Islands genealogist, storyteller, sorcerer, magician, and (RMI) has much in its favor. It is an independent warrior.1 It was the chief’s abil- Traditional outrig- ity to gather these experts ger canoe, around him, and control their c.1900. use of knowledge that added to his power.2 Individual partici- pants in the nitijela, enhanced their own power and their families’ status. In 1914, August Erdland wrote that knowledge concern- ing Marshallese astronomy, for example, was a valuable inheritance which no one outside the particular family group could possess.3 Knowledge and the associated navigational skills were considered familial trea- CRM No 5—2001 39 nation where the majority of its citizens are increased the power and prestige of an irooj and Marshallese in heritage. Land tenure is such that his family is, in many ways, now obsolete. it is difficult, if not impossible, for outsiders to Correspondingly, the transmission of traditional own land. Several organizations are collecting and knowledge, the knowledge-based positions of cer- preserving historical information.4 However, tain families, and the relationships that once tied while people elsewhere, say, Hawaii, perceive the youth to knowledgeable elders have weakened. adverse effects of external cultural influences, and Younger generations are unaware of protected are joining together to preserve traditional art information and its ramifications. and customs, the movement is less evident in the Conceivably, under today’s conditions, RMI. The cultural everyone could obtain respect and a sense of con- identity movement trol over cultural information if the learned peo- on the Hawaiian ple shared their traditional knowledge and mod- Islands is currently ern technology made it readily available. prompting a revival Although sharing unique knowledge might not of traditions. The have been characteristically Marshallese, the contemporary phi- future might bring schools—modern equivalents losophy of Hawaiian of knowledge pits or nitijela—where Marshallese identity does not elders can teach younger generations the tradi- base “Hawaiianness” tional methods of navigation, astronomy, fishing, on blood quotients, medicine, crafts, dancing, and maanpa, the tradi- but on the presence tional Marshallese art of self-defense. At least tra- of and participation ditional arts could be preserved and possibly in certain cultural revived, and knowledgeable elders could be practices. Politically, accorded special recognition, if value can be the revival move- placed on public knowledge and not private ment focuses on the knowledge. In this case, “external” educational repatriation of seized ideals could prove valuable. land and reparations _______________ for losses, but cul- Notes turally, beliefs about 1 Augustin Kramer and Hans Nevermann, Ralik- identity focus on the Ratak (Marshall-Inseln), G. Thilenius (ed.), language, crafts, and Ergebnisse der Sudsee-Expedition 1908-1910. II. Ethnographie, B: Mikronesien, Vol. 11. Hamburg: performance arts Friederichsen, De Gruyter and Co, 1938. represented by rural 2 Phillip Henry McArthur, The Social Life of 5 Traditional Hawaiians. Native Hawaiians lost much of their Narrative: Marshall Islands. Unpublished clothing vs. land during the last century, and almost lost their Dissertation, Department of Folklore, Indiana ”western“ cloth- University, 1995. ing, c. 1900. language. Nevertheless, the Hawaiian cultural identity remains strong. The Hawaiian 3 August Erdland, Die Marshall-lnsulaner. Leben und Renaissance might hold lessons for the Sitte, Sinn und Religion eines Sudsee-Volkes, Marshallese. Anthropos-Bibliothek, Internationale Sammlung Ethnologischer Monographien, Vol. 2:1, Munster: What is evident in the RMI is the gradual Aschendorffsche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1914. “westernization” of youth. Children watch “west- 4 The Republic of the Marshall Islands Historic ern” television and movies, and play video and Preservation Office and Alele Museum both have computer games. Those living in the urban cen- ongoing projects. The Waan Aelon in Majel (for- ters might be taught more about western ways merly Waan Aelon Kein) has documented tradi- and ideas than traditional Marshallese culture. tional canoe making. Youth to Youth in Health Many young people have never been to one of teach dancing and songs to the Marshallese youth. 5 Alan Handler, and Jocelyn Linnekin, “Tradition, the rural, more traditional, outer islands and have Genuine or Spurious,” Journal of American Folklore, Photos courtesy little knowledge of Marshallese history. But, they Alele Museum, 97 (1984): 273-290. _______________ Majuro, are exposed to readily available “western” ideas Republic of the and knowledge. On the other hand, much of the Donna K. Stone, M.A., Anthropology, is the ethnographer Marshall Islands. traditional Marshallese knowledge is typically for Alele Museum, National Library, and National held “secret.” Ironically, the secrecy that once Archives, Majuro Atoll, Republic of the Marshall Islands. 40 CRM No 5—2001.

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