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Xerox University Microfilms 300 North Zoeb Road Ann Arbor, Michigan 48106 74— 3356

WILLIAMS, David Carlton, 194-7- ALIENATION AND SCHOOLING: TOWARD NON-INSTITUTIONAL CURRICULUM DESIGNS.

The Ohio State University, Ph.D., 1973 Education, curriculum development

University Microfilms, A XEROX Company, Ann Arbor, Michigan

(c) Copyright by

David Carlton Williams

1973 ALIENATION AND SCHOOLING: TOWARD

NON-INSTITUTIONAL CURRICULUM DESIGNS

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of The Ohio State University

B y

David Carlton Williams, B .S., M.A.

J l , • )# J * V T * V

The Ohio State University 1973

Reading Committee: Approved By

Professor Alexander Frazier Professor John Ohliger ' "p> j - Professor Donald Bateman ______\ C —— A d v iso r Faculty of Curriculum and Foundations College of Education ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

During what I believe to be the most critical period of my

education, Paul Klohr has been not only a friend and guide, but has

come to personify for me what a good teacher is. I could never

repay the debt to him for the confidence and wisdom which he passed

to m e .

1 am also grateful for the support and counsel of

Professors JohnOhliger, Donald Bateman, and Alexander Frazier, of Education, and of Professor E. O. Arewa, of Anthropology.

Professor John Champlin, of Political Science, was particularly helpful in my studies of Plato's political ideas.

Professors Gregory Thomas and A, Donald Bourgeois, of the Black Education Center, have likewise assisted me in many ways over the years.

1 will never be able to fully measure the value of my associations with Bill Pinar, Maxine Greene, Vic Edmonds, Tim

Leonard, Ron Davis, Paul MacMinn, Louis Hunt, Dave Chandler,

Jay Cummings, Bernie Mehl, Francine Shuchat, Mary Gregory,

Kelly Duncan, Margaret Mordy, Loyal Gould, Jeannie English, and the thousands of students I have had during the past few years.

Each of them has provided unique insight on both the topics of

this dissertation and the values to which I aspire.

My wife, Pat, deserves more than thanks. She has done

more than her share.

The typist for the final draft, Jane Wyatt, is gratefully

acknowledged for her skill and persistence in its preparation.

Finally, I can not neglect my appreciation for most of

the other people in this University for demonstrating to me what

I would wish not to make of my life or the lives of others. VITA

S e p tem b er ,1947 Born, Tiffin, Ohio

1965 Attended Heidelberg College, Tiffin, Ohio

1 9 6 6 -1 9 6 9 Bartender, road repairman, galvanizing equipment operator, construction laborer, and plant security guard.

1969 B.S, in social studies education, The Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio.

1 9 6 8 -1 9 7 3 Various experiences in organizing, consulting, and teaching with various social service agencies, drug crisis centers, runaway houses, public and parochial schools in the Columbus area.

1970 M .A. in curriculum, The Ohio State University.

1970 Research Specialist, computer- assisted instruction, Office of the Vice-President for Academic Affairs, The Ohio State University.

1 9 7 1 -1 9 7 3 Teaching Associate and Coordinator, Black Education Center, The Ohio State University. PUBLICATIONS

"Stop the Dissertation!", Educational Leadership, April, 1971.

"Adult Needs Today: The Fruits of Neglect," Adult Education, Fall, 1971.

"Review of To Live on This Earth: American Indian Education, by Estelle Fuchs and Robert J. Havighurst,11 Educational Studies, Summer, 1973.

"The Implications of Career Education for Adult Education," Mountain-Flains Adult Education Journal, Summer, 1973.

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: Curriculum Theory and Development

Studies in Curriculum. Professor Paul R. Klohr

Studies in Urban Education. Professors A. Donald Bourgeois and Gregory Thomas

Studies in Adult Education. Professor John Ohliger

Studies in Philosophy of Education. Professor Bernard M ehl

v TABLE OF CONTENTS

Pa-gg

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...... ii

VITA ...... iv

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS ...... v ii

C h ap ter

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

II. ALIENATION IN PERSPECTIVE ...... 20

in. ALIENATION AND E D U C A T I O N 128

IV. ELEMENTS OF NON - INST IT UTIONAL CURRICULA ...... 176

V. RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS ... 199

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 206 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Figure I, Developmental Curriculum Elements 186

Figure 2. Confluent Curriculum Elements 188

v ii CH APTER I

INTRODUCTION

Schooling leaves an indelible taint on those it touches.

Like most institutions, whether family, church, political system, or

profession, schooling molds the individual to a distinct mind-set and ideology, whether or not it provides one with useful skills or a body

of knowledge. The effects of schooling have proliferated throxighout the world and their influence pervades social fabric and individual psyche alike. In an era in which the ability to at least marginally direct the actions and opinions of a subject population appears to be waning for many institutionalized bodies, schooling has retained and, to some extent, has even advanced its sphei*e of influence.

In this vein, Illich^ has observed that throughout Latin

America, the majority is so enamored by the possibility of advance­ ment through institutionalized education that it allows itself to be schooled "in a sense of inferiority toward the better-schooled."

*Ivan Illich, Deschooling Society, New York: Harper and Row, 1971, p. 7.

1 Discovering the "hidden curriculum", J a c k s o n ^ has detailed the

"rules, regulations, and routines" the three R's that most

students master to avoid excessive frustration in schools. Snyder has suggested that hidden curricula play a dynamic part in determining senses of worth and self-esteem among both college

students and faculty, while other researchers have discovered that schools affect not only the acquisition of academic skills among young children, but likewise the student's "style of thinking and the meaning and value he assigns to intellectual activity.

Further, the intricate role schools play in breeding non-democratic political socialization has been examined by Apple and others,^

^Philip W. Jackson, "The Student's World," in The Experience of Schooling, edited by Melvin L. Silberman, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1971, pp. 9-25.

^Benson R, Snyder, The Hidden Curriculum, New York: Knopf, 1971.

4pa tricia Minuchin et al. , The Psychological Impact of School Experience, New York: Basic Books, 1969, p. 182.

C Michael W. Apple, "The Hidden Curriculum and the Nature of Conflict," Interchange, Volume 2, Number 4, 1971, pp. 27-40; John Weiser and James Hayes, "Democratic Attitudes of Teachers and Prospective Teachers," Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 47, Number 9, May, 1966, pp. 470-481; Robert E. Mainer, "Attitude Changes in Intergroup Programs," in Anti-Democratic Attitudes in American Schools, edited by H. H. Remmers, Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1963, pp. 122-154. 3

while Holt has awesomely described the manifest fears of children

confronting the monolith of adult expectations in the schools. None

of these traits have much to do with the acquisition of skills and

knowledge as traditionally envisaged in classroom activity, bringing

into question the motivations for supplanting such functions.

Most importantly, these observations reveal that, unlike

other institutions, the realm of schools has been nurtured to the

point that it may overshadow and even swallow the functions of the

others. Such a perception becomes more significant when one is

reminded that in most cultures the more significant portion of the

training of the young takes place within the household,^ suggesting

anew a radical cleavage between "the American way of life" and the

recent ingestion of its institutional mores throughout the rest of the

world. As a nation becomes modernized a pseudonym perhaps

for "Americanized" it is confronted with the probability of being

^John Holt, How Children Fail, New York: Pitman, 1964. For related analyses of these phenomena, see Henry J, Pei*kinson, The Imperfect Panacea: American Faith in Education, 1865-1965, New York*. Random House, 1968, Jeffrey R. Herold, "The American Faith in Schools as an Agency of Progress: Promise and Filfillment," Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, College of Education, The Ohio State University, 1969.

^Melville J. Herkovits,Man and His Works, New York: Knopf, 1949, p. 311. transformed into a "temporary society," characterized by Bennis®

as being wrought with "non-permanent relations, turbulence,

up rootedness, unconnectedness, mobility, and above all, unexampled

social change," Certainly these are substantive ingredients of what

has been commonly regarded as alienation. Indeed, whereas the

family or the church once held exclusive domain over the psychic

allegiances of individuals, before the contemporary rise of the

"plurality" of allegiances to institutions, 9 schooling may now be achieving the rank of "total institution,"*® heralding the demise

of competitionam ong institutions in any developed country for the individual's time, mind, and body, and signalling the advent of

schools, as institutions, with unparalleled powers in determining individual civil and human rights.

^Warren G, Bennis and Philip E, Slater, The Temporary Society, New York: Harper and Row, 1968, p. 124,

®see Robert K, Merton and Robert A, Nisbet, editors, Contemporary Social Problem s, (second edition), New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1966, pp. 19-20.

*®This term is the invention of Erving Goff man in his book, Asylums , New York: Doubleday-Anchor, 1961. Schools are z-aled as "progressive versions" of total institutions by Tony Callet, "Two Classroom s," in The Experience of Schooling, Silberman, Editor, p. 255. The school as custodial total institution is examined by Everett Reimer, School Is Dead, Garden City, New York: Doubleday, 1971, p. 37-38. It has been charged by Friedenberg* * that teen-agers, like prisoners and hospital patients, "are helpless in the toils of their respective institutions. By definition they are there for their own good," Not only does this remind one the schools have become, with the elaborate degree and licensing programs, "the gatekeepers of society" or some sort of universal and interchangeable approval agencies, but there is a seemingly irreversible inter­ national trend toward spending more years in school. From several quarters one hears enthusiastic talk of cradle-to-grave schooling.

For example, Beckwith 1 3 has calculated that more adults will be

spending more time in vocational education classes at geometrically-

expanding rates in the decades to come, and that eventually most of the world's population between the ages of ten and eighteen will

spend 260-300 days per year in school. W hite^ has predicted that

"within a few decades most Western societies will assume public

H-Edgar Z. Friedenberg, Coming of Age in America, New York: Random House, 1963, p. 181,

12Charles E. Silberman, Crisis in the Classroom, New York: Random House, 1970, p. 69.

^Burnham P, Beckwith, The Next 500 Years, New York: Exposition P ress, 1967, pp. 217-222.

^Burton L. White, "High Payoff Likely on Money Invested in Early Childhood Education," Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 53, Number 10, June, 1972, p. 611. responsibility for guiding the educational development of all children from birth." In nearly all explanations of the future of schooling, either the parent or the child or both are tagged for increased classroom exposure. Occasionally, platitudes are exchanged among those who recognize the value of utilizing such terms as "deschooling" and "alternative forms of education," but rarely does one witness efforts to move boldly in the direction of checking the rapid and vitually unquestioned advancement of the province of the school. This is perhaps a consequence of a failure to realize that the idea of schooling, especially schooling the

"m asses," is a most recent development in history, ushered in by the prominence of certain economic and political arrangements.

These stimulated the progressive intentions in the early pai*t of the twentieth century to educate "the whole child" by filling the educational void left by the decline of the extended family and the rise of a productive system "incapable of teaching its habits and customs to those who would be the next generation of producers,1'^

Soon education, through schooling, had capitulated to the business

^Solon T. Kimball and James E. McClellan, Jr., Education and the New Am erica, New York: Random House, 1962, p. 104. ideology in American culture. ^ Thus contemporary educators in

technologized nations converged on the idea of compulsory schooling, which controled access to the "labor market" through both training and detention. In almost all cases, "compulsory education" has

meant "compulsory schooling," and has expanded into the notion of

"permanent schooling." Another way of accounting for this

metamorphosis is provided by a glance at the caveats of many futurologists who have noted that the guiding norm of the techno­ logical age may be summed up in the notion that "since it is 17 possible, it is necessary;" as Ellul has observed, "everything which is technique is necessarily used as soon as it is available, without distinction of good or evil." Many European educators have decided that the challenges to modern man the acceleration of change, demographic expansion, increased leisure, the "information explosion," and complex political and ideological shifts-----

16 see Raymond E. Callahan, Education and the Crrlt of Efficiency, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1962; Clai-ence J. Karier, "Business Values and the Educational State," in The Roots of Crisis: Education in the Twentieth Century, edited by Clarence J. Karier, Paul Violas, and Joel Spring, Chicago: Rand McNally, 1973, pp. 6-29.

^Jacques Ellul, The Technological Society, {translated by John Wilkinson), New York: Random House, 1964, p. 99. 1 8 necessitate state-controlled "education permanente ." 1 O thers have viewed lifelong schooling as a prime means of facilitating more power and respect for the teaching profession. ^

The danger that these adherents seem to neglect is that education is not the same as schooling. Schooling very often does not permit access to the skills and knowledge that educators seem to desire universally for learners. It does, however, usually bestow upon the learner such dubious virtues as the ability to sui’vive in a crowd, to wait without knowing or asking why one is waiting, to think that what others think one docs is more important than what one actually does, and to make hard and fast distinctions between the weak and the powerful. 20

l^Paul Long rand, An Introduction to Lifelong Education, Paris: UNESCO, 1970; Paul Lengrand, "Three Examples of the Application of the Concept of Education Permanente," Convergence, Volume 1, Number 4, 1968, pp. 6-11, Torsten Husen, "Lifelong Learning in the 'Educative Society1," International Review of Applied Psychology, Volume 17, Number 2, 1969, pp. 87-98.

*9j. Roby Kidd, "The Implications of Education Permanente for University Adult Education," in Occasional Paper II: The Concept of Lifelong Integrated Learning, "Education Permanente", and Some Implications for University Adult Education, edited by A. A. Live right, Hamilton, Ontario: International Congress of University Adult Education, 1968, p. 19; Paul McGhee, The Learning Society, Chicago: Center for the Study of Liberal Education for Adults, 1959.

20 Philip W. Jackson, Life in Classroom s, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1968, pp. 10-11, 14. Education is not a segregated activity encapsulated in certain times and places, as Hutchins^* has observed, and yet many educators continue to assume that "anyone who discontinues schooling before receiving a diploma or degree is 'dropping out1, and anyone who enrolls in educational institutions after the 'normal' period is 'making up'." 22 Many neglect the reality that compulsory learning has mandated massive standardization of educational procedures in those countries that have erected complex schooling 2 3 machinery , and similarly many seem to have forgotten that such standardization was the precise evil singled out by John Dewey and other progressives who dreamed of the "educative society." This demandingly systematic approach, at least throughout the American experience, has opened the door more to commercial exploitation than to innovation and creative divergence.^

^Robert M. Hutchins, The Learning Society, New York: Praeger, 1968.

^Robert J. Blakely, "Introduction," in Toward the Educative Society, edited by Alexander N. Charters, Syracuse: University Publications in Continuing Education, 1971, p. 1, 2 3 Michael Huberman, "Reflections on the Democratization of Secondary and Higher Education," The Times Educational Supplement, August 21, 1970, p. 10, 27.

^Sally H. Wertheim, "The Common School as a Marketplace," School Review, Vol. 80, No. 3, May, 1972, pp. 483-491. 10

If thei*e is to be a "new synthesis" in education to aid in abating the forces which distort cherished human traits, it must be, as Blakely^ has encouraged, "a synthesis of authentic differences, not an ai*tifical homogeneous m ass. It must be achieved and created, not imposed. It must be dynamic, not static. It must be continually provisional and constantly evolving." Indeed, this poses a threat to certain elements in any society. Because the static political order of any given nation cannot chance too much awareness, originality, and ambiguity, schooling is sustained by those who will benefit most from the teaching of acquiescence rather than the

"liberation from taboos. Is it any wonder that increasingly researchers find that students have a well-developed cynical regard for the "invisible cxxrriculum" and that they view it as a calculated effort to squeeze them into a social mold over which they have no

71 co n tro l ?

25Robert J. Blakely, The New Environment: Q\iestions for Adult Educators, Syracuse: Syracuse University Publications in Continuing Education, 1971, pp. 6-7.

2&Peter Schrag, "Ivan Illich: The Christian as Rebel," Saturday Review, Vol. 52, No. 29, July 19, 1969, p. 19.

27,See Kathryn Johnston Noyes and Gordon L. McAndrew, "Is This What Schools Are For?"; David Mallery, "High School Students Speak Out An Excerpt;" Eleanor Burke Leacock, "Teaching and Learning in City Schools An Excerpt," in Silberman, (ed.), The Experience of Schooling, pp. 321-327, 328-336, 346-361, respectively. 11

STATEMENT OF THE PROBLEM

Because of schooling's phenomenal rise to power, rigorous study is needed to examine the success of its ideology and to isolate both the factors that have contributed to this success and the sundry conditions that have resulted. After a review of alienation in its historical and modern social science contexts, this study will reflect on the process of alienation as it relates to school­ ing. Although the concept of alienation has proven to be sadly vulnerable as a catch-all for pinpointing social and personal ills, a careful review of the concept and the social units to which it has been commonly applied should enable one to avoid hasty generalisa­ tion. The assumption here, however, is not that alienation is a totally destructive entity and something to be purged from life experiences, but that worthwhile efforts might be aimed at mitigating its more ruinous potential. The author's purposes regarding the concept of alienation do not involve an intention to expose new formulations about the phenomenon. Rather, this project should be viewed as an effort to compile and i*eport the multitude of perceptions of others in various fields of inquiry.

This is intended to provide a "screen" through which the process of schooling may be viewed. 12

Throughout this inquiry, schools will be regarded as

multifaceted institutions, imbued with certain cultural, psychological,

social, political, and economic powers. Their frequently unstudied

and uncontrolled impact in these areas certainly warrants scrutiny.

For instance, can one any longer merely assume that institutions

mold individual values, or rather that they reflect pre-established

values, or both? Rogers^® has suggested that the discrepancy

between the individual's concept of what his values are or should be

and what he experiences day to day in his environment "is part of the

fundamental estrangement of modern man from himself." It should

be determined if, when, how and why schools feed into and feed on

such discrepancy, and whether this process can be constructively

reoriented.

.Likewise, the symbolic value of schooling will be examined, along with the process whereby institutions tend to become more important for their symbolic abilities than for any measurable or

2®Carl R. Rogers, Barry Stevens, et al. , Person to Person: The Problem of Being Human, Lafayette, California: Real People Press, 1967, p. 12. 13 tangible productivity.^ This is not meant as an inference that institutions are unnecessary, that education cannot take place within them, or even that they cannot be transformed. Such an argument would involve a departure from the reality that institutions are composites of individual habits and evolve almost naturally from human inclinations toward social interaction and cooperation. It is expedient, however, to question whether institutions, particularly schools, have over-evolved, whether individuals have come to be viewed only in terms of the institutions in which they participate, and whether individual worth is gauged almost exclusively through institutional m easures.^ Such a level of organization becomes destructive of human values because "the machine holds the center and the personality has been pushed to the periphery: a process which remains sinister even when the intention is benign." 31

^^Whitehead has suggested that it "is the task of reason to understand and purge the symbols on which humanity depends." See Alfred North Whitehead, Symbolism: Its Meaning and Effect, New York: Macmillan, 1927, p. 7. For a further discussion of the distortions of institutional symbolism, see Joel Kovel, White Racism: A Fsychohistory, New York: Random House, 1970, p. 5. On the symbolic functions of teachers and schools in technological society, see George Gerbner, "Teacher Image and the Hidden Curriculum," The American Scholar, Volume 42, Number 1, Winter, 1972-1973, pp. 6 6 -9 2 . 30 see Floyd Henry Allport, Institutional Behavior, Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1933, pp. 215-216, 31 L,ewis Mumford, The Condition of Man, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1944, p. 394. 14

To the extent that institutions no longer complement humanity they can and must, like habits, be changed or abandoned. Even John

Dewey and other theorists of progressive education, as Katz^32 has noted, generally failed to question "whether it was possible to effect a reform of pedagogy within the bureaucratic structure of urban schools." Suggesting the de-institutionalization of society's educative process should facilitate greater comprehension of the need to differentiate between the process of learning and the process of schooling. One can, and very often does, take place in the total absence of the other.

The foregoing study will be made against a background analysis of the documented failures and successes of American schools for different ethnic, racial, and socio-economic groups.

Questions to be examined involve whether faith vested in the schooling process has been rewarded, whether curricula proffered by schools have yielded (or can yield) unified respect for cultural differences, or have provided instead the foundations for bigotry, and whether schooling helps furnish a boot-strap out of poverty, or instead a rationalization for increasingly exploitive political and economic strategies.

^M ichael B.Katz, Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools: The Illusion of Educational Change in America, New York: Praeger, 1971, p. 119. 15

Finally, from this inquiry a new synthesis will be formulated, a projection of non-institutional curricula. It is not

presumed that such curricula could instantaneously replace the

myriad devices of schooling presently in operation, nor is it by any

means certain that schools should be completely abandoned. The curriculum elements to be proposed are intended to enhance and rectify current practice when possible, and to unfold new educational possibilities when necessary. The elements of such curricula and the interplay among them will be juxtaposed with a consideration of the forces of inertia and other unfavorable political components that have prevented and continue to obviate the inception and growth of real edxicational change.

PROCEDURES FOR THE STUDY

The mode of inquiry to be used in this study is essentially philosophical-logical, utilizing both analysis and synthesis. A sociology of knowledge approach will be applied, not only because it recognizes that "knowledge" has vastly different

*2 '5 meanings in different cultures and sxibcultures , but it also makes

33 * * Berger and Luckman have defined this discipline as one which "must concern itself with whatever passes for 'knowledge' in a society, regardless of the ultimate validity or invalidity (by whatever criteria) of such 'knowledge.'" See Peter JL. Berger and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge, Garden City, New York: 16

available, in the words of the man who first introduced the term to

American scholars, new possibilities and varied insights through

three "tendencies":

...first, the tendency towards the self-criticism of collective-unconscious motivations, in so far as they determine modern social thinking: secondary, the tendency towards the establish­ ment of a new type of intellectual history which is able to interpret changes in ideas in relation to social-historical changes; and, third, the tendency towards the revision of our epistemology which up to now has not taken the social nature of thought sufficiently into account. The sociology of knowledge is, in this sense, the systematization of the doubt which is to be found in social life as a vague insecurity and uncertainty. ^

Cassirer^S has revealed that, at least in the sciences and the study of history, philosophy no longer leads the sciences in determining

"truth", but has been led by them, and the changes incumbent with the scientific revolution must be pondered before on may arrive at an understanding of the moving forces within the problem of knowledge itself. This study seeks to transcend satirical

Doubleday-Anchor, 1967, p. 3. An excellent example of the application of this approach is found in an anthropological account of experiences with a Yacqui Indian medicine man. See Carlos Castaneda, A Separate Reality: Further Conversations with Don Juan, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971, especially pp. 12-15.

•^Karl Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge, (translated by Louis Wirth and Edward Shils), New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1936, pp. 49-50. 35 Ernst Cassirer, The Problem of Knowledge: Philosophy, Science, and History Since Hegel, (translated by William H. Woglom and Charles W. Iiendel), New Haven: Yale University Press, 1950. references to the existence of multiple versions of trvith and

reality; the latitude permitted by the sociology of knowledge approach

encompasses various historical forces and social patterns and renders

it possible to richly survey many disciplines in an overall attempt to

enlighten one of them.

Here this method will be applied specifically to examine

issues and problems related to the influence of schooling on certain

sub-groups in society. While some philosophical speculation is

apparent, this study has sought to avoid the extreme of that practice, which often delves into profound moral examinations and tends to be expressed in a highly polemic style making it difficult to sepai*ate philosophical from educational problems. The other extreme

guarded against here is what B e t e i l l e ^ has characterized as a pitfall among recent American contributions in the social sciences:

"The poverty of their approach derives from an obsessive concern for "methodology" and scientific precision at the expense of sociologically significant problems."

These procedures will doubtless have the limitations commonly associated with this mode of inquiry; however, this

^Andre Beteille, (ed.), Social Inequality: Selected Headings, Baltimore: Penquin Books, 1969, p. 10. 18 discussion of normative questions inevitably involves educationally significant problems which have been (or can be) discussed in terms of empirically testable propositions. Nothing here is pertinent to methodological queries as such; such works have a certain mechanical quality which is incongruous with this writer's motives.

The research itself is viewed as a heuristic undertaking to develop a new conceptual framework which hopefully will assist in generating improved instructional arrangements in developed nations. The process is best described as "middle range theorizing." Many thoughtful observers of the educational scene have urged that such efforts are greatly needed. A significant outcome of this inquiry will be the kinds of fresh questions that are raised. Extensive additional work will be required in pursuit of the topic in field situations and theoretical sifting.

ORGANIZATION OF THE DISSERTATION

The study will be organized into five parts. Chapter I has contained an introduction, background analysis, and statement of the problem. Chapter II will review the concept of alienation in historical and contemporary philosophy and social science perspective. Chapter III will relate alienation to schools and detail the side-effects of schooling on selected subgroups within American society. Chapter IV will project a conceptual outline for non-institutional curricula which are to weaken the potentiality of negative forms of alienation. Chapter V will draw conclusions and make recommendations for future research. CHAPTER II

ALIENATION IN PERSPECTIVE

A reliable measure of mass culture may be the ease with which popularity emasculates a word. American slang has moved in a generation from "coolsville" to "neat" to "hot" to "cool" to

"groovy" to "heavy" to "far out" to "right on", all to describe greatly similar feelings. The once useful word, "relevant", now has been cast on the scrap pile of obsolete adjectives, and

"repressive" may soon follow it. One may be sure that the events of new months and years do not of necessity demand new adjectives, but constant usage does seem to exact a tremendous toll from the ability to communicate.

The word "alienation", since Fromm popularized it in the psychology of the previous two decades, and Camus and others characterized it in the novels of the same era, has likewise suffered from exhaustion. Contemporary authors who discuss incidents or ideas intimately related to alienation very often choose not to use the word, quite probably because they fear being labeled as trite or judged out of fashion before they are heard. Moreover, recent events in American life the widespread campus disturbances of

20 21

1970, the discovery of "middle America", the exodus of tens of

thousands of young Americans to Canada, the gutting of national

conscience over the interminable Asian tragedy, and the escalated

consumption of narcotics in all sectors of American life which might understandably be rooted in alienation, are decreasingly described with that term in recent literature.

But "alienation" has suffered doubly. In addition to being relegated to the level of wholesale banality through sheer frequency of use, the variety of meanings it has been called upon to serve have shared in its demise as a cogent description of human dilemmas. Likewise, lack of agreement and the paucity of efforts to achieve consensus on what is meant by alienation have permitted the fertilization of confusion not only on what alienation is , but on who is alienated, who or what alienates them, why one becomes alienated, and, most importantly, whether alienation is inevitable.

To grasp the full impact of the problem, one may benefit from a review of the divergent contexts of the word. One reads of the alienation of the poor, the workers, and the affluent; of "middle

America" and the "silent majority"; of black and white Americans,

"ethnic" whites, Mexic an - Ame r ic an s, Asian Am ericans, Fuei*to

Ricans, and Native Americans. Everyone has heard of the alienated young, which is complemented by the alienation of the 22 aged and the middle-aged. Southerners are frequently categorized

as alienated from Northerners, and rural inhabitants from urbanites.

There have been studies of the alienated voter. Alienation is some­

times said to be rooted in ignorance, but one is also told of the alientation of intellectuals and technocrats. Man is said to be alienated from his government, his society, his gods, and from freedom. Other thoughts and images converge to complicate and baffle efforts at comprehension: one is bombarded by theories of

"mass society", "existential man", anomie, estrangement, malaise, and self-alienation.

Is there a common denominator among these usages?

In a modern society each type of alienation may relate back to institutional processes, inasmuch as virtually everyone incurs them. Alone, this would be a thoroughly spurious argument, because those who engage institutional routines inevitably experience many other things: birth, food, religion, love, etc. To establish whether there is a correlation between alienation and schooling, and to move toward a concise definition of alientation for the purposes of this study, each type needs to be examined in an effort to sift out components and establish similarities. A survey of such components through the history of Western man complements the desired perspective for this task. This is not merely an attempt 23

to instill new vigor in a word or concept, but to begin to discern

what has been passed over in the absence of the interdisciplinary

view. For alienation is more than a set of attitudes which may be

observed in human behavior; it is a dynamic historical force. When

one speaks of history in this sense, it must be taken to mean more

than the unfolding of human events; one must also consider the

history of ideas, the psycho-historical processes by which

philosophy has developed and man's image of himself and his

universe has grown. The impact of this growth is most evident when

one unveils the recorded origins of these images.

PLATO AND ALIENATION

One cannot know the precise impact of the loss of historic and pre-historic records throughout the world, particularly

in Africa, Asia, and the Western hemisphere. It is very likely, according to N ietzsche ^, that even "the m ost im pressive part of

Greek thought and its verbal expression is lost to us." Once the misfortune of Western Civilization's recurring failure to honor the oral tradition and cultural diversity among the world's people is acknowledged, one must cite Plato as the first great Western

^Friedrich N ietzsch e, Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks, (translated by Marianne Cowan), Chicago: Henry KegneryCo., 1962, p. 36. ‘ 24

thinker known to contemporary man through a variety of complete

and verifiable works. More importantly, he is generally regarded

as the foundation of Western philosophy:

The safest general characteristic of the European philosophical tradition is that it consists of a series of footnotes to Plato. I do not mean the systematic scheme of thought which scholars have doubtfully extracted from his writings. I allude to the wealth of general ideas scattered through them.^

Was Plato an alienated man? More exactly, one must

ask if he experienced "political" alienation, since the bulk of his ■3 works made politics their central theme. Kaufmann has noted that

the Republic, Plato's most formidable accomplishment, is the work

of a man "disaffected, disallusioned, and convinced that it would be

utterly pointless for him to try to pai*ticipate in the public life of

his city." Despairing of democracy, he argued that men could not

attend to both their own and to public affairs. He formulated the

concept of the "philosopher-king", "and not only fox*mulated it, but

also paid two visits to Sicily in the vain hope of making such a

^Alfred North Whitehead, Process and Reality, New York: Macmillan Co. , 1929, p. 63. 3 Walter Kaufmann, "The Inevitability of Alienation," introductory essay to Richard Schacht, Alienation, Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co. , 1970, p. xxix. 25 philosopher-king out of Dionysius the young ruler of Syracuse."^

Among Plato's detractors, several have sought to link him to modern totalitarian regimes because of this. The totality of his works have been indicted as a series of demands for class rule guided by totalitarian methods^, and as an argument for "educational dictatorship"^, which "ossifies the free spirit of reason and perverts it into an instrximent of repression,"^ while others have observed that many scholars were attracted to German and Italian fascism through visions of an emerging realm of philosopher-kings. ®

Platonists counter that one must consider the safe­ guards interposed between the rulers and the ruled in the Republic and the Laws, that it is unfair to apply twenty-three century old

^H. D. F. Kitto, The Greeks, Baltimore: Penquin Books, 1951, p. 158, Intriguing refutation of Plato's assertions that Athenian democracy did not work is provided by A.W . Gomme, "The Working of the Athenian Democracy," in Political Sociology, edited by S. N. Eisenstadt, New York: Basic Books, 1971, pp. 203-211,

^Karl R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, Princeton, N. J,: Princeton University Press, 1950,

^Herbert Marcuse, Eros and Civilization, Boston: Beacon Press, 1955, p. 206,

^R. H. S. Crossman, Plato Today, London: Geox*ge Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1937, p. 199.

^George L. Mosse, "Fascism and the Intellectuals," in The Nature of Fascism , edited by S, ,T. Woolf, New York: Random House, Inc., 1969> p. 217. 26 dictums to current and often, transitory imagery and experiences, and that Plato hated tyranny and offered Socratic education to guard a against it. It has been suggested that Fromm and Plato shared in much the same way the feax* that unrestrained freedom leads to an

"escape from freedom" and eventual slavery^, and Becker^ has insisted that Plato's thought, like Rousseau's, be treated as a

"moral critique" involving "ideal-types" not meant to be applied to

"real happenings". Further, H. G. W ells^ found the Republic to be a "libex*ating book," helping him to realize that no two events are identical and suggesting that "the whole fabric of law, custom, and worship, which seemed so invincibly established, might be

^See Mulford Q. Sibley, "The Place of Classical Political Theory in the Study of Politics: The Legitimate Spell of Plato," in Approaches to the Study of Politics, edited by Roland Young, Evanston, 111.: Northwestern University P ress, 1958, pp. 125-148; John Wild, "Plato as an Enemy of Democracy: A Rejoinder," in Plato: Totalitarian or Democrat? , edited by Thomas Li, Thorson, Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1963, pp. 105-128; Ronald B. Levinson, In Defense of Plato, Cambridge, M ass.: Harvax*d U niversity P r e s s , 1953.

*®John H. H allow ell, "Plato and the M oral Foundation of Democracy," in Plato: Totalitarian or Democrat? , Thorson, ed. , pp. 130, 150.

^Ernst Becker, The Structure of Evil, New York: George Bi*aziller, 1968, p. 30.

G, Wells, quoted in Jack Williamson, "H. G, Wells: The Man Who Discovered Tomorrow," Satxirday Review, January 1,

1972, p. 12. 27 cast into the melting pot and made anew."

It is not the goal of this study to side with one or another force in this argument, nor is it regarded as especially productive at this point to engage in a prolonged examination of the inter­ connectedness of authoritarianism and alienation. Plato and his works may be easily ajudged to be authoritarian if by that term one means only knowledge on the basis of authority. Perhaps it is not a debilitation that such authority retains its respect if its claims to truth are viable. ^ What must be noted at this point, however, is that many of Plato's attitudes, reflected in his deeds as well as his writing, characterize several aspects of modern alienation.

Although Aristotelian thought will be examined in more detail at a later point, it is appropriate here to note that, writing in much more placid times than Plato, Aristotle^ rejected Plato's ideal state as a monolithic hollowness leading to "an inferior state, like harmony passing into unison, or rhythm which has been reduced to a single foot." There is in any case much more involved in the

I 3 Joseph R. Royce, The Encapsulated Man, Princeton, N. J.: D. Van Nostrand and Co., 1964, p. 17. Plato's supporters are at odds on this point, as on many others. While Royce sees such claims to triith as "viable", Dewey views Plato's educational thought as revolutionary, but still "in bondage to static ideals." See John Dewey, Democracy and Education, New York: The Free Press, 1966, p. 91.

^Aristotle, Politics, (translated by Benjamin Jowett), Oxford, England: Clarendon Press, 1923, Ch. 2, Section 5, p. 15. 28

search for alienation's sources. Alientation and authoritarianism,

may share very little after it is acknowledged that "pessimism,

distrust, and anxiety characterize both concepts,"^ and, as

Coser^ has observed, "the authoritarian regimes of modern

Europe were all instituted in the wake of a serious loss of internal

cohesion bordering on anomie."

ALIENATION IN EARLY CHRISTIANITY

An elaborate survey among the pivotal figures in the history of Western philosophy would be tedious and repetitive of 17 superlative examination of such individuals already undertaken.

Yet some reflection on the lives of those thinkers who have obviously spurred the development of modern thought (giving rise to life as encountered in the West) is crucial in a quest to uncover

l^John P. Kirscht and Ronald C. Dillchay, Dimensions of Authoritarianism: A Review of Research and Theory, Lexington, Ky.: University of Kentucky Press, 1967, p. 80.

^Lewis A. Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, New York: The Free Press, 1956, p. 89.

l^See, for example, Erik H. Erikson, Young Man Luther, New York: W. W. Norton and Co. , 1962; Conor Cruise O'Brien, Albert Camus, New Yoi*k: Viking Press, 1971; Robert Payne, M arx, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1968; Walter Kaufmann, Hegel: A Reinterpretation, New York: Doubleday and Co., 1965; Walter Kaufmann, Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist, Princeton, N. J.: Princeton University Press, 1968.- 29 the extent of alienating influences on them. Tracing the growth of this tradition of thought not only links what have been called the ancient and classical worlds to the present, but it elucidates common themes and correlatives, including alienation, during the expansion of thought in the past two thousand years.

The growth of religion, particularly Christianity, during these two millennia is the most common, yet most enigmatic theme.

Not only because modern philosophy has taken over the complexity of problems once subsumed under theology, but, relatedly, because

"attempts to define human nature almost invariably end with some 18 construction of a deity", or "Platonic idea of man" , the dominant religion of the West may be regarded as a catch-all of attempts to overcome the alienating factors of human life. The great Spanish thinker, Jose Ortega y Gasset, affixes the historical emergence of

Christianity to the very structure of life in "the modern age":

We cannot understand it (Christianity) if we do not first interpose a few .. .words about the situation in which man found himself in the first century before Christ. Greek man, Roman man, Jewish man, all of them found them selves in the same essential situation. What was this? Strictly speaking, one word describes it----- desparation. One cannot understand Christianity unless one starts with the basic of desparation. '

l®Hannah Arendt, The Human Condition, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1958, p. 12.

19 Jose i Ortega i y Gasset, Man and Crisis, (translated by Mildred Adams), New York: W. W. Norton and Co. , 1958, p. 118. 30

And though it was soon, to be diluted and circumscribed by hierarchy and elitism, it was from the "stratum of the poor, uneducated,

revolutionary m asses (that) Christianity arose as a significant historical messianic-revolutionary movement."^

At the ideological apex of this desparation was St.

Augustine of Hippo, generally regarded as the intellectual genesis for the Roman Church21 , and the dominant theological, hence political and philosophical spokesman in the West for nearly a 22 thousand years. Born amid the controversies among pagans and

Christians in North Africa, and largely won over to the caprices of epicurean indulgences as a youth, Augustine may easily be considered to have been alienated from his own past when one reviews his ultra-pious and dogmatic positions on, for example, the uses of the powers of the state to enforce religious teachings

^Erich Fromm, The Dogma of Christ and Other Essays on Religion, Psychology, and Culture, Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co., 1966, p. 36.

21-See W illiam H. M cN eill, The R ise of the W est, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1963, p. 409; Friedrich Heer, The Intellectual History of Europe, (translated by Jonathan Steinberg), Cleveland: World Publishing Co, , 1966, pp. 20-24; Herbert J. Muller, Freedom in the Ancient World, Liondon: Seeker and Warburg, 1962, p. 320,

^^See C. D. Darlington, The Evolution on Man and Society, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1969» p. 315; H. G. Wells, The Outline of History, New York: Garden City Publishing Co., 1931, pp. 555-556. 31 and his vitriolic attacks on paganism and whatever else he regarded as heresy or schism. ^ Alienation may aptly describe the sublimating anti-intellectualism and disallusionment with mundane pursuits characterized by his writings, particularly The City of

God, written after Rome was destroyed and as the Vandals were encircling Augustine's homeland.

There is irony in the direction of Augustine's alienation.

Within the secular world, he was alienated to religion so forcefully that he substantially aided the unfolding of a theocratic system from which nearly all later philosophical thought was to be alienated. The era known as the Dark Ages may in one sense be viewed as dismal centuries of terror' often sanctioned by God's emissaries and of stationary marches through the oppressive vigors of religious dogma, in addition to the more usual images of social and political upheaval recalled by this term. From Abelard and the rise of universities in the twelth century to Sartre and Marcuse in Lhe twentieth century, the crucial thinkers who have not challenged at least the traditional precepts of the formal religions of their day are by the far the exceptions rather than the rule.

2 3se,e Will Durant, The Age of Faith, New York: Simon and Schuster, i960, pp. 64-75; Herbert A, Deane, The Political and Social Ideas of St. Augustine, New York: Columbia University Press , 1963. 32

Alienation and religion are i*elated in a variety of other

ways, Schacht^ has observed that Luther and Calvin employed thie

term, although infrequently, to describe "the estrangement of a

person from God," and Roger Bacon's plea for freedom in

scientific research in the thirteenth century against the Church's

"rabble of philosophizers" reflects at least one early scientist's

alienation from the creation of utopia by philosophy and theology

alone. 2 *5 One may certainly sense the alienation of the early

Protestant leaders through a tnere glance at their rebellion against

Catholicism and the social upheavals that they stirred throughout

Europe. Similarly, the raging caveats of Amos and .Teremiah and

the social activism of the Disciples carry over today in the

resistance of Bonhoeffer to Hitler and the B errigan brothers to unreasoning authority and terror.^ Of course, these incidents can hardly be said to be reflective of a rejection of God or a- manifestation of the demise of faith; one may be simultaneously in

^Richard Schacht, Alienation, Garden City, N, Y.: Doubleday and Co., 1970, pp. 15-16.

25Mal achi Martin, "The Insignificant Cry of Roger Bacon," Intellectual Digest, Vol. 2, No. 12, August, 1972, pp. 52-55.

^^Seo Larry L. Rasmussen, Dietrich Bonhoeffer: Reality atad Resistance, Nashville: Abingdon P ress, 1972; Daniel Berrigan, The Trial of the Catonsyille Nine, Boston: Beacon Press, 1970. 33 touch with tradition and profoundly at odds with it. The relevance of such affairs rests in the notion that something is seriously afoul in the world that can nonetheless be corrected. What may be described as optimistic alienation moves parallel to levels of frustration and senses of powerlessness. Redemption is implicit in the very idea of alienation: "To say that we are alienated is to imply that we can reclaim ourselves. , ,we can get to feeling better. "^7

ALIENATION IN THE MEDIEVAL WORLD

As Europe struggled from the bonds of the Dark Ages, the introduction of philosophy and science from the Moslem and

Byzantine worlds and the rise of universities accentuated the discontent rampant among the intelligensia of the West. The audacious and self-confident Abelard, in giving impetus to the

French universities of the twelth century, was first alienated from the confinement of episcopal and monastic schools and the compulsions of official dogma. Rather than succumbing to the cloister effect and tunnel vision encouraged by the Church, which

^^Mark M esser, "The Conceptual Importance of Being 'Far Out': or, The First Humanists, Too, Were Alienated Beyond Redemption," in Youth and Social Change, edited by Morton Levitt and Ben Rubenstein, Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972, p. 111. 34

was struggling to maintain some semblance of political unity within

its sphere of influence, he battled to expand education systems and

to spread the newly acquired knowledge. ^8 "Such an invasion by

alien thought was a mental shock of the first order to the immature

West,and the influx of Aristotelian thought set the stage for

Aquinas' dualism by which reason and faith were to be able to exist

side by side.

Although this dualism (those attached to it are sometimes

called Nominalists) was later to be sundered by more accurate

translations from Greek and by counter-reactions against its own

dogmatic fashion, it was the culmination of furvid efforts forged by

countless scholars who suffex-ed the wrath of the Church in many ways for their exercise of fx*ee thought and speech, and their

sacrifices were rationalized accordingly:

. . .this type of study was a menace to the Faith, what the Church taught was enough; Catholics should simply accept whatever difficulties might be involved in the intellectual content of the Faith, thoi*e should be no further attempt to resolve them, and so forth. 30

28Gabriel C ompayre, Abelard and the Origin and Early History of Univei-sities, New York: Charles Scribner" s Sons, 1893, pp. 3-23; Nathan Schachner, The Mediaeval Universities, New York: A. S, Barnes and Co. , 1938, p. 98. 29 Durant, The Age of Faith, p. 954.

^Lowrie J, Daly, The Medieval University, New Yox*k: Sheed and Ward, 1961, p. 10. 35

As might be anticipated, such restrictions and condemnations precipitated thought and actions throughout Western Europe that frequently typify the alienated aspects of behavior. Particularly, pessimism and sublimation recur among the thinkers of this epoch.

Recovering from the initial shock of the new knowledge of

Aristotle, Averroes, and Maimonides, the officialdom of the West began to revere their works, occasionally modifying or purging aspects of their writings regarded as totally incompatible with

Christian dogma. The most serious study was given to parts of

Aristotle's Rhetoric, dealing in part with the inability of the philosopher to make himself understood to the m asses, who could not possess his level of virtue. He "must be content with suggesting what goodness will do for the community rather than o i what it is_." Such utilitarianism signified the advent of an elite foi'saking the possibility of cultivating the "common" intellect, although a general belief in "man's dignity, power, and natui-al goodness" increased among thinkers of the late Middle Ages, perhaps in reaction to the strong grip of Augustine's mandate of original sin. 32 This process and the popular response to it greatly

^Frederick Wilhelm sen, "Leslie Dewart: Heretic or Hellene?", in The Future of Belief Debate, edited by Gregory Baum, New York: Herder and Herder, 1967, PP« 63-64. 32 Erich Fromm, Man for Himself: An Inquiry into the Psychology of Ethics, New York: Fawcett World Library, 1947, p. 213. 36 reflect the social and political conditions which transformed early

■2 1 Christianity and, incidentally, it is not greatly dissimilar in method from the divisive defense of American slavery in Southern

churches during the previous c e n t u r y . 34 H ence, for Aquinas, 3 K "self-evident propositions are self-evident only to the wise," and the intellect of the heart was preferred to that of the mind for arriving at the truth, thus enabling faith to "leap beyond philosophy"; reason was not to overthrow "the proper autonomy of philosophy."36

One may be tempted to abruptly criticize this mode of thought as ethical oscillation or as redefining the px*oblem to avoid the issue. However, the temper of the era being considered must be evaluated simultaneously with the consequences of one's actions within the era. Innumerable searchers after knowledge before, during, and after Aquinas perpetually faced the spectre of excommunication, torture, and economic deprivation. Because of his hectic and humbling years of confrontation at the University of

^Supra, p. 29-30.

^See H. Shelton Smith, In His Image, But. . Racism in Southern Religion, 1780-1910, Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1972, especially Chs. 2 and 3.

•^Morton White , Religion, Politics, and the Higher Learning, Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959, p. 132. 36 J J. V. Langmead Casserley, "Gabriel Marcel," in Christianity and the Existentialists, edited by Carl Michalson, New York: Charles Sci'ibner's Sons, 1956, p. 80. 37

Paris, Aquinas may have sought ti*anquility in avoiding "the

problematic of human life," as Buber^^ has advised, or he may have recalled the tribulations of Abelard and decided that "the very antagonism of yes and no, . .left no room for intermediate positions, for those nuances of thought in which. . .truth is usually to be

found. " 38 It is difficult to decide whether convenience, compromise, or contemplation resolved the problem, but it may be worthwhile to

observe that the controversy has contemporary significance. H. G.

W ells3<^ credits "Scientific Research" as the outgrowth of

Nominalism. But the current impressions of "value-free" research,

as Gouldner^O observes, may be no more than a pseudo-adjudication of the conflict between reason and faith, and may really be little more than attempts to avoid cognizance of and responsibility for the cultural and moral consequences of research.

3"^Martin Buber, Between Man and Man, (translated by Ronald Gregor Smith), New York: Macmillan, 1965, p. 129.

38Charles Homer Haskins , The Rise of Universities, Ithica, N. Y.: Cornell University Press, 1957, p. 40.

3 9Wells, The Outline of History, p. 760,

40Alvin W. Gouldncr, "Anti-Minotaur: The Myth of Value-Free Sociology," in The New Sociology, edited by Irving Louis Horowitz, New York: Oxford University Press, 1964, pp. 216-217, 38

Buttressed by Weber's^^ invocation that "in order to

penetrate to the real causal relations, we construct unreal ones,"

the bulk of modern inquiry is beset with supposed objectivity,

procedural neutrality, and alleged value-free methods. Yet one

finds an occasional rejection of such assumptions, as in the case of

what Maslow^^ labeled "ought-blitidness":

...let me cite Aristotle's oughtblindness about slavery. When he examined slaves he found that they were, in fact, slavish in character*. This descriptive fact was then assumed by Aristotle to be the true, innermost, instinctual nature of slaves. Therefore, slaves are slaves by nature and they ought to be slaves. Kinsey made a similar mistake by confusing simple, surface description with "normality." He couldn't see what "might" be. This was also true for Freud and his weak psychology of the female. Females in his time did not ordinarily amount to much in fact; but to fail to see their potentialities for further development was like failing to see that a child can grow into adulthood given a chance. Blindness to future possibilities, changes, development, or potentialities leads inevitably to a kind of status quo philosophy in which "what is" (being all there is or can be) must be taken as the norm.

Following Marx, a cluster* of recent thinkers have related

alienation to objectification in the economic as well as the

4 ^quoted in E, A. Shils and H. A. Finch, Max Weber on the Methodology of the Social Sciences, Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1949, pp. 185-186.

42Abraham H. Maslow, The Farther Reaches of Human Nature, New York: Viking Press, 1971, p. 123. 39

psychological sphere. Some suggest that methodological

controversies themselves have produced a disdain among social

scientists for the more gruesome problems of survival in the real w orld.^ Others, like Lukacs, while deploring the inability of bourgeois economic thought to deal with social relations between human beings as such rather than as things, hold that "objectivation is unavoidable in human life labor itself is objectivation; it is only when social forms mutilate the essence of man that there arises the social relation of alienation.

In the medieval world, both philosophy and politics grasped for autonomy from theology as Aristotle’s works gained influence and circulation.^^ The three-century dominance of Aristotelism thought, chiefly through Aquinas, often resembled the previous reign of

Augustine's Platonic interpretations, but there was no intellectual monopoly. Erasmus, with The Praise of Folly, attacked the shoddiness of instruction among the Scholastics and ridiculed the

^See M. Brewster Smith, Social Psychology and Human Values, Chicago: Aldine Publishing Co. , 1969; Herbert C. Kelman, A Time to Speak: On Human Values and Social Research, San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, Inc., 1968.

H. R. Parkinson, Georg Lukacs: The Man, His Work, and His Ideas, New York: Random House, 1970, p. 17.

45john B. Morrall, Political Thought in Medieval Times, New York: Harper and Row, 1962, p. 69. 40

moral and religious bankruptcies of their variegated concerns.

Similarly, Rabelais and Montaigne castigated the "old education",

refusing to "revere the ancients as infallible authorities and...

boldly asserting their right to use their own eyes, and to observe 47 nature for themselves."

ALIENATION AND THE RISE OF PHILOSOPHY

Moving into the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,

Western man was flooded with new scientific, geographic, historical, and philosophical discoveries, and questions of secular importance quickly became secondary to the encompassing debate on the very existence of religion and God. Christianity, most visually i*egarded as the soul and cornerstone of Western civilization, was endangered by metaphysical wanderings and physical discoveries. To salvage it, many scholars found themselves, like Descartes, "recoiling in fear from the hazards of thought and seeking to re-enter the warm womb of faith, although trenchant indictments of the fanaticism

A / See The Colloquies of Erasmus, Volumes I and II, {translated by Nathan Bailey), London: Reeves and Turner, 1878.

^Frederick Eby, The Development of Modern Education, New York: Prentice-Hall, 1952, p. 48.

^W ill and Ariel Durant, The Age of Reason Begins, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1961, p. 640. and intolerance within the Church continued well into the eighteenth cen tu ry D esca rtes’ fear of the Church's power may well have led him to retract much of his writings, to constantly change his residence, and even to avoid discovering calculus. But although he "allowed himself to be cruched by the preestablished order of eternal truths and by the eternal system of values created by God," Descartes may still be admired "for having, in a dictatorial age, laid the groundwork of democracy, for having followed to the very end the demands of the idea of autonomy and for having understood. . .that the sole foundation of being is freed om .

Both skepticism and absolutism plagued the works of

Hobbes, Pascal, Descartes, and Francis Bacon, like Roger Bacon before and Hume later. Most often these men winningly struggled to view the individual as soveriegn, but yet inescapably torn between faith and knowledge. Francis Bacon worked diligently to

"keep science pure from religion, "51 and Descartes, as the

^See, for example, Baron de Montesquieu, The Persian Letters, (translated by J. Robert Loy), Cleveland: World Publishing Co. , 1959.

5®Jean-Paul Sartre, "Cartesian Freedom," in Literary and Philosophical Essays, (translated by Annette Michelson), London: Rider and Co., 1955, pp. 181, 184.

^B asil Willey, The Seventeenth Century Background, Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday and Co., 1953, p. 37. 42 generally accepted Father of Modern Philosophy, made it for later thinkers ‘'natural to appeal to ‘reason,’ the inner tribunal, instead, as hitherto, to external authority."^ Very often these thinkers likewise regarded democracy with critical suspicion and practically devised the scientific method while reproaching the new natural sciences as obliterative of devine essences. But their writings best personify the "pessimism, the desire to build gigantic systems,

CO the nihilism and the despair" of the baroque age, typified by

P a s c a l ^ :

I see those frightful spaces of the universe which surround me, and X find myself tied to one corner of this vast expanse, without knowing why lam put in this place rather than in another, nor why the short time which is given me to live is assigned to me at this point rather than at another of the whole eternity which was before me or which shall come after me.

Kaufmann^ has found this symptomatic malaise prevalent among all great Western philosophers since Descartes, including Spinoza and Leibniz.

^^Willey, ojp. cit. , p. 95.

^H eer, The Intellectual History of Europe, pp. 34 3-344.

^Ouoted in Frederick A. Weiss, "Introduction," The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Vol. 21, No. 2, 1961, p. 117.

^Kaufmann, in Schacht, Alienation, p. xxxiv. 43

Again, there is contemporary significance in this

centuries-old conflict. The cleavages among the realms of science,

religion, and art have produced incalculable bitterness, elitism,

and ativism. Hard words such as "conquest" (used in reference to

the environment) seem to be the unfortunate residue of Descartes'

usage, when he wished for men to become "the lords and possessors

of nature." 56 One schooled in the Western tradition may be untuned

to the idea of existing in communion with nature, a way reflected so

nobly by the Native Americans of the past, but totally alien to

Socrates and Kant. Science today is generally regarded as the

method by which man was able to "tame" his alienating, hostile

environment and move from the struggle for survival to the

pleasures of dominance. Of course, alienation has served art as well as science, but in a much different manner. Because the

artist is the "upsetter of the established order" of society, and the

artist's "proper function is inhibited by the nature of that society, "57

one may conclude that the imagination and inspiration of art would be voided by the absence of that from which it could be alienated:

e i Quoted in Herbert J. Muller, In Pursuit of Relevance, Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University P ress, 1971, p. 135.

57f{erbert Read, Art and Alienation, New York: Viking Press, 1969, pp. 24-25; also see John Clift, The Alienation Box, Boston: Beacon Press, 1971. 44

. . .art retains that alienation from the established reality which is at the origin of art. It is a second alienation, by virtue of which the artist disassociates himself method­ ically from the alienated society and creates the unreal, "illusory'1 universe in which art alone has, and communicates, its truth. At the same tim e, this alienation relates art to society: it preserves the class content------and makes it transparent. As "ideology" art "invalidates" dominant ideology.^®

A malady of social sciences today may be that they are

59 "lacking the alienation which is associated with great science."

Unlike recent trends in art, scientific pursuits may be afflicted so with the comfort of acceptance that they can no longer find the inspiration for new ventures. Intimations of art as complimentary of nature, and of science as control of nature, are too well engrained. According to Van Doren^, the undesirable consequences of such conflict are "irrational artists and illiterate scientists": poets of feeble imagination and researchers trapped by dogma. As for religion, this century has witnessed the confusion of religion

5®Herbert Marcuse, Counter-Revolution and Revolt, Boston: Beacon Press, 1972, p. 97; also see Herbert Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, Boston: Beacon Press, 1964, pp. 60-71.

59Wil son Carey McWilliams, "Political Arts and Political Sciences," in Power and Community: Dissenting Essays in Political Science, edited by Philip Green and Sanford Levinson, New York: Pantheon Books, 1970, p. 372.

^M ark Van Doren, Liberal Education, Boston: Beacon Press, 1959, pp. 146-147. 45

and science to such an extent that much religious thought now seeks

"non-supernatxiral" solutions to theological problems, and many

scientific figures, acknowledging the limits of empirical inquiry,

have lately turned to metaphysical explanations for what have been

commonly credited as scientific phenomena,^ Even the greatest

scientific mind of this century, Albert Einstein, argued that while

science can enable man to separate decidedly superior constructs

from inferior ones, still "there is no logical road which leads to

the principle of theory. "^2 To this inversion of events and

responsibilities will testify recent church involvement in such

matter's as population control, and the proliferation of scientific

doubts about man's ability to technically explain the evolution of

the species and this planet.

The aging schisms between art, religion, and science

notwithstanding, the dominant thought of any age has a purpose which those with discretionary powers during that age have

selected for it:

^See, for example, Michael Polanyi, Personal Knowledge, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1958.

^^Ouoted in Jose Ortega y Gasset, What Is Philosophy? {translated by Mildred Adams), New York: W. W. Norton and Co., I960, p. 53. 46

A philosophy is first of all a particular way in which the "rising 11 class becomes conscious of itself. This consciousness may be clear or confused, indirect or direct. At the time of the noblesse de robe and of mercantile capitalism, a boxirgeoisie of lawyers, merchants, and bankers gained a certain self-awareness through Cartesianism; a century and a half later, in the primitive stages of industrialization, a boui'geoisie of manufacturers, engineers, and scientists dimly discovered itself in the image of universal man which Kantianism offered to it.^

Similarly, Read^ asserts this relationship between classical art and the repressive elements of any society:

Classicism. . .has always represented the forces of oppression. Classicism is the intellectual counterpart of political tyranny. It was so in the ancient world and in the medieval empires; it was renewed to express the dictatorships of the Renaissance and has ever since been the official creed of capitalism.

Such occurrences do not necessarily signify that either the great thinkers or the general population of any era have ever heartily attempted the governance of their lives through rigorous adhesion to the systems they may have postulated. The process of rational man reaching his noblest attainment through the expression of

63jean-Paul Sartre, Search for a Method, (translated by Hazel E. Barnes), New York: Random House, 1963, pp. 3-4.

Herbert Read, Surrealism, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Co., 1936, p. 23. 47

wisdom, what McLuhan^ ascribed to Poe as the Ciceronian ideal,

too frequently has been substituted for the living of wisdom. As one

ponders the alienation of man in more recent times, evidence of a will to inconsistency presents itself; the recommendations and the

life-styles of revolutionists and philosophers alike are studies in

dichotomy and contradiction.

ROUSSEAU AND ALIENATION

A study of Rousseau illuminates discrepancies between

thought and action. Before the prevailing use of the concept of

alienation to describe many of man's dilemmas, Rousseau, like

many of the early socialists before Marx, held that "man in his wretchedness is the victim of society," which is "evil, irrational,

and corrupting because it allows of great inequalities unconnected

with differences of ability or m e r i t . As with Pascal, mankind to Rousseau was irremediably decadent:

Just a lacquer of words everywhere, just a mad scramble for a happiness which exists only in appearance. Nobody is concerned with reality anymore; all suppose it to lie in illusion. They drift along through life as slaves of self-

^M arshall McLuhan, "Edgar Poe's Tradition," Sewanee Review, Vol. 52, No. 1, January, 1944, p. 25.

^6john Plamenatz, Man and Society, Volume II, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1963, p. 37. 48

love; not in order to live, but in order to make others believe they have lived. ^7

But such a "lacquer" may also personify Rousseau himself, as in the case of N ietzsche'R ousseauian man, who is both "a force which incited wild revolutions" and one who ended up

"despising himself and longing beyond himself. ..." Few escape ethical relativism; in this century, men like Gide have symbolized ultra-scrxtpulousness so greatly perhaps because the standard by which one may judge that trait is so commonly low.^9 This may account for the frequent attacks made upon Rousseau as one who provided the seminal thought for totalitarianism, as in the case of

Plato. Even Bertrand Russell suggested that "Hitler is an outcome of Rousseau. . . ."70 However, it is not to be deduced that

Rousseau, for all his extravagancies, is unworthy of either study or even emulation; after all, modern man has learned from him the temporality of the social order and how it "may easily become a

6*7 Quoted in Ernst Cassirer, The Philosophy of the Enlighbenment, Boston: Beacon P ress, 1955, p. 155. 68 Friedrich Nietzsche, Schopenhauer as Educator, (translated by James W. Hillesheim and Malcolm R. Simpson), Chicago: Henry Begnery Co., 1965, p. 41. 69 See H. Stuart Hughes, Consciousness and Society, New York: Random House, 1961, pp. 359-364. 70 Bertrand Russell, A History of Western Philosophy, London: A llen and Unwin, 1946, p. 660. 49 means to grind the faces and the souls of the poor."^* And, with a perceptive eye to educational systems, Rousseau warned against the perversion of the natural order' which 1 'wants children to be children before they are m en."^ In sharp contrast to this sensi­ tivity, Locke^^ despaired of the common man's ability to know, and sought to confine knowledge to the small minority he x'egarded as capable of appreciating it.

Rousseau's tumultuous life invites one to ponder even further inconsistencies:

That Rousseau did or did not abandon his five children should not stop us from reading The E m ile but w e can judge whether* E m ile is turning out to become an abandoned child. If not, then Rousseau could not have just abandoned his real children and like Jean Valjean in Les Miserabies the fact of his act did not square with the reality of his act. Or else Rousseau, by educating Emile for abandonment by God, family and society, acknowledged that modern man is doomed to live an abandoned life while seeking to locate his essential goodness. ^

^^Boyd H. Bode, Modern Educational Theories, New York: Macmillan, 1927, p. 252.

^ ^Thc Minor Educational Writings of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, edited and translated by William Boyd, London: Blackie and Son, Ltd., 1910, p. 57.

"^John Locke, "The Reasonableness of Christianity," in The Works of John Locke in Ten Volumes. Volume VII, London: Thomas Davison, 1823, p. 146.

^Bernard Mehl, "Review of Blueprint for Counter Education," Notre Dame Journal of Education, Vol. 1, No. 4, Winter, 1971, p. 365. 50

What then must constitute worth and effect is to be determined as much by what one does as by what one says. The propensity for offering little more than lip-service to this condition may be the accountable factor in the recent alienation of many of the young and fashionably 'hlienated'l: those who appear to wallow in their counter- culturability and who, acknowledging man's imperfections, defer any vital effort at advancing civilization. Most importantly in

Bousseau, one discovers that alienation from freedom is meaning­ less, unless it entails yielding in a contractual way to a beneficial 75 community. The creation and meaning of community and the plausibility of the idea of a social contract, particularly as they impinge upon educational decisions, are issues which recur integrally throughout this study.

ALIENATION AND PRE-MARXIAN GERMAN THOUGHT

As indicated earlier, Kant exudes a disaffection from nature which in many ways typifies alienation. But more decisively, he expanded the very meaning of alienation to permit one to entertain the notion of alienation from dogma, bolstered by his proposition that "all systems of thought, orthodox or heretical,

75 Schacht, Alienation, pp. 19-20. 51 7 6 evolved by unscrutinized reason. " Because of his own precarious dependence upon a modicum of freedom of expression, one can easily understand the conscious motivations of his critiques of dogma, "pure reason", and autocracy alike, in addition to his disdain for the "meaningless course of human affairs" and the 77 melancholy haphazardness" of history , which encouraged him to seek refuge in the sphere of thought and to invoke his famous categorical imperative: "So act as to treat humanity, whether in thine own person or in the person of another, as an end withal, 78 never as a means only. " Such precepts are reflective of "an escape into the 'whole', and the escape is prompted by the mean- 79 inglessness of the particular, " Since for Kant the world is restricted to ideas about the world, thei*e is necessarily another external world that is ultimately imperceptible. There are "basic forces" and "riddles of nature" that are hopelessly esoteric, and

7 6 Will and Ax-iel Durant, Rousseau and Revolution, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1967, p. 536. 77 Quoted in Hannah Arendt, Between Past and Future, Cleveland: World Publishing Co. , 1963, p. 82. 78 Quoted in Muller, In Pursuit of Relevance, p. 97. 79 Arendt, op. cit., p. 83. "the possibility of every kind of change and causation necessarily 8 0 remain inscrutable1' to man. One should not be misled into thinking that Kant did not consider alienation in a more mundane sense. In arguing for self-dependency, he cautioned that a citizen deprived of property must acquire the necessities of life through the "alienation of what is his own, and not by a consent 8 1 given to others to m ake use of his pow ers...."

From Kant, Hegel received many leads for the formu­ lation of the multitude of ideas about alienation with which he is credited, just as Marx received the rudiments of his perceptions of history and political economy from Hegel's thoughts on 8 2 activity. For as Kant conceptualized two worlds, the external and the internal, Hegel found life frustrated by man's inheritance of a world "opposed to his inner needs" and "governed by

80 Heinz Heimsoeth, "Metaphysical Motives in the Development of Critical Idealism, " in Kant: Disputed Questions, edited by Moltke S. Gram, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, Inc., 1967, p. 172.

^Immamiel Kant, "The Principles of Political Right, " in Kant's Principles of Politics, edited and translated by W. Has tie, Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, 1891, p. 44.

Istvan Meszaros, Marx's Theory of Alienation, London Merlin Press, Ltd., 1970, pp. 87-92. 53 inexorable laws" which, among other things, obviated love relation­ ships because one or another person is "bound up with 'dead things' that do not belong to the other and remain of necessity outside their 8 3 unity. " Hegel materialized a total cosmic evolution, a system of history that meant no m ore and no less than eternal and intractable change, based on his belief in the dynamic and fluid nature of reality. For this theorizing about an ultimate system,

Hegel is frequently accused of providing the conceptual source of modern bureaucratic structures, and has even received from some critics the dubious honor of giving impetus to Hitler's 84 totalitarianism. This, of course, is an unfortunate misinter­ pretation of both Hegel's motives and central themes:

For all its authoritarian character, Hegel's concept of the state was. . .a Rechtstaat for the "establishing of reason and freedom, " a goal neither society itself nor "das Volk" was capable of realizing. It was thu 3 a radical mistake to confuse Hegel's Staatslohre with the National Socialist's concept of the Volkstaat.

8 3 ’ Herbert Marcuse, Reason and Revolution: I-Iegel and the Rise of Social Theory, Boston: Beacon Press, I960, p. 34. 84 Eby, The Development and Modern Education, p. 430. In much the same way, Mumford accounts for the "resurrection of barbarism" in the twentieth century with reference to the style of Richard Wagner's compositions and Nietzsche's concept of the superman. See Mumford, The Condition of Man, p. 366. 85 Richard King, The Party of Eros: Radical Social Thought and the Realm of Freedom , Chapel Hill, N, C. : The University of North Carolina P ress, 1972, p. 124. 54

This is not to say, however, that in bitterness Hegel would not wander to what may appear as cynicism to say that, for example, historical events repeat themselves first as tragedy, then as farce.

Comprehension of this bitterness and of the desire to mold rigid images of the cosmos may be abetted by a glimpse at 8 6 the philosopher's life. As Fichte noted, "What kind of philosophy a man chooses depends upon what kind of man he is. " It may be worthwhile to consider that the external world did not grant Hegel serenity while he wrote his Phenomenology; his was not the case of

_fche sober scholar at the aged candle-lit desk or even of an Adam

Smith dictating The Wealth of Nations for years, "standing against his fireplace and nervously rubbing his head against the wall until his pomade had made a dark streak on the paneling."®^ The year

1806 found Napoleon terminating the Holy Roman Empire at the gates of Jena {where Hegel was working), and not only was Hegel confronted with severe financial pi*oblems , the spectre of unemploy­ ment, and an abundance of professional doubts from colleagues regarding his intellectual as well as lecturing abilities, he also became in this period the father of an illegitimate son. The work

8 AQuoted in Ernst Cassirer, Rousseau, Kant, and Goethe, New York: Harper and Row, 1963, p. 55. ^Robert L. Heilbroner, The Worldly Philosophers, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1967, p. 45, was completed in a matter of months (like Melville's Moby Dick)

under circumstances reminiscent of "the world of Dostoevsky's

n o v e ls,

The concept of alienation has two further distinct

applications for Hegel. At times the term is employed in the

Phenomenology "to refer to a sepax-ation or a discordant relation,

such as might obtain between the individual and the social substance

at other times, it seems "to refer to a surrender or sacrifice of

particularity and w i l l f u l n e s s , "89 Hence, accidental but inevitable

loss of identity as well as deliberate yielding to gain a desired end

equally characterize the term and, in fact, one form or alienation

may be used to offset or overcome another.^® These categoxues have provided the basis from which thinkers since Marx have made

use of the term.

MARX'S CONTRIBUTION

As indicated at the outset of this chapter, the career of alienation as a concept has compounded massively in modern times.

88For an excellent chronological analysis of these tribulations, see Kaufmann, Hegel: A Reinterprctation, pp. 87-97.

^Schacht, Alienation, pp. 43-44.

90Ibid. f p# 4 4. Q 1 • H alle 7 has indicated that the "new alienation" found its expression from 1815 to the present century in the "professional revolutionaries

(who) made their careers out of working for abrupt replacement of existing social systems by ideal systems of their own conception."

Particularly since Hegel, who designated alienation as eminating from the self, and Marx, who first applied the term to labor, has the concept grown in both popularity and refinement. But more than any other person, Marx made it the hallmark of modern times.

Reflecting H egel^ and perhaps Pascal, he founded his thought on the existence of "an objective order in the development of human consciousness and in the succession of civilizations that are its concrete embodiment;" alienation then becomes inherent in social processes when "men's acts contradict their true purposes, when their official values... misrepresent their real motives and needs and goals," and when that which they have made, like a system of laws, attains an "independent status of its own" and begins to possess

91 Louis J. Halle, The Society of Man, New York: Harper and Row, n.d., p. 68. Halle singles out such alienated plotters as Bakunin, Kropotkin, Mazzini, Blanqui, Marx, Kautsky, and Sorel for mention.

At least one scholar has suggested that Marx employed the concept of alienation as a tactical device to establish a Hegelian orientation. See Oscar J. Hammen, "The Young Marx, Reconsidered, The Journal of the History of Ideas, Vol. 31, No. 1, pp. 109-120. 57

"eternal, impersonal authority in its own right.. . ."93 Countless

volumes have prodigiously traced this thought more completely than

is either necessary or desirable here, but it is fundamental that

Marx's discoveries be related to the contemporary setting or

condition of man, and that his works and those of his peers and

inheritors be placed in proper context.

It is Marx's early works which significantly address them­

selves to the problem of alienation. His life was rampant with

crisis and contradiction often it has amused his less profound

critics that this champion of the exploited vacationed expensively

with the elite and, like Augustine and Hegel, fathered an illegitimate

child. ^ Even so, Marx's impact is not to be camouflaged; he ingested the idea of alienation with its first doses of socio-economic

context and, although there is a case to be made that the humanism

of Marx's early manuscripts has little bearing on contemporary

socialist thought, through them Marx has attracted sxich divergent

interest groups as "democratic Socialists, 'revisionist' Communists,

93jsaiah Berlin, Karl Marx: His Life and Environment, New York: Oxford University Press, 1963, pp. 136-137.

9^See Payne, Marx, for a careful survey of Marx's personal life. Boulding has gone so far as to suggest that Marx was alienated because he was a Jew, and Jews are to be, by virtue of their calling, "aliens in this world," because "only the alienated can change society." See Kenneth Moulding, A Primer on Social Dynamics, New York: The Free Press, 1970, p. 89. 58

philosophical existentialists, and practicing anarchists," in addition

to "left-wing Catholics and liberal Protestants. "95 He was among

the first, for example, to effectively observe that "under all

circumstances a Negro has a black skin but only under certain socio­

economic conditions is he a slave. So while Marx may be compared

in style to Aristotle, these two thinkers most assuredly differed on the

issue of the slave's essence.^ While it may be valid to hold that

Marx, like Rousseau, Kant, and Hegel, "sought a model in classical

antiquity, "9® the drift of society in the industrial age drastically

changed the manner in which one may perceive social phenomena,

including alienation. For example, Marx’s regard for education

consisted of a conviction that "freedom consists in converting the

state from an organ standing above society into one completely

subordinated to it," and this was to be achieved by abandoning state-

controlled education and by recognizing that "the state has need, on

the contrary, of a very stern education by the people. "99

9 5 George lachtheim, A Short History of Socialism, New Yoi*k: Praeger, 1970, p. 77.

^Quoted in R, D. Laing, The Politics of the Family and Other Essays, New York: Pantheon Books, 1971, p. 58.

^Supra, p. 38,

^Lichtheim, op. _cit., p. 69.

^K arl Marx, "Critique of the Gotha Programme, "(Revised translation), in Marxist Library: Works of Marxist-Leninism, Volume XI, edited by C. P. Butt, New York; International Publishers, 1938, pp. 17, 21. A discussion of alienation in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, like so many other phenomena, bears only a partial relationship to past usages of the term, and to the past in general.

It has been suggested that the French Revolution and the advent of industrialization made obsolete "pure" political discoxirse, and likewise the pleasures of conjecture in metaphysics and of casual yet serious philosophical speculation, because history has now moved so swiftly that it changed the "terms of discussion" more quickly than the consciousness of social thinkers could grasp them. The fate then of studying alienation is to be incomplete at best. It is to Marx's credit that he fathomed this situation and thus isolated alienation as the mode by which the very meaning of man could be changed, by which one might doubt that man’s "nature" inclines him to an "urge for freedom and a will to reason" and allows him to conceivably evolve into what Mills depicted as the Cheerful Robot, one so consumed by alienation that alienation ceases to exist for lack of an opposite.

Indeed, alienation does not exist to the extent that "people recognize themselves in their commodities; they find their soul in their

100Norman Birnbaum, The Crisis of Industrial Society, New York: Oxford University Press, 1970, p. 43.

lO^C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination, New York: Oxford University Press, 1967, p. 171. 60

automobile, hi-fi set, split-level home, kitchen equipm ent."**^

Marx knew that alienation could not be instantaneously- conquered, but that in the struggle against the forces of commodity production and even after the struggle, "man's life and work will always be dominated by forces which act upon his will from the

1 r t o outside and which interfere with his dream of self-realization. .

Men differed not so much in the intensity of their alienation but in their classes: "a group in common relationship to the means of production and with a developed and active consciousness of that relationship."*^ Disalienation is achieved only "in the course of actual struggle,"*®^ as in the case of "going beyond" or "overcoming" religion: it is to be overcome through philosophy, according to Marx.

Overcoming it means its disappearance, and its disappearance means

*0^Marcuse, One-Dimensional Man, p. 9,

*®^Fi'itz Papenheim, The Alienation of Modern Man, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1959, p. 116. This contention is supported by Arendt's observation that Marx would i*eplace self- alienation with world alienation. See Arendt, The Human Condition, pp. 364-365. Relatedly, it has been suggested that Marx dreamed "of a society. . .without that surplus alienation which goes beyond the minimum of alienation required to keep a modern industrial economy operating...." See Alfred G. Meyer, Communism, (Third Edition), New York: Random House, 1967, p. 85.

*®^Birnbaum, The Crisis of Industrial Society, p. 6.

lO^Henri Lefebvre, The Sociology of Marx, (translated by Norbert Guterman), New York: Random House, 1969, p. 9. 61 the eradication "of alienation because religion is the root of all alienation. " Marx's relationship of alienation to labor seems rooted in Feuerbach's method of relating Christianity and alienation:

■ ...t h e essence of religion was the essence of man himself projected outside himself and reified or personified. The powers and capacities attributed to the gods were in fact man's own powers and capacities; the divine law was nothing but the law of man's own nature, 107

To Marx, man's whole history became a study in alienation or condemnation to wage labor:

(Marx's) youthful Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts depicted alienation as the essence of the capitalist order: "Private property is therefore the product, the necessary result of alienated labor, of the external relation of the worker to nature and to himself." Alienated man experienced himself not as an agent but as patient, not as creator but creature, not as self-determined but other-determined. The products of man’s labor were transformed" into an objective power above us, growing out of our control, thwarting our expectations, bringing to naught our calculations.,.," Because he was alienated from the product of his labor, man also became alienated from other men. This estrangement from the human essence loads, in Fromm's words, to an "existential egotism," or as Marx

B. Bottomore, Karl Marx: Selected Writings in Sociology and Social Philosophy, New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964, p. 4.

^^Lefebvre, op. cit. , p. 4. 62

stated it, man becomes alienated from "his own body, external nature, his mental life, and his human life. "108

This line of thought does not regard all labor as alienated or alienating; only its perversion in an overly acquisitive society makes it so. Labor should be "itself 'the satisfaction of a need, 1 rather than 109 a mere means through which other needs can be satisfied. "

Because only the latter obtains in the capitalist world, and because

"egoism is. .. virtually required for survival in society, man becomes alienated first from his product, then from his self, and eventually, as a "direct consequence. . . man is alienated from other men. All in all, the concept may have been little more than the exploitation of romantic metaphor and a Marxian interpretation of alienation today may be worth little beyond sentimental resonance; some have argued that the term is still too much the possession of 112 political theology to be effectively utilized in political action.

108 Lewis S. Feuer, "What is Alienation: The Career of a Concept, " in Marx and the Intellectuals: A Sot of Post-Ideological Kssays, edited by Lewis S. Feuer, Garden City, N. Y, : Doubleday and Co., 1969, pp. 72-73. 109 Schacht, Alienation, p. 88. For a similar examination, see Marxism and Alienation, edited by Herbert Aptheker, New York: Humanities Press, 1965. 110 Schacht, Alienation, p. 106.

**^Quoted in Ibid., p. 102, 112 Feuer, Marx and the Intellectuals, p. 99. 63

But whether as metaphor or as political motivation, Marx’s usage has served its purpose well, either in meeting "the city-man's need for a new body of belief," or as "a religion of the industrial age,"^^ in addition to becoming interwoven with the philosophy of the twentieth century and the abundance of social science research in the modern age. It is in these two areas that the concept must next be traced,

EXISTENTIALISM AND ALIENATION

Existentialism is as difficult to define as alienation, in part again because of the vagaries of popular usage. But it is desirable to at least allude to possible meanings if a relationship between these two phenomena is to be ascertained, A precision of language is not to be achieved until suspected human inaccuracies are duly surveyed and credited. Just as "alienation" has been confused

"almost beyond the point of terminological retrieval, " * ^ it can be argued that "existentialism" should be abandoned because many persons generally considered to be existentialists have frequently revealed a marked aversion for the term and in some cases for

^^Halle, The Society of Man, p. 94.

* ^Berger and Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality, p. E01. 64

each other. * ^

In describing "existentialism 11 as the "cinderella wordn

of the 1960 , s , DeMott^- ^ has accredited the popularity of the term

in its "adaptability" and to Mailer's dictum that acts are existential

when their ends are unknown. Such open-endedness has caused a

confusion of "existential freedom with immature irresponsibility,"

according to Kaplan**^: "Existentialism is vulgarized with the

superficial interpretation that if we do exactly as we like, without

regard to conseqxiences, we are expressing authentic individuality."

In a determined effort to prescribe meaning to the term, others have

115See Existentialism from Dostoevsky to Sartre, edited by Walter Kaufmann, Cleveland: World Publishing Co. , 1956, pp. 11-12; "No, I am not an existentialist...," an interview with Albert Camus by Jeanine Delpech, in Albert Camus: Ly ideal and Critical Essays, edited by Philip Thody, New York: Random House, 1970, pp. 345-348.

11 ^Benjamin DeMott, Supergrow: Essays and Reports on Imagination in America, New York: Dutton and Co. , 1959, p. 168-174,

11 ^Abraham Kaplan, The New World of Philosophy, New York: Random House, 1961, p. 119. Speaking of "militant" students, Lowi has suggested that "the vulgar existential proposition, that the best knowledge is gained through action, . .sounds shockingly like such old hard-headed anti-intellectualisms as the 'school of hard knocks' and 'experience is the best teacher',..." See Theodore J. Lowi, The Politics of Disorder, New York: Basic Books, 1971, p. 158. Another scholar has attributed the general misuse of terms to the influences of mass media, and has warned that misuse may constitute the "grit in the porridge" which, "consumed in quantity, may be fatal." See Douglas Bush, "Polluting Out Language," The American Scholar, Spring, 1972, pp. 238-247. found in existentialism "a disciplining of the mind to accept unreason a daily and hourly act of will to eschew reason,. a "centering upon the existing person and (an emphasizing of) the human being a.s he is emerging, becoming" * and a "radical stress on the concept of identity and the experience of identity as a sine qua non of human nature and of any philosophy or science of human nature. " 1^0

Geiger*^* has remarked that the dehumanizing catastrophe wrought by the Nazi experience fired European existentialism with the activism required to go beyond speculative philosophy and literary endeavors, and herein may rest a factor that distinguishes it from other* modes of thought:

^^Susanne K.Langer, Philosophical Sketches, New York: Mentor Books, 1964, p. 145.

^^Rollo May, "The Emergence of Existential Psychology, in Existential Psychology, (Second Edition), edited by Rollo May, New York: Random House, 1969, p. 11.

l^®Abx*aham H. M aslow , "Existential P sy ch olo gy ----- What's In It For Us?", in Existential Psychology, May, ed. , p. 50, Some indict "existential" and "humanistic" psychologists as oblivious to the inevitability of alienation. By ovex*looking that man must renounce many of his potentialities because of limitations in his "actual mode of life," hopes are raised that can only end in despair. See Walter A. Weisskopf, Alienation and Economics, New York: Dutton and Co., 1971, p. 25.

^^Henry Geiger, "Science and Peace," Journal of Humanistic Psychology, Fall, 1962, p. 76. 66

There is a sense in which the Existentialist movement was born in the underground of the resistance to the German occupation of France. It was a philosophy of action created by pared- down, de spar ate men but men who gained determination to remain human from their extreme situation. There is a kinship between the thought of Camus and the thought of Viktor Frankl. Their luminous affirmations arose from agonizing decision.

Indeed, existentialism may be regarded as different from all other

philosophies in that it "does not content itself with mere evaluation

and description," but insists that "philosophy is not a body of

propositions but a way of life ." ^ ^

Schacht has cautioned that identifying alienation with

existentialism is inflating the former term beyond the extent to which most existentialists have chosen to employ it in their works.

Nonetheless, many similarities and shared predicaments can be detected. More than mere usage of terms should be the criteria for determining likenesses; existentialism may characterize rather than define alienation. In the same sense that May*^4 has found that

Fx*eud knew about anxiety, but Kierkegaard knew anxiety, Marcel^®

* ^Kaplan, The New World of Philosophy, p. 99.

12 3sc;hacht, Alienation, pp. 205-208,

May, Existential Psychology, p. 3.

l^Gabriel Marcel, Being and Having, New York: Harper and Row, 1965, p. 155. has noted that "everything conies down to the distinction between

what we have and what we are." Both alienation and existentialism

deal with the condition of man: as Marx found alienation to be

endemic of life in industrial society, existentialism is likewise

viewed as inevitable, being, according to the existentialists, the

real philosophy man's life itself. The ideological conjuncture

among recent existential and Marxian thinkers has sparked pointed

criticisms that existentialism has become "doctrinaire" and that

modern existentialists, particularly Sartre, have kept "bad faith" with the demanding authenticity of the existential thinkers of the

pi-evious century, such as Kierkegaard1

Nietzsche's**^ portent: All modern philosophizing is political,

policed by governments, churches, academies, custom, fashion,

and human cowardice, all of which limit it to fake learnedness."

Furthermore, both existentialism and Marxism are usually regarded

as popular products of nineteenth century .Europe, even though this

study has ti-aced alienation from ancient times, and existential encounteres have been discovered in Plato, Aquinas, Pascal, and

*^^Raymond Aron, Marxism and the Existentialists, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1970, p. 87; Richard J. Bernstein, Praxis and Action, Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania P ress, 1971, p. 162.

* ^Nietzsche, Philosophy in the Tragic Ape of the Greeks, pp. 37-38. other pre-existential era thinkers. 128 Both concepts are commonly

wrapped in pessimism Wilson*^ has observed that the titles of

the works of existentialists are engulfed by a "certain atmosphere

of gloom," nearly always incorporating such words as anguish,

nothingness, condemnation, estrangement, and the like.

Some existentialists have resisted involvement in political

movements, whether Marxism, Fascism, or Bolshevism (although

some others have sanguinely identified with these forces), and there

is a detectable avoidance among existential thinkers of sundry

philosophical trends that would threaten to circumscribe the i*adical

independence of existential thought. Perdiaps the only thing that can

be said about all existentialists is that nothing in particular* may be

ascrib ed to them;

l^ See William Barrett, Irrational Man, Garden City, N.Y.; Doubleday and Co. , 1962, especially Ch. 1. Others have linked Pascal to Sartre, and many of the Enlightenment philosophers with present concerns about individxialism and "common humanity." See Lionel Rubinoff, The Pornography of Power, New York: Ballantine Books, 1969, p. 183; Richard Sc vine tt and Jonathan Cobb, "Betrayed American Workers," New York Review of Books, October 5, 1972, p. 33; Wilhelm Windelband, A History of Philosophy, Volume II, (tr*anslated by James II. Tufts), New York: Macmillan, 1901, pp. 500-501. Uneasiness, anxiety, and anguish arc traced from "the sages" and "the gospel" to Nietzsche, Kierkegaard, Heidegger, and Sartre, in Gabriel Marcel, Problematic Man, (translated by Brian Thompson), New York: Herder and Herder, 1967.

l^C olin Wilson, Introduction to the New Existentialism, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1967, p. 14. 69

It is not even possible to make a clear-cut distinction between German philosophers of existence and French existentialists, for Marcel is nearer to Jaspei*s than to Sartre... Sartre is nearer to Heidegger than to Marcel, and Heidegger would like to form a class of his own as eksistentialist. ... Kierkegaard criticizes the modern tendency toward equality and the levelling brought about by public opinion and the rise of the masses. Jaspers protests against the absorption of man by the machinery of the modern welfare state, Marcel against the increased socialization of life, against the extensions of the powers of the State, and against the substitution of the registration card for the person.

Jaspers has commented that the "epochal consciousness" of the nineteenth century (the sense that one's "own epoch was somehow

different from all that had preceded it, . and that "something

distinctive would grow out of it") was obscure, except for the ever­

present forebodings of those like Kierkegaard and Nietzsche:

The public at large was content with culture and progress, but men of independent mind were full of uneasy forebodings. . . .(They insisted) that mankind stands face to face with Nothingness. ... Kierkegaard has found no disciples to sustain his advocacy of primitive Christianity, and Nietzsche's Zarathustra philosophy has not been generally adopted. Since, however, both of them were reveal - ers of the trend toward annihilation, it was only to be expected that the war should draw unprecedented attention to their doctrines.

*^®F. h . Heinemann, Existentialism and the Modern Predicament, New York: Harper and Row, 1958, pp. 165, 167.

*^*Karl Jaspers, Man in the Modern Age, (translated by Eden and Cedar Paul), Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday and Co* , 1957, pp. 5, 10-11, 15. 70

In Kierkegaard, the interrelatedness of subjectivity, truth, and individualism has made itself more evident, which may account for the am ity extended toward his thoxight by many contemporary "humanistic" psychologists: "The passion of the infinite is... subjectivity, and thus subjectivity becomes the truth, "132 and " 'the individual 1 is the category through which,, , this age, all

1 OO 1 *2 A history, the human race as a whole, must pass," J May has coupled the thought of William James with Kierkegaard and

Nietzsche, tracing their equation of truth with the "passionate immediacy of experience," again underscoring the impression that existentialism is a kinetic process rather than a static doctrine.

It is a drive for "authenticity", or that which resists "existence which is absorbed in the present, determined by impersonal social

132goren Kierkegaard, Concluding Unscientific Postscript, (translated by David F. Swenson and Walter Lowrie), Princeton: University P ress, 1941, P» 181, Lichtheim has further suggested that Sartre seeks to "meet the charge that Existentialism is simply a variant of individualism," See George Lichtheim, "Sartre, Marxism, and History," in The Concept of Ideology and Other Essays , edited by George Lichtheim, New York: Random House, 1967, p. 292.

1 33Soren Kierkegaard, The Point of View for My Work as An Author: A Report to Histoi*y, (translated and edited by Walter Lowrie and Benjamin Nelson), New York: Harper and Brothers, 1962, p. 128,

134May, Existential Psychology, p. 6, 71

expectations and conventions . M*^ Hence, the antipathy of

existentialists toward Hegelian systems:

(The) existential thinker should be understood in opposition to the abstract thinker whose thought evolves upon the terrain of pure thought and without worrying about the needs ox* dispositions of his being. The type of abstract thinker is, of course, Hegel. On the contrary, the existential thinker is he whose thought is determined by the tasks and the difficulties of his own life, so that it is truly in the service of his own existence. He is not disinterested in the sense that the abstract thinker is; rather, he is passionately, he is virtually intei*ested in som ething which is at the very heax't of his existence. *^6

Thus, although he differed with Kierkegaax-d on the idea of subjective 137 will to thought, to Nietzsche , Hegel's questions are also often irrelevant, because each problem is to be lived thx*ough, as reflected in the aphoristic experimental style of many of Nietzsche's

^^^Schacht, Alienation, p. 209.

*-^Marcel, Problematic Man, p. 102. Also see Kierkegaard, Conclxtding Unscientific Postscript, p. 112; hiai'tin Heidegger, Being and Time, (translated by John Macquarrie and Edward Robinson, London: SCM Press, .Ltd. , 1962, pp. 480-486.

Friedx*ich Nietzsche, Beyond Good and Evil, (translated by Walter Kaufmann), New York: Random House, 1966. 72 works. Even Unamuno^^, A Christian existentialist like

Kierkegaard, has emphasized this sense of immediacy by encouraging the Italian mystic Mazzini's statement that "God is great because His thought is action."

Such drives for fi*eedom and action foment a crisis atmosphere, and such crisis and its accompanying estrangement are central to the thoughts of the existentialists because "it pervades the relations of persons as well as groups, of classes and races rather than nations and religious sects. Man is said to be condemned to freedom in human existence, and part of the price that must be paid for this freedom is alienation, because

(particularly for atheist existentialists) life is meaningless when man does not know why he exists and is thus alienated from the source of his being, Activity is under all circumstances preferred to inaction or speculative detachment from life, but there are no guarantees that decisiveness does not lead to despair. Similarly, the modern "life-order" has evoked a paradox, making dread

^^Kauftnann, Nietzsche, pp. 89-93.

* "^Miguel de Unamuno, Tragic Sense of Life, (translated by J. E. Crawford Flitch), New York: Dover, 1954, p. 153.

^% einemann, Existentialism and the Modern Predicament, p. 167.

14*Robert G. Olson, An Introduction to Existentialism, New York: Dover Publications, 1962, p. 37. 73

"modern man's sinister companion": "Man's life has become dependent upon the apparatus which proves ruinous to mankind at one and the same time by its perfectionment and by its break­ down. " 142

The impact of existential thought is inescapably as various as the processes by which this mode of thought is itself acquired. For example, the Italian painter, Giorgio de Chirico, found that "Schopenhauer and Nietzsche were the first to teach the deep significance of the senselessness of life, and to show how this senselessness could be transformed into art."14^ In any case, the images of senselessness, anxiety, feelings of being adrift, the preoccupation with death (particularly for Sartre and Heidegger144),

142Jaspers, Man in the Modern Age, p. 62.

l4^Quoted in Aniela Jaffe, "Symbolism and the Visual Arts," in Man and His Symbols, edited by Carl G. Jung et al. , New York: Dell Publishing, 1968, p. 293.

144See Jean-Paul Sa rtre, Being and Nothingness, (translated by Hazel E. Barnes), New York: Philosophical Library, 1956, pp. 531-553; H. J. Blackham, Six Existential Thinkers, New York: Harper and Row, 1959. pp. 95-96, 135-136; J. Glenn Gray, "The Idea of Death in Existentialism," Journal of Philosophy, Vol. 48, No. 5,1951, pp. 113-127. The concern with death and suicide may emenate from a "growth crisis" wrought by having to face the "howling elements of oneself," thus disintegrating self­ esteem and moving the individual closer to a suicide crisis which, if authentic, casts life as "already almost ended, .. . It would be a small step to complete the ending physically..." See Ernest Becker, The Birth and Death of Meaning, (Second Edition), New York: The Free Press, 1971, p. 146, 74

the usual radical stance against dogma and the stress on action

against inauthenticity all are qualities in existentialism which

must be weighed as contributory to senses of alienation and, since

existentialism reserves much of the role of philosophy in modern

times, it must be regarded as a potentially significant influence on

the myriad ways by which contemporary political scientists,

sociologists, and psychologists have sought to explain and analyze alienation.

POLITICAL. ALIENATION

Ironically, technocracy and the advent of hyperspecial:, zation have necessitated the stratification and categorization of concepts employed by modern social science, while simultaneously making such dissection increasingly tedious and confusing. The general concept of alienation, for example, might best be viewed through the tripartition of the realms of political science, sociology, and psychology. However, these "disciplines" meld so extensively that conceptual overlap i 3 inevitable. Thus, this discussion will begin with a purview of the concept of political alienation which, in its present form, owes much to a rich, thii*ty-year chain of research in social psychology, itself a bridge between two seemingly distnet 75 145 categories within the social sciences.

Political alienation today springs from a foundation in

Marx and Rousseau, While the former suggested that men lead

unsatisfied lives in the name of commodity production, which negates

their abilities to realize natural capacities, Rousseau struggled with the search for concord between man and society in the moral

sphere. Even though Marcuse and Mills have effectively posited the argument that alienation has so matured that its current forms transcend the realities of the past and perhaps defy comprehension 146 in the present , an appraisal of the idea of political alienation in contemporary setting and research should reveal key links to previous conceptions, as well as fresh formulations for understanding some of the political maladies of the moment.

^®Scc Harold D, Las swell, Psychopathology and Politics, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1930; Erich Fromm, Escape from Freedom, New York: Farrar and Rinehart, Inc., 1941; T. W, Adorno ct al. , The Authoritarian Personality, New York: Harper and Row, 1950; Richard Christie and Marie Jahoda, editor's, Continuities in Social Research: Studies in the Scope and Method of "The Authoritar 1 an P e r s o na li ty1', G lencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1934; Milton Rokeach, The Open and Closed Mind, New York: Basic Books, I960. Also elemental in this distinguished line of research are Samuel A, Stouffer et al. , The American Soldier, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949; Wilhelm Reich, Tho Mass Psychology of Fascism , New York: Orgonc Institute Press, 1946.

Supra, p. 59-60. 76

Although many readily accept the Aristotelian notion that

public institutions are derived from the private sphere of individual

concerns, many in the Western world are immersed in political

alienation because they do not discern svich a relationship, or

because, in fact, such interchange between the public and the

private sectors of political life (for example, between political

party organization and personal ideological commitment) may in

most cases be no more than convenient myth. In an era of "third

party threats", political convention riots, and the assassinations of

national figures, findings that political stability "seems to rest upon

the absence of institutionalized channels thx'ougli which discontent

can be effectively expressed" appear ominously relevant. While

in some cases such breaches in "the system" generate a vacuum of

malaise, likewise they have energized political aspirants (Henry

Wallace, Joe McCarthy, Barry Goldv/atev, George Wallace, and

Eugene McCarthy, among the most recent) and political movements

(Dixiecrats, Youth International Party, American Independents).

Elements of the standard Left and Right, the young and the old, blue- collar workers and intellectuals alike sense this form of alienation.

147prederic Templeton, "Alienation and Political Participation: Some R e se a r c h Findings, " Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 30, No. 2, 1966, p. 260. 77

Since Marx, political alienation has become less profound

but more diffuse, setting off such debates as whether there is a

general sense of "national purposelessness" in America, or whether

there are countless individuals who possess distinct feelings of

personal political alienation. 148 There seems now to be no

realistic potential in America for the classical Marxian class

struggle, if there ever was. 149 7 Alienation seems no longer to stem

from the means of prodiiction but from the distribution of wealth-----

an ideologically malleable item of political rhetoric in recent times,

and a seemingly much less sensitive and inspiring issue altogether. 150

148 A^°The idea of national purposelessness sets the cone for Boorstin's milestone study of media, art, and the perplexities of American social patterns. See Daniel J. Boorstin, The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events, New York: Harper and Row, 1961, p. iv. 149 7It has been suggested that under-estimation of the ability of such forces as nationalism to neutralize the possibilities of the outbreak of real class struggles is characteristic of such nineteenth century thinkers as Comte, Spenser, and Marx. See T, B. Bottomore, Classes in Modern Society, New York: Random House, 1966, p. 19.

ISOThis issue is described as "less sensitive" because its impact is seldom measured and its dynamics seldom understood. For example, few seem to realize that the cleavage between the richer and the poorer has widened in America since concern began to generally manifest itself in economic and political circles in the 1950's and 1960's. See Seymour M. Miller and Ramela A. Roby, The Future of Inequality, New York: Basic Books, 1971, p. 38; Gabriel Kolko, Wealth and Power in America, New York: Praeger, 1962. 78

Furthermore, the standard conceptualization in classical democracy which purports to vest all legitimate authority in the decisions of the

public may have been retracted by the emergence of the "power elite" which has obviated the historically venerated methods by which the

ptiblic is to realize its demands:

But now we must recognize this description as a set of images out of a fairy tale: they are not adequate even as an approximate model of how the American system of power works. The issues that now shape man's fate are neither raised nor decided by the public at large. The idea of the community of publics is not a description of fact, but an assertion of an ideal, an assertion of a legitimation masquerading as legitimations are now apt to do as fact. For now the public opinion is recognized by all those who have considered it carefully, as something less than it once was. 151

And beyond even this eerie situation, the process of "repressive tolerance" now operant may prevent the public from achieving

sufficient awareness of the drift away from authority vested principally in the public:

I maintain that practices such as planned obsolescence, collusion between union leader­ ship and management, slanted publicity are not simply imposed from above on a powerless rank

ISlC. Wright Mills, The Power Elite, New York: Oxford University Press, 1956, p. 300; also see William G. Domhoff, Who Rules America?, Englewood Cliffs, N. J.: Prentice-Hall, 1967; Paul Baran and Paul Sweezy, Monopoly Capital, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1966; Andreas Papandreou, Paternalistic Capitalism, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1972. 79

and file, but are tolerated by them and by the consumer at large. However, it would be ridiculous to speak of a possible withdrawal of tolerance with respect to these practices and to the ideologies promoted by them. For they pertain to the basis on which the repressive affluent society rests and reproduces itself and its vital defenses their removal would be that total revolution which this society so effectively r e p e ls .

Under any circumstances, as the impetus for alienation becomes diluted and less easily identified, several phenomena must be evaluated in an effort to fully grasp the scope of the current malaise.

Political alienation defined broadly as "an attitude of separation or estrangement from some salient aspect of the social environment"^^ permits one to at least temporarily isolate particular areas of stress: voting (political participation), youth, and repi*esentation.

Today alienation from voting seems to be most often related to the "working class": those who "feel that the government has brushed them aside. . .(and) that politicians and social service agencies are preoccupied with the problems of blacks, youths, and other more troublesome minorities. .. . " However, in a

1 Herbert Marcuse, "Repressive Tolerance," in A Critique of Pure Tolerance, by Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Moore, Jr., and Herbert Marcuse, Boston: Beacon Press, 1965, p. 102. 163j^ai*vin E. Olsen, "Alienation and Political Opinions," Public Opinion Quarterly, Vol. 29, No. 2, 1965, p. 202,

154Abraham Ribicoff, "The Alienation of the American Worker," Saturday Review, Vol. 55, No. 16, April 22, 1972, 80 155 monumental study of American society, Myrdal unveiled a more

encompassing drawback to mass participation:

Political participation of the ordinary citizen in American is pretty much restricted to the inter­ mittently recurring elections. Politics is not organized to be a daily concern and responsibility of the common citizen. The relative paucity of trade unions, cooperatives, and other civic interest organizations tends to accentuate this abstention on the part of the common citizens from sharing in the government of their communities as a normal routine of life. 156 Levin found that years of residence in an area was the m ost significant factor in "feelings of desperation, hopelessness, and cynicism about politics. " Moreover, many studies relating education 157 to income and income to party preference , and finding women less p. 29. Although one would be rem iss in ignoring the tribulations of both the black and white "working class" who appear to be an alm ost willing social and economic "buffer zone" between America's rich and poor, Ribicoff's description brings to mind the characterization of the French novelist Celine several decades ago of the "persecution mania" of the petit bourgeoisie. See Louis-Ferdinand Celine, Death on the Installment Plan, (translated by Ralph Manheim), New York: New Directions, 1971, pp. v-vi, 32.

155Gunnar Myrdal, An American Dilemma, New York: Harper* and Brothers, 1944, p. 717. 156 Murray B. Levin, The Alienated Voter: Politics in Boston^ New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, i960, p. 57. 157 Barnard R. Berelson, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, and William McPhee, Voting, Chicago: The University of Chicago P ress, 1954, pp. 88-93, 334. 81 1 CQ interested in politics than men are in need to thorough

reconsideration, given such events as the rapid inclusion in

national Democratic politics of contingencies of women, intellectuals,

blacks, youths, and Native Americans, and the vibrant activities

of the National Women's Political Caucus, the National Organization

of Women (NOW), and similar groups. Even in the recent past, women could be identified as voting less than men because of

repressed senses of political efficacy and the overwhelming burden

of what has been commonly regarded as women's "tradiational place"

in society. With the advent of rising social and political

expectations hastened by the civil rights movement of the 1960's, women began acting to overcome the alienating cultural stereotypes that had confined them to the "undifferentiated roles of housewife and mother" and, as in the case of America's oppressed minority groups, women began to seek political redress on a national scale.

158paul F. Lazarsfeld, Bernard Berelson, and Hazel Gaudet, The People's Choice, (Second Edition), New York: Columbia University Press, 1948, p. 48. This assex*tion was soon modified to there being no statistically significant connection between one's sex and one's voting habits. See Berelson et al. , Voting, p. 320; Robert E, .Lane, Political .Life, Glencoe, 111.: The Free Press, 1959* p. 212.

^^Seymour Martin Lipset, PoLitical Man, New York: Harcoux*t, Brace, and World, 1963, pp. 209-211, 222-223.

I60wixiiam H. Chafe, The American Woman: Her Changing Social, Economic, and Political Roles , 1920-1970, New York: Oxford University Press, i972, pp. 229, 233-234. 82

Other researchers have concluded that "a particular job

situation can have important effects on a man's political outlook." 161 1

It may be beneficial, then, to consider a variety of socio-economic levels in pursuit of a meaning for political alienation, not only because of the suggestion of Marxian thought concerning the role of

the objectified state in divorcing the community of workers from 162 itself through the unnatural compulsion of political economy , but also because, in the century since Marx, new classes and new

class-consciousness have so evolved as to mandate review and

expansion of the boundaries which usually identify the alienated.

Thus, the bourgeoisie now may be as susceptible to alienating

conditions as the proletariat and, within a complex social-economic-

educational scheme, one discernibly alienated group may be in fact 16 3 most alienated by another alienated group. The present

l^L ew is Lipsitz, "Work Life and Political Attitude: A Study of Manual Workers," in The White Majority: Between Poverty and Affluence, edited by Louise Kapp Howe, New York: Random House, 1970, p. 148.

l^K arl Marx and Friedrich Engels, The German Ideology, (edited and translated by Roy Pascal), New York: International Publishers, 1947, pp. 23-23.

^^See Stanley Aronowitz, "The Working Class: A Break with the Past," Liberation, Vol. 17, Nos. 3, 4, and 5, 1972, pp. 20-31; Robert E. Lane and Michael Lerner, "Why Hard-Hats Hate Hairs',’ Psychology Today, Vol. 4, No. 6, 1970, pp. 45-48, 104-105. In previous decades it has been massively demonstrated that lower socio-economic groups are more subject to alienation 83

American experience has revealed that political extremism and political alienation (which, depending on the circumstances, may or may not be related) are by no means confined to certain racial or economic blocs, but are rather a good measure of the psychological consequences of social isolation.

Thus, while ample substantiation is available for the hypothesis that political alienation is inversely related to socio- 165 economic status (SES) , there are sufficient indicators to warrant placing such components of this form of alienation as extremism at a disproportionately high level among those in higher from other groups. See Leo Srole, "Social Integration and Certain Corollaries: An Explox-atory Study," American Sociological Review, Vol. 21, No. 6, 1956, pp. 709-716; Edward L. McDill, "Anomie, Authoritarianism, Prejudice, and Socio-economic Status: An Attempt at Classification," Social Forces, Vol. 39, No. 3, 1961, pp. 239-245.

164'j'his relationship is most evident in Fromm, Escape from Freedom, C h s. 1, 2, and 4 .

^^Wayne E. Thompson and John E. Horton, "Political Alienation as a Force in Political Action," Social Forces, Vol. 48, No, 3, I960, pp. 190-195; Richard Quinney, "Political Conservatism, Alienation, and Fatalism: Contingencies of Social Status and Religious Fundamentalism," Sociometry, Vol. 27, No. 3, 1964, pp. 372-381; Edward L. McDill and Jeanne Clare Ridley, "Status, Anomia, Political Alienation, and Political Participation," American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 68, No. 2, 1962, pp. 205-210; Lane, Political Life, pp. 232, 344; Lester W. Milbrath, Political Participation, Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1965, p. 13. 84

SES brackets. Other researchers have indicated that the factors of ethnicity and race, more than income and social class, have made

1 fi7 substantial indentations into recent voting patterns. ' Still others have found strong and weak motivation to register to vote to be more or less equally distributed among racial groups, and that the principal difference between voters and nonvoters is the individual's opinion of whether or not he or she possesses an "aptitude" for politics. The common denominators for alienation in the political sphere appear to be generalized disenchantment with the status quo. This may take the form of either active or inactive extremism (rebelliousness or apathy), and it signifies a shared resentment of the condition whereby modern political democracies seem to no longer i-equii-e or desire a highly informed citizenry or a constant level of citizen participation 169 , even though, as Almond

■J £ £ ■looLdpset has argued that the nouveaux riches element of society often supports leftist activism to "challenge the legitimacy of the traditional basis of social status" which permits them wealth but not status. See Seymour Martin Lipset, Revolution and Counter­ revolution: Change and Persistence in Social Structures, New York: Basic Books, 1968, pp. 167-169.

* ^ P atricia Cayo Sexton and Brendan Sexton, Blue Collars and Hard-Hats: The Working Class and the Future of American Politics, New York: Random House, 1971, pp. 198-203.

^®Penn Kimball, The Disconnected, New York: Columbia University Press, 1972, pp. 124-128, 295.

!69Supra, pp. 78-79. This occurrence is well-documented in contemporary Swedish life by Roland Huntford, The New Totalitarians, New York: Stein and Day, 1972. 85 and Verba 170 have noted, the typical American is more oriented to participant values than he is to subject values. Such occurrences as apparent tax shelters for the wealthier classes in exchange for substantial political campaign contributions notwithstanding, the phenomenon of the sense of personal impotency (as opposed to a class feeling) in political affairs seems to have a broad social base.

The only exception to this individualization of political malaise is the recurrent sense among American racial minorities that, although America is not a "colonial” power in the strictist sense of the word, those within a racial group possess a common experience of political exploitation. In the case of black Americans,

Carmichael 17 1 has clarified the need for regarding the oppression of black people with a "group" perspective:

. . .the black man's alienation is not an individual question, it is a question of socio- diagnostics. The Negro problem does not resolve itself into the problem of individual Negroes living among white men, but rather of Negroes as a class that is exploited, enslaved, and despised by the colonialist, capitalist society, which is only accidentally white.

l^Gabriel A, Almond and Sidney Verba, The Civic Culture, Boston: Little, Brown, and Co., 1965, pp. 178-180.

l^lStokely Carmichael, Stokely Speaks: Black Power Back to P an-A fricanism , New York: Random House, 1971, p. 78, Also see Harold Cruse, Rebellion or Revolution, New York: William Morrow and Co., 1968, p. 68-73. 86

The political alienation of youth can, as in the case of voting, be viewed as a thrust toward extremism. While "alienation may spring from the threatening consequences of political activity, feelings about the futility of political activity, or the absence of 172 incentives to become involved in political affairs, " alienation among the young may also engender activism stemming from feelings than even democratic reform does not provide youth with "the outlet 173 for 'self-expression' and 'self-definition' that it wants. " Students 174 and working-class youth are similarly affected. Keniston discovered that the student dissenter is either a political activist or is withdrawn and culturally alienated. The student in this syndrome is nearly identical to this description of working-class youth:

His political participation is rather episodic and largely nonorganizational, passionate rather than programatic. In content, his stance tends to be defensive and protective rather than offensive and expanding. , , . Simultaneously, he sees other groups effectively using government for ends that

172 Morris Rosenberg, "Some Determinants of Political Apathy, " in Political Behavior, edited by Heinz Eulau, Samuel L. Eldersveld, and Morris Janowitz, Glencoe, 111, : The Free Press, 195 6, pp. 160-169.

1 7 3 Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology, Glencoe, 111. : The Free Press, i960, p. 375. 174 Kenneth Keniston, "The Sources of Student Dissent, " Journal of Social Issues, Volume 23, Number 3, 1967, pp. 108-137. 87

are self-serving, and with a particular sense of outrage he sees government going out to involve other groups in ways that exclude him.

Thus, while the alienation of "the early Marx provided the emotive symbol for idealistic students in generational revolt against the System" and while students frequently feel alienated because of the inaccessability of the decision-m aking process 177 , the young worker often regards other groups, including students, as detracting from his own opportunities for political, social and economic satisfaction. Conflicting intra-class and intra-gene rational loyalties have further aggravated almost incomprehensible and incongruous identity patterns. Interestingly, some youth who chose in the recent past to work "within the system" have abandoned those efforts, and others who elected to abrasively confront and overcome that system have embarked upon much more conservative ventures.

175william Simon and John II. Gagnon, "Working Class Youth: Alienation Without an Im age," in Howe, ed. , The White Majority, p. 57.

^^Lewis S. Feuer, The Conflict of Generations, New York: Basic Books, 1959, p. 508. 177 Martin Oppenheimer, "The Student Movement as a Response to Alienation," Journal of Human Relations, Vol. 16, No. 1, 1968, pp. 1-16.

A former high-level advisor on youth to President Richard Nixon has renounced his deception and the Administration's insincerity in dealing effectively with the problems of contemporary Am erican youth. On the other hand, a pivotal figure in the 1968 88

"The problem of political organization in the new society

is to adapt to the m ass civilization of the twentieth century

conceptions of democracy formed in earlier and highly individualistic

periods of history. Carr's suggestion is eminently supported

by viewing the agonies of attempting adequate representation in the

democratic mold. The reason for belief that there exists someone

who can substantially represent one's political interests has

seriously depreciated. The issue of acceptable representation in the

governmental process for racial minorities has been well-aired, if

unresolved, during the past decade, 180 and a perfusion of similar

concerns have been recently expressed on the behalf of white "ethnic"

Americans. 181 The consensus in the bulk of these criticisms is that

Democratic National Convention riots in Chicago is now actively engaged in low-keyed voter registration drives. See Toby Moffett, The Participation Put-O n, New York: Delacorte P r e ss, 1971; Jerry Rubin, Abbie Hoffman, and Ed Sanders, V ote! , New York: Warner, 1972. 179 „ Edward Hallett Carr, The New Society, Boston: Beacon Press, 1957, p. 61.

l^OSee, for example, Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton, Black Power: The Politics of Liberation in America, New York: Random House, 1967; Vine Deloria, Jr., Custer Died for Youv Sins: An Indian M anifesto, New York: M acmillan, 1969; .Leo Crebner et al. , The Mexican-American People, New York: The .Free Press, 1970, pp. 556-570; Armando B. Rendon, Chicano Manifesto, New York: Macmillan, 1971, pp. 241-275. 181 Michael Novak, The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnic, New York: Macmillan, 1972. the white, Anglo-Saxon Protestant (WASP) minority ruthlessly dominates political, as well as cultural, social, and economic aspects of American life, and that this elite sets the standards for social and political advancement. One senses that only WASP interests are adequately represented because only their standards and values are deemed worthy of attainment. As in the past, the effects of alienation are most abundant under conditions of ideological monopoly.

The recurrence of politically alienating factoi's, particularly senses of resentment and powerlessness, can be explained in many ways. Frequently they are attributed to the complexity of present governmental designs and the increase in the secretiveness of governmental affairs. One is daily bombarded by the dubious rationale that the delicacy of peace negotiations requires them not being discussed. Presidential advisors cite Executive iinmunity and privilege under Congressional questioning.

Credibility in inundated in the plethora of contradictory statistics and reports on matters ranging from taxes, prices, casualties, and appointments to battles, crime, and pornography. Even the concerned and studious citizen is "a spectator rather than a participant, . .aware of being deeply affected by the actions and forces of the greater world; but since he cannot control or understand 90 them, this awareness, if anything, deepens his sense of estrange- ment," 182 Such an observer need not be regarded as the particular victim of severe psychic disturbance or social upheaval; he is merely aware of what Dahl*®^ has named the "new democratic

Leviathan": "...welfare-oriented, centralized, bureaucratic, tamed and controlled by competion among highly organized elites... remote distant, and impersonal., .a politics carried on among professionals and quasi-professional leaders...." He has collided with mass society and, in most cases, regardless of class, skill, or even race, the outcome is "to be socially integrated... to accept propaganda, advertising, and speedy obsolescence in consumption."^^ And, as the black as well as the white citizen-victim in this case has aspired to both the material resources and intangible benefits of the prevailing economic system, "the modern citizen is caught up in the web of beliefs, expectations, and sanctions that tie him to

Tinder, The Crisis of Political Imagination, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1964, p. 41,

188Robert A. Dahl, "Epilogue," in Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, edited by Robert A. Dahl, New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1966, p. 399.

^^Harold L. Wilensky, "Mass Society and Mass Culture," American Sociological Review, Vol. 29, No. 2, April, 1964, p. 176,

^ ^ Report of the National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, New York: Bantam Books, 1968, p. 204. 91 the existing regime far more tightly than was the case with most of

1 Q t his peasant ancestors," 00

This situation leads to responses which are themselves frequently regarded as strong indices of advanced alienation, signaling a vicious series of both centrifugal and centripetal relationships between the citizen and forces he fails to comprehend, let alone master. For instance, if one as a child is permitted to participate in decision-making processes in the family, school, and community, then senses of political competence are increased and skills in political interaction are sharpened. But what is the cumulative effect of declining opportunities to practice these competencies? This is frequently the history of the political dissenter, whole ''continued political impotence and rejection breed frustration." 188 But dissent may also take the form of self-isolation

^^Barrington Moore, Jr., Reflections on the Causes of Human Misery and upon Certain Proposals to Eliminate Them, Boston: Beacon Press, 1972, p. 35. The similar* Kafkaesque reaction of New York Times writer Neil Sheehan to reading the "Pentagon Papers" and his recording of an "inner U.S. Government" whose primary mission is "its own perpetuatiori'is included in David Halberstam, The Best and the Brightest, New York: Random House, 1972, p. 409.

^^Almond and Verba, The Civic Culture, pp. 266-267.

*®®Robert A. Dahl, "The American Oppositions: Affirmation and Denial," in Political Oppositions in Western Democracies, Dahl, ed. , p. 66. or withdrawal. Among both blue-collar and white-collar workers who, fearing the oblique wrath of a boundless and mysterious

"system", participation in collective action inevitably declines, "at whatever psychological cost, as the best means to avoid immediate 189 damage to a personal interest situation. " On the other hand, 190 such alienation is strategic in creating what Apter has described as the formation of "political religion": ", . . inequities in the system. . . are used to distinguish individuals and groups from one another and to give them identity based on conflict and local solid­ arity based on competition for influence and power. " The same phenomenon may produce either effect, and either effect may produce another alienated individual or group. Many advocates of 191 "participatory democracy", falling short of Mills' goals of using alienation as a political tool to "pursue truth" and to formulate

"audacious program s" and "commanding view of the future, " have instead opted for personal fulfillment when the opportunity presented

189 Otto Kirchheimer, "Private Man and Society, " in Politics, Law, and Social Change, edited by Frederic S. Burin and Kurt Li. Shell, New York: Columbia University Press, 1967, pp. 463-464. 190 David E. Apter, The Politics of Modernization, Chicago The University of Chicago P ress, 1965, p. 322.

^^C. Wright Mills, "The Decline of the Left, " in Power, Politics, and People: The Collected Essays of C. Wright Mills, edited by Irving Louis Horowitz, New York: Oxford University Press, 1963, p. 233. 93 itself in the political arena. In too many cases this does and must occur at the cost of sacrificing potential collective gains for the cause which supported the individual in the position to acquire personal gain. The resulting effect is most often the disallusionment and frustration of other adherents to the particular cause, who in this case have lost both their issue and their personal chances for political potency.

SOCIOLOGY AND ALIENATION: THE EARLY WRITERS

Again, Marxian thought can be employed as a measure of alienation in the social sphere, but this may inevitably involve over- extending the meanings which Marx intended. No one can doubt that he set the stage for social research and activism related to alienation, but this does not imply that the "historical Marx" can account fully for the patterns of thought regarding alienation after him, as Bell*^ has revealed:

Marx has repudiated the idea of alienation divorced from his specific economic analysis of property relations under capitalism, and, in so doing, closed off a road which would have given us a broader and more useful analysis of society and personality. ... While one rnay be sympathetic to the idea of alien­ ation, it is only further myth-making to read this concept back as the central theme of Marx.

192£)aniel Bell, "The 'Rediscovery' of Alienation," The Journal of Philosophy, Volume56, Number 24, N o v em b er 1959, p.935. This study, then, will search out other thinkers who, though

influenced by and reacting to Marx, developed distinct analyses of

social alienation. There is a gap in time among these thinkers. One

group may be considered as a late-nineteenth century movement -----

they include Tonnies, Weber, Simmel, and Durkheim. The other

group, with the exception of Merton in the gap, signifies the growth

of concern over alienation in American sociology in the early 1950's,

and includes Parsons, Whyte, Reisman, Seeman, Mills, and

Goxildnei*.

Ferdinand Tonnies provides an appropriate context which

guided, like Marx, the development of thought about alienation in

early sociological theory and research. He is best remembered for

an eai*ly work entitled Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft (1887), which

described two polar bases for human association. This dichotomy

accompanied the popular notion of the times that Western society was undei'going a great transition in world history. But Tonnies did not share in the particular optimism of many of his scientific and literary contemporaries. Gemeinschaft described traditional

society, in which the unity of individuals around collective bonds, as in the case of the family, prevailed. Gesellschaft, on the other hand, was coiitractual in its nature, occurring when individuals united around specific purposes or goals which they sensed to be 95

unobtainable in isolation. Such planned arrangements still left

individuals adrift in a primarily fragmented social milieu, which

Tonnies regarded as an inevitable consequence of the Renaissance,

and particularly of the Industrial Revolution. As Pappenheim 107 3

has concluded, this proposition was rooted in the idea that "we

must resign ourselves to living in a depersonalized world," a

position similar to Marx, who also "envisaged contemporary man

as living in a society without human community, in a world in which

he is barred from human fulfillment."

Alienation in such a context was an essential manifestation

of a peculiar conservatism of the times, as Nisbet**^ has found. It was the condition of thinkers who, deeply effected by the French

Revolution and its aftermath, agonized over the relentless "struggle between the old and the new orders, with defeat of the old almost foreordained." The recurring progressive optimism which had for so long captured the imagination of philosophy in the Western mind was collapsing amid pre-World War I despair. *^5 Much of the

193pritz Pappenheim, The Alienation of Modern Man: An Interpretation Based on Marx and Tonnies, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1959, pp. 68, 83.

194Robert A. Nisbet, The Sociological Tradition, New York: Basic Books, 1966, p. 269*

195W. Warren Wagar, Good Tidings: The Belief in Progress from Darwin to Marcuse, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University P ress, 1972, p. 145. 96

malaise generated by this phenomenon was aptly depicted in

Tocqueville' sconception of a GeselXschaft-like democracy, which

maintained a distant longing for the established aristocratic measures which provided the rudiments of at least some traditional values and

social stability throughout the transition from one order to another.

Weber was similarly alarmed by the demise of

Gemeinschaft, the traditional value orientation which seemed to be

abandoned to popular but less fundamental concerns. Capitalism,

socialism, , democracy all were secondary and perhaps

inconsequential for Weber to the encompassing problems of over­

organization and rationalization ------"bureaucracy, rationalization of values, alienation from community and culture. . . ."197 ]ror him,

all this was a general and pervasive trend of which Marx's claim of psychological damage to workers because of their separation from the means of production was only a part. Although he never

specifically dealt with the notion of alienation, he foresaw, accurately enough, the emergence of new man: "Specialists without spirit, sensualists without heart; this nullity imagines that it has

196^ex£s q;ocqueville, Democracy in America: Volume XI, (translated by George Lawrence), London: Collins, Ltd., 1969, pp. 744-748.

*^Nisbet, The Sociological Tradition, p. 293. 97 198 obtained a level of civilization never before achieved!"

Georg Siramel departed most noticeably from Weberian

assertations by posing societal roles as threats to individuals. For

Weber, man had been little more than the sum of his social roles.

But Simmel, like Weber, observed with much regret the infusion of rationalized bureaucratic forms into social arrangements. His principal concern was how man was to preserve his individuality, particularly in an urbanized environment:

The deepest problems of modern life drive from the claim of the' individual to preserve autonomy and individuality of his existence in the face of overwhelming social forces, of historical heritage, of external culture, and of the technique of life. *99

Alienation thus occurred when the individual was powerless in relation to compounding objectification. As in the case of power^^,

Simmel regretfully resigned himself, like Marx and Tonnies, to the inevitability of alienation. To him, social forces were activated by the needs of individuals, but inevitably evolved to control both those needs and the individuals possessing them. Thus, both society and

I98jviax Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, (translated by Talcott Parsons), New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958, p. 181.

l99Georg Simmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel, (translated and edited by Kurt H. Wolff), Glencoe, Illinois: The F r e e Press, 1950, p. 409. 200^. V. Walter, "Simmel's Sociology of Power: The Architecture of Politics," in Fmile Durkheim: A Collection of Essays, edited by Kurt II. Wolff, Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, 1959, p. 409. 98 the individual hold a valid claim to value, but "insoluble" conflict arises from the utlimate force of the "collectivity" on the individual's will which "flows from the innermost core of his personality. "^01

The gap between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft, and between concerns for the centrality of the individual and the imperatives of social order, was approached by Emile Durkheim in a much different manner. Coining the term anomie ("without norms"), he suggested that alienation resulted from avoiding or being excluded from either Gemeinschaft or Gesellschaft, 01 * any social order. His conception of "organic solidarity" roughly correlates to Tonnies'

Gesellschaft, while he used the terms "mechanical solidarity" and

"collective unconscious" in much the same way as others used

202 "Gemeinschaft". His conception of anomie disputed theories that the goals of individuals and the values of society were separate entities. For Durkheim, these were part of the same system, and to view them as distinct was to invite irreconcilable social cleavages that, combined with the stresses wracking transitional society ----- changes in the division of labor, sex roles, equality, and authority

^OlSimmel, The Sociology of Georg Simmel, pp. 59, 248.

^^Em ile Durkheim, Suicide: A Study in Sociology, (translated by John A. Spaulding and George Simpson), Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1951, p. 252. 99

structures could culminate in suicide. Society could not long endure

under such conditions, and regulations within social units became

imperative for curbing normlessness. Man, in Durkheim's view, was

a boundless collage of passions which could be restrained only by social

regulation, principally because the capitalist ethics of greed and gain

had eroded necessary social restraints. Individual efforts to excel and

to achieve economic and social prestige were trapped by infinite

"dreams of fevered imagination," and "those who have only empty

space above them are almost inevitably lost in it, if no force restrains

them."^9^ Ironically, Durkheim "took the disenchantment with religious

symbols in his stride; but disenchantment with the symbols of secular

authority, he may have felt, could contribute only to further an om ie," ^

SOCIOLOGY AND ALIENATION: RECENT FINDINGS

Durkheim set the tone for the bulk of sociological research

after him. A process emerged for gathering social "facts" and

organizing research around observable data in specific areas of

social occurences, including alienation. Perhaps inadvertently, this

^Durkheim, Suicide, pp. 256, 257.

^®^Lewis A. Coser, "Durkheim*s Conservatism and Its Implications for His Sociological Theory," in Emile Durkheim: A Collection of Essays, edited by Kurt H. Wolff, Columbus, Ohio: The Ohio State University Press, I960, p. 221. 100 procederal set resulted in a dichotomization of "social structure" and "social change", which has been often criticized as obstructing 205 the necessary view of a broader "social reality". It is therefore important to understand the motivations behind the method, which have essentially been guided by the struggle of the social sciences to

"ccitch up" with the physical sciences by emulating signs of 20 6 sophistication, listed by Langer in her analysis of this problem:

. . . technical language, the laboratory atmosphere, apparatus, graphs, charts, and statistical ave rages. This ambition has had some unfortunate effects on a discipline for which the procedures of classical physics, for instance, the experi­ mental techniques of Galileo, may not be suitable at all. It has centered attention on the ordering and collating of facts, and drawn it away from their own intriguing character as something distinct from the facts encountered by the physicist, and perhaps differently structured.

For most sociological research efforts, this has resulted in 207 isolation from even scientific criteria, as explained by Beck:

205 Florian Znanieckj, "Basic Problems of Contemporary Sociology, " American Sociological Review, Volume 19, Number 5, October, 1954, p. 520. 2 0 6 Susannc K. Langer, Mind: An Essay on Human Feeling, Volume J. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1967, p. 33. In a similar vein, Becker has suggested that many social scientists are "stoically unconcerned about relating science to the problems of their time. " See Becker, The Structure of Evil, p. xi. 207 William S. Beck, Modern Science, and the Nature of Life, Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor, 1961, p. 1. 101

Man has always had to endure misery. The essence of crisis, however, is a disproportion- ality between the amount of misery men suffer and the potentialities of their future.. . .Science can not be regarded as a thing apart, to be studied, admired, and ignored. It is a vital part of our culture, our culture is a part of it, it permeates our thinking, and its continued separateness from what is fondly called the "humanities" is a preposterous practical joke on all thinking men.

R eservations notwithstanding, approaches to the problem of alienation continued to be studied in much greater abundance in sociological literature than characterizations of the problem itself.

Concerns pertinent to the fundamental assumptions of sociological thought have lacked sufficient expression throughout the development of the discipline as a "science".

Thus, a bridge from the era of Durkheim and Weber to contemporary sociological inquiry was provided by Merton and

Parsons, who adopted to their respective studies of the problem of alienation the earlier* conceptualizations of norm lessness, which for them resulted from societally imposed standards of behavior which are both unclear and of dubious value to the one sensing n orm lessn ess.

Further, Merton followed Durkheirn's theory of social disorganization in his suggestion that anomie resulted from the intensification of societal i*ules in relation to individual goals. Anomie was again viewed as inevitable because the gap between goals and the means of achieving goals was likewise inevitable. Thus anomie stemmed not 102

from negligible restraints in economic affairs, as many interpret

Marx, but from "a breakdown of the cultural structure. .. .When the

cultural and the social structure are malintegrated, the first calling

for behavior and attitudes which the second precludes, there is a

strain toward the breakdown of norms, . . .^08 To put it another way,

anomie becomes the "result of a disjunction between socially mandated

goals and the structurally available means for the attainment of these

goals. Individuals under such circumstances might then innovate

illegal or unorthodox methods of fulfilling their goals, or they might

utterly rebel against both goals and social norms. Either practice

might result in what Merton described as 11 pseudo-Gemeinschaft":

the "feigning of personal concern with the other fellow in order to

manipulate him the better, "210

Parsons similarly became engrossed by the theories of

Durkheim and Weber, and sought to present and build upon them in his massive research effort, The Structure of Social Action (1937).

This work signalled the full eclipse of debate relative to the basic forces underlying sociological inquiry. Concerns for the procedures

203 Robert K. Merton, Social Theory and Social Structure, {revised edition), Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957, pp. 162-163.

209Epin*aim Harold Mizruchi, "Alienation and Anomie: Theoretical and Emperical Perspectives," in The New Sociology, Howowitz, ed. , p. 255.

^^Robert K. Merton, Mass Persuasion, New York: Harper and Brothers, 19*47, p. 142. 103 of investigation survey, statistical analysis, and other techniques

in addition to some broader methodological issues, began to 211 assume primal status within the discipline. Henceforth, the bulk of sociological thought assumed the presence of or the need for consensual normative restraints within the social order. The many other dynamics of "social order" and the relative values of such

"order" itself were not generally examined. Empirically-oriented sociological pursuits gave rise to the distinction to be made between alienation as a subjective condition and anomie as an objective social condition.212 In the Parsonian view, then, anomie reflected a tendency toward the "complete breakdown of normative order. "213

It further represented the polar extreme of total institutionalization.

Parsons cautiously sought to alert researchers that such defined conditions as deviance must be viewed always in terms of the assumption of a "given institutionalized value-pattern system," and he consequently isolated such phenomena as hoboism and bohemianism as efforts to avoid the "rules" of society rather than as attempts to escape attachments to people within a given

^llDonald N. Levine, in the introduction to Georg Simmel, On Individuality and Social Form s, edited by Donald N. Levine, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 19V1, pp. lvi-lviii.

^^Joachim Israel, Alienation: From Marx to Modern Sociology, Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1971, p. 7.

^^Talcott Parsons, The Social System, New York: The Free Press, 1951, p. 39. 104

s o c ie ty.^ * 4 Much later Yablonsky2 differentiated "hippies", who

generally rejected the means, goals, and values of a society, from

lower-class delinquents who, far from rejecting the "system",

strove to meet socially sanctioned goals by whatever means. This *> 11 bi'ings to mind Whyte's caution ° to sociologists who would equate

"deviance" with alienation:

The sociologist who dismisses racket and political oi-ganization as deviations from desirable standards thereby neglects some of the major elements of slum life. . . .He does not discover the functions they perform for the members. , . .Politics and the rackets have furnished an important means of social mobility for individuals, who, because of ethnic back- . ground and low cla-ss position, are blocked from advancement in the "respectable" channels.

As one seeks to explain the activities of many sub-groups within

society as manifestations of alienation, whether they be black

"militants", Socialists Workers' Party organizers, motorcycle

gangs, or commune dwellers, one must bo alert to the goals of the

participants in each situation. This reveals much about their varying

perceptions of social reality and, consequently, their senses of

214lbid. , pp. 283-289.

2 ^-’Lewis Yablonsky, The Hippie Trip, New York: Pegasus •Books, 1968, pp. 293-319.

216william P. Whyte, "Social Organization in the Slxims , " American Sociological Review, Volume 8 , Number 1, February, 1943, pp. 34-39. 105 alienation. Clearly, the tone and setting of alienation assumes markedly different characteristics, depending not only upon the social milieu of the one perceived as alienated, but likewise upon the methods employed for observing the alienated.

A most useful differentiation has been proffered by

Taviss^^, who measured, through a review of popular magazine stories throughout the twentieth century, an increase in what she described as "self-alienation": a condition brought about by

"individual selves dominated by 'inclinations and desires' which agree with 'prevailing social patterns' (for which individuals) manipulate themselves accordingly." She further measured a slight decrease in "social alienation", which occurs when the "existing social system is incompatible with the individual's desires to the extent that he is estranged from it." Using these classifications as a guide to the divergence of opinion among recent writers on what constitutes alienation, one would find Whyte's organization man 218 incapable of social alienation. His psychological existence is nearly pre-empted by his attachment to the existing social order,

217 Irene Taviss, "Changes in the Form of Alienation: The 1900's vs. the 1950's," American Sociological Review, Volume 34, Number 1, February, 1969, pp. 46-47.

^ISwilliam H. Whyte, Jr., The Organization Man, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1956, especially Chapter 3. 106

"the way things are" from his perspective. This condition

complements the accumulating pervasiveness of self-alienation,

detailed by Reisman^^ and M ills^^.

But the agreement between them is limited. Their

respective impressions of alienation may be revealed through an

analysis of their conflicting positions on powex* within society.

Reisman does not place much importance on what Mills characterized

as a "power elite". Rather, he perceives society as compartmentalized

into countervailing interest or "veto" groups. Power in such a society

is diffuse and in danger of being ineffectual. For Mills, power is

overly centralized and all too effectual. Reisman, in the tradition

of presupposing the need for an elaborate social order, detailed

"innex*-directed" and "outer-directed" as types of conformity to that

order. Inner-directedness was revealed through early internalization

of life-goals, which were attained through dependence on immediate

authority, such as parents. Outer-directedness emerged when the

individual externalized his conformity patterns through the

acceptance of the imposition of goals from much less tangible and

immediate resources than parents. Autonomy is not synonomous

^^David Reisman (with Nathan Glazer and Reuel Denney), The Lonely Crowd, New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1950.

220C. Wright Mills, White Collar, New York: Oxford University Press, 1951. 107 with conformity in this case, but is the condition of being capable of choosing "whether to conform or not."22 i * Inner-directedness encases the individual. Outer-directedness opens the individual to a world of psychological and social possibilities which, nonetheless, could be self-alienating and closely related to the situation which Merton 222 characterized as "pseudo-Gemeinschaft. " Mills has provided a lucid example of this condition:

In many strata of white collar employment, such traits as courtesy, helpfulness, and kindness, once intimate, are now part of the im personal means of livelihood. Self-alienation is thus an accompaniment of.. .alienated labor. .. .When white collar people get jobs, they sell not only their time and energy, but their personalities as well.223

Thus, there is agreement between Mills and Reisman on what self­ alienation is; where it comes from is another matter. For Mills, the "top-down" process foments it. For Reisman, it is caused by dysfunctionality and isolation of more or less equal powei'-units.

The latter description is mostly consistent with Parson's description^*! Qf anomie as "the state where large numbers of

22lReisman, The .Lonely Crowd, p. 279*

222gUpra) p, 102.

22 Skills, White Collar, p. xvii.

224>jai coj.j. p arSons, "Some Social Aspects of the F ascist Movements," in Essays in Sociological Theory, (revised edition), edited by Talcott Parsons, New York: The Free Press, 1954, p. 125, 108

individuals are to a serious degree lacking in the kind of integration

with stable institutional patterns which is essential to their own

personal stability and to the smooth functioning of the social

system . "

It has become increasingly evident that indications of any

sort of alienation do not lie on the surface of human interaction. 225 Indeed, as pointed out by Etzioni, they could hardly be expected

to "in a society which spends so much on socialization and

manipulation escapist activities, patriotism that masks basic

problems, the reinforcement of consumption obsession, and tension-

reducing drugs....11 Under these circumstances, alienation can become so chronic that it begins to appear to be "normal" or "sane".

It is hardly surprising, then, that those social sciences upon which one might rely to monitor or help check alienation have instead

succumbed to its grip. In this sense, Gouldner speaks of

"Academic Sociology" and its alleged regard for society and culture as something apart from those who create and sustain them.

He finds the foundations for this unfortunate condition rooted in thinkers from .Rousseau to the present, but the important thing to

225 Amitai Etzioni, The Active Society: A Theory of .Social and Political P ractices, New York: The F ree P ress, 1968, p. 628. 226 Alvin W. Gouldner, The Coming Crisis in Western Sociology, New York: Basic Books, 1970, pp. 52-53. 109

keep in mind is that these foundations "tacitly predicate that men

have created a social universe from which they have been alienated"

and, subsequently "the dominant expressions of the academic social

sciences embody an accomodation to the alienation of men in

contemporary society, rather than a determined effort to transcend

it. " Mills and Marcuse are said to similarly regard alienation as 227 "symbolizing the default of contemporary social sciences." The consequence has been that sociology has been confined to the study of social processes, but has all but totally ignored the nature of man, the origin of social process. This, of course, is hardly a

recent development, but originates with very eai*Iy practitioners of sociological analysis, as Israel notes:

. whereas Marx is concerned with the consequences of the social and economic structure upon the life of man, Weber restricts himself to a functional analysis and describes formal rationality without going deeply into the consequences it may have for man. These differences exemplify what we mean by an individual-oriented vs. a society-oriented approach.

And'from these Marxian and Weber*ian sources, the disciplines of the social sciences themselves have been transformed from the

227 Robert W. Friedrichs, A Sociology of Sociology, New York: The Free Press, 1970, p. 50, 228 Israel, Alio nation, p. 121. n o 229 "radical" to the "conformist", as Horton has indicated:

Alienated thinking is especially apparent when the sociologist thinks about alienation. In the works of Marx and Durkheim, alienation and anomie critically and negatively describe states of social disorder from utopian standards of societal or human health. Today dehumanization has set in, the concepts have been transmogrified into things instead of evaluations about things, and it is no longer clear what alienated men are alienated from. The intellectual problem of dehumanization is how to make an evaluation of a discontent pass for an objective description, or at least for another's evaluation.

A review of current sociological data on alienation would be unforgiveably incomplete if it neglected the work of Seeman and his associates. Most importantly, he has listed five components 230 of alienation in an effort to clarify its meaning. The first,

powerlessness, involves feelings by the individual that how one behaves or what one does in a social setting is mostly immaterial to the social outcomes one desires. Meaninglessness indicates an uncertainty about both present and future, and about one's purpose within both. Isolation reflects a quality of being apart from the established order of things. When there is a cleavage between

229 John Horton, "The Dehumanization of Anomie and Alienation: A Problem in the Ideology of Sociology, " British Journal of Sociology, Volume 15, Number 4, December, 1964, p. 284. 230 Melvin Seeman, "On the Meaning of Alienation, 11 American Sociological Be view, Volume 24, Number 6, December, 1959, PP* 783-791; Melvin Seeman and John Evans, "Alienation and Learning in a Hospital Setting, " American Sociological Review, Volume 27, Number 6, December, 1962, pp. 772-782, I l l

one's behavior and one's self-image, Seeman describes the condition

as self-estrangement. Normlessness is employed to describe a lack

of available or effective social norms to guide individual conduct.

Seeman's conceptualization of powerlessness is not

centered upon the individual's concern for or awareness of how 231 much power he has. Other researchers, however, have chosen

to define it in terms of the individual's concern that he lias little 232 or no power, or that those who wield power are not to be 233 trusted. The enveloping consequences of senses of powerlessness 234 was researched by Seeman, Bishop, and Grigsby, who found it could "inhibit striving" for better work, whereas "work alienation encourages" striving for better employment.

231 Melvin Seeman, "Powerlessness and Knowledge: A Compai-ative Study of Alienation and Learning, " Sociometry, Volume 30, Number 2, June, 1967, pp. 105-123.

2 3 2 John P. Clark, "Measuring Alienation Within a Social System, " American Sociological Review, Volume 23, Number 6, December, 1959, pp. 849-852; Marshall B. Clinard, Slums and Community Development, New York: The Free Press, 1966, p. 309.

2 3 3 McDill and Ridley, "Status, Anomia. . ., " pp. 205-213. 234 Melvin Seeman, Jam es M. Bishop, and J. Eugene Grigsby, III, "Community and Control in a Metropolitan Setting, " in Race, Change, and Urban Society, edited by Peter Orleans and William Russell Ellis, Jr., Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, 1971, p. 437. 112

Seeman's impressions of meaningless are shared by

2 3 5 236 Miller and Middleton, who find it to be personified by the

inability of the individual to find intrinsic meaning in that which he

does. Isolation as a factor in alienation, moreover, seems to be a 237 vague feeling, perhaps analogous to "separation, " as Schacht

found the term "alienation" to be useful only "as a general,

nontheoretical classificatory term. " It may also indicate a

"detachment", which may imply apathy or indifference, or, as 238 Nettler found among those who were alienated from "popular

culture", there are elements of aversion or resentment. Seeman's

perceptions of self-estrangement seem to be similar to Etzioni's 239 inauthentic behavior, or, again, Merton's "pseudo-Gemeinschaft,"

in which one may conform to ideals only to project an expedient

facade of agreement with societal demands. Normlessness continues

235 George A. Miller, "Professionals in Bureaucracy: Alienation Among Industrial Scientists and Engineers, " American Sociological Review, Volume 32, Number 5, October, 1967, pp. 755-768. P36 Bussell Middleton, "Alienation, Race, and Education, " American Sociological Review, Volume 28, Number 6, December, 1963, pp. 973-977. 237 Schacht, Alienation, p. 183. 238 Gwynn Nettler, "A Measure of Alienation, " American Sociological Review, Vol. 22, Number 6, December, 1957, pp. 670-677. 239 Amitai Etzioni, "Basic Human Needs, Alienation, and Inauthenticity, " American Sociological Review, Volume 33, Number 6, Decem ber, 1968, pp. 880-881. 113

to be based on Merton's conceptualization of the non-availability of

legitimate social means of achieving "socially acceptable and

desirable goals though those channels which are accepted by 240 society. " Indeed, most sociological inquiry has not only

presupposed the commonality of certain values within society, but it has also failed to scrutinize the extensiveness of the control functions of the "social order" which are likewise presupposed.

Because of this, contemporary social scientists have neglected a potential role in deminishing alienation through negotiating the limits of the "social order". This might best occur through insight 241 into the independence of values, a process realized by Frankel:

Social integration in a liberal society does not come from integrating ultimate values. It comes from organizing secular institutions in such a way that men's "ultimate" values ----- their consciences, their sense of the meaning of life, their personal dignity do not become elements of public conflict. . . . For men are told that they have, or ought to have, a "common faith" at precisely the moment when their common habits are in decline. And this may only heighten their sense of the gap between the alleged and the real, and further encourage the growth of cynicism, hypocricy, and that general state of affairs which the sociologists call "anomie"— life without norms.

240Israel, Alienation, p. 211. 241 Charles Frankel, The Case for Modern Man, Boston: Beacon Press, 1955, p. 83. 114

ALIENATION IN PSYCHOLOGICAL THOUGHT

The regard for alienation within the discipline of

psychology is remarkably similar to that in sociology. Freud,

though he never employed the terms of "alienation" or "anomie",

was a contemporary of the early sociologists, and he generally

shared their reflections on societal restraints for individual behavior,

as his images of id, ego, and super ego reveal. And, similarly, the

academic discipline of psychology shares with sociology an

infatuation with affairs which remove it from concerns for the

individual psyche per se, as AUport^^ has revealed:

The word norm means "an authoritative standard," and correspondingly normal means abiding by such a standard. ... But having said this much, we immediately discover that there are two entirely different kinds of standards that may be applied to divide the normal form the abnormal: one statistical, the other ethical. The former pertains to the average or usual, and the latter to the desirable or valuable. . . . Fifty years ago this double meaning of norm and normal did not trouble psychology so much as it does today. . . .Intoxicated with the new-found beauty of the normal distribution curve, psychologists were content to declare its slender tails as the one and only sensible measure of abnormality. . . .

242Qordon W. Allport, Pe rsonality and Social Encounter, Boston: Beacon Press, I960, pp. 155-156. 115

... .While not all psychologists equated adjustment with average behavior, this implication was pretty generally present. ... Now times have changed. Our concern for the improvement of average human behavior is deep, for we now sei*iously doubt that the mei’ely mediocre man can survive. As social anomie spreads, as society itself becomes more and more sick, we doubt that the mediocre man will escape mental disease and delinquency, or that he will keep himself out of the clutch of dictators or succeed in preventing atomic warfare. The normal distribution curve, we see, holds out no hope of salvation.

Other psychologists have gone on to infer that, in an effort to establish itself as a "hard" or quantitative discipline, psychology has become enveloped by triviality and, as Gouldner found in the 24 3 case of sociology, it has become an alienated discipline.

Still others have insisted that alienation is both a psychological and a social phenomenon. Zwerling^^ suggests that

"one can only separate the social from the psychological in arbitrary fashion; the separation of the psychologic from the psychopathologic accompaniments of alienation is even more arbitrary." Thus

^^Liam Hudson, The Cult of the Fact, New York: Harper and Row, 1972.

244jsraei Zwerling, Alienation and the Mental Health Professions, Richmond, Virginia: Virginia Commonwealth University, 1968, pp. 15-16. 116

Sullivan 245 and Horney 24fi both anchored their research in studies of interpersonal relations: that which occurs between or among rather than within. The principle objection of these "Freudian 247 revisionists , " as Marcuse calls them,was that "Freud grossly underrated the extent to which the individual and his neurosis are determined by conflicts with his environment." In part, this approach is thoroughly understandable, as in the case of a family's relationship to an alienated individual within it. Hence, Ackerman^® observed that the family often cannot sustain the added burden of a member suffering from intense anomie. This, of course, provides a cogent rationale for the combined discipline of social psychology.

In another sense, this trend may be considered as a well- intentioned reaction, or perhaps an over-reaction, to biological and other determinist ideologies which have sought to politicize certain genetic "facts", i.e., natural vs. social selection. Many factors in the social setting may be perceived as a requisite for a.ccurately comprehending psychological disorder; "the differential impact

^^Harry Stack Sullivan, The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry, edited by Helen S. Perry and Mary L. Gawell, New York: Norton, 1953.

^^Karen Horney, New Ways in Psychoanalysis, New York: Norton, 1939.

^^M arcuse, Eros and Civilization, p. 226.

W. Ackerman, The Psychodynamics of Family Life, New York: Basic Books, 1958, p. 112. 117

of alienating forces upon a developing personality must surely vary

with cultural value orienation, with ethnic and national mores, with

specific class and sub-class patterns, with the presence or absence

of organic defects,., ."249 The relationship between disruption of

social structure (for example, rapid, unplanned community transition)

and depressive disorders has been established by Linsky.^O While

other researchers have found alienation to be "a prominent complaint

in a wide variety of clinical entities" in psychopathology, two "themes"

of alienation have emerged within the psychologic framework. One consists of "sociocultural" variables, while the other reflects the personal sense, that which "prevents full self-realization," These

"themes" are related but not identical; indeed, an individual may be

"even expressing his full potentiality by being anomic. "251 Thus, alienation may represent the unavailability of resources required by 2CO the individual to develop his potential, or it may be a means to

^^Zwerling, Alienation. .. , pp. 46-47.

250^rnoi(3 g^ Lansky, "Social St ructure and Depression," Social Problems, Volume 17, Number 1, Summer, 1969, pp. 120-131.

251Walter Tietz and Sherwyn M. Woods, "Alienation: A Clinical View from Multidisciplinary Vantage Points," American Journal of Psychotherapy, Volume 24, Number 2, April, 1970, p. 296, 306. 252 Joseph W. Vollmerhausen, "Alienation in the Dight of Karen Horney’s Theory of Neurosis," American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, p. 144. US

that development. Its potential is not exclusively pathological.

Viewed pathologically, alienation has been found to contain a variety

of personaltiy dispositions, including egocentricity, distrust, pco pessimism, anxiety, and resentment. J Similarly, "the

contributions various psychic states make to anomy independently

of the person's social status" have been found to include deficient

cognitive capacities, anxiety, hostility, varieties of aversive

personality dispositions, 01* whatever else "interferes with learning 254 the norms of a society." The tasks, then, of psychotherapy are

diverse. They "may be to restore the person's social adjustment

and his 'normal' neurotic tendencies. However, a more extensive

objective would be a correction of all neurotic traits, even those

condoned as 'normal' " . 255

253Anthony Davids, "Generality and Consistency of Relations Between the Alienation Syndrome and Cognitive Processes," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Volume 51, Number 1, January, 1955, pp. 61-67.

254fjerbert McClosky and John H. Scharr, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy," American Sociological Review, Volirme 30, Number 1, February, 1965, p. 17, 20.

255jL,ewis R. W olberg, The Technique of P sychotherap y, New York: Grune and Stratton, Inc. , 1954, p. 679. 119

ALIENATION AND PSYCHOTHERAPY: FOUR RESEARCHERS

One may more fully appreciate the diversity of thought within this field regarding alienation by reviewing some of the ideas of Erich Fromm, Karen Horney, Erik Erikson, and R. D. Laing.

Fromm is generally considered to be the most significant popularizer of the concept within the United States, and much of

Horney*s work is often regarded as contingent upon that of Fromm.

Erikson*s work centered on the crisis of identity, particularly among adolescents, while Laing has expanded his earlier traditional formulations of alienation into an extensive indictment of the political usages of normalcy,

Fromm enlisted the concept of alienation as a guide to

5C/L diagnosing what he regarded as insane society. Synthesizing the work of Freud and Marx, he contended that man's search for fulfill­ ment of his basic humane needs was obstructed by dehumanizing social structures. Man thus became alienated from himself, others, nature, and society. Alienation became the "mode of experience in which the person experiences himself as an alien. , . .(He) is out of touch with himself as he is .. .with any other person."257 Schacht's

256j2rich Fromm, The Sane Society, New York: Fawcett, 1955, p. 103.

2f>7ibid., p. 111. Also see Erich Fromm, Beyond the Chains of Illusion, New York: Pocket Books, 1962, p. 46. 120

linguistic analysis^® has extensively criticized the ambiguities

among Fromm's usages of the term, but one must not neglect

realizing that Fromm breached a very important barrier to under­

standing both the problems of social adjustment and personal

happiness by premising, within his discipline, that alienation was a

principal problem of the modern age, and that it could only be over­

come through being capable of relating the individual self to others

in a manner which consistently reflected personal and humane

qualities, such as critical reflectiveness.

What constituted the "self" which was to be related to

others became the central research problem for Horney, At first,

she vaguely suggested that "alienation from self" among neurotics was to be overcome through assisting the patient in retrieving "his

spontaneity and his faculty of judgment. "259 ln later research, she

suggested that alienation was the condition by which "the person

simply becomes oblivious to what he really feels, likes, rejects,

believes in short, to what he really i s . "^O it encompassed the process of one holding attitudes of "moving toward" or "moving

^5®Schacht, Alienation, pp. 123-148.

259Horney, New Ways in Psychoanalysis, p. 1 9 0 .

^^Karen Horney, Our Inner Conflicts, New York: Norton,

1 9 4 5 , p . 1 1 1 . 1Z1 against" or "away from" other people. For the neurotic, this involved a process of experiencing the ". ..compulsive drive for worldly glory through success, power, and triumph but also the tyrannical inner system by which he tries to mold himself into a godlike being. ..." Inevitably, "the godlike being is bound to hate his actual being. "261

In her final book, Horney expanded her impressions of the meaning of self as a method of gaining insight into alienation:

I would distinguish the actual or empirical self from the idealized self on the one hand, and the real self on the other. The actual self is an all-inclusive term for everything that a person is at a given time: body and soul, healthy and neurotic. .. .The idealized self is what we are in our irrational imagination, or what we should be according to the dictates of neurotic pride. The real self...is the "original" force toward individual growth and fulfillment, with which we may again achieve full identification when freed of the crippling shackles of neurosis. Hence it is what we refer to when we say that we want to find ourselves. In this sense it is also (to all neurotics) the possible self in contrast to the idealized self, which is impossible of attain­ m ent. 262

261Ibid. , p. 368.

262j^arcn Horney, Neurosis and Human Growth, New York: Norton, 1950, pp. 157-158. 122

What Horney articulated as the actual, real, and possible self is remarkably close to Jung's conceptualization of the self as

p fi * 5 the "principle and archetype of orientation and meaning, symbolized by the mandala, the Sanskrit magic circle, a represent­ ation of the psychic process of centering, of finding the self as the 264 center of personality. Further, Kelman contends that the tathata in Zen, the chit in Hindu philosophy, and the hsing in Chinese philosophy correspond to Freud's notion of the oneness of the id and ego and Horney's concept of the "real self". Suggesting

"compulsion" as the source of neurosis and alienation from self,

Horney also discussed the "pride system" as that which governs feelings so extensively that genuine feelings for self are obviated:

Only when the pride system is considerably undermined does (the person) begin to feel true suffering. Only then can he feel sympathy for this suffering self of his, a sympathy that can move him to do something constructive for him­ self. The self-pity he felt before was rather a maudlin writhing of the proud self for feeling abused. He who has not experienced the difference may shrug his shoulders and think that it is irrelevant that suffering is suffering. But it is true suffering alone that has the power to broaden and deepen our range of feelings and to open our hearts for the suffering of others,^65

Qt Jung, Memories, Dreams, Reflections, (edited by Aniela Jaffe), New York: Random House, 1961, p. 199.

264j{aroi(j Kelman, "Alienation: Its Historical and Therapeutic Context," The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, p. 199* ^^Horney, Neurosis and Human Growth, p. 163. 123

In his work on identity, Erikson describes the process of

"identity-diffusion, " which causes one to be remote from one's own 266 feelings and from a sense of relatedness to others. For him, identity is the structured adaptation through which the individual configurates and organizes experience. Alienation or detachment deprives the individual of the ability to recognize or generate a

structure of experience. The social, cultural, and psychic implications of this process are most profound, according to

Erikson, for adolescents:

A new generation growing up with technological and scientific progress may well experience technology and its new modes of thought as a link between a new culture and new forms of society. . . . (These experiences) leave a "cultural deposit" which is cumulative consciousness and . . . irreversible, and the next generation there­ fore starts from a more advanced position of alienation and detachment. 267 268 This is perhaps an indicator of the "realism” to which Lynd refers:

R ealism that excludes the longer, enduring purposes of man is less than full realism. The Utopian of one era has repeatedly become the basic norm of decency for the next. One aspect of alienation as man's hope is this search for enlarging the possibilities of reality. ? A A Erik H. Erikson, Identity and the Life Cycle, New York: International Universities Press, 1959.

^^Erik Erikson, "Memorandum on Youth, " in Toward the Year 2000: Work in Progress, edited by Daniel Bell, Boston: Beacon Press, 1967. 268jjelen Merrell L.ynd, "Alienation: Man's Hope and Man's Fate, " The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961,” p. 170. 124

Erikson speaks further of isolation as an experience of adolescence which occurs simultaneously with the acute conflicts of changing identity. This may result in the adolescent totalizing his feelings to the point of doing anything to "escape from isolation and sense of restriction. "269

R. D. Laing is frequently regarded as a central figure in what might be viewed as "radical psychiatry." Nonetheless, much of his work is well within the parameters of "traditional psychiatry," such as his interpretations of fantasy as among the forms of alienation*^® and his critiques of Marxian interpretations of 27 1 alienation. It is, however, the concept of normalcy which best identifies Laing's approach:

The condition of alienation, of being asleep, of being unconscious, of being out of one's mind, is the condition of the normal man. Society highly values its normal man. It educates children to lose them selves and to become absurd, and thus to be n orm al.272

269jEriit Erikson, in Richard I. Evans, Dialogue with Erik Erikson, New York: Harper and Row, 1967, p. 38.

2*70 r . d . Laing, Self and Others, New York: Pantheon Books, 1961, pp. 22-26. Also see R. D. Laing, The Politics of Experience, New York: Ballantine Books, 1967, p. 31.

271 R. D. Laing and D. G. Cooper, Reason and Violence: A Decade of Sarti’e's Philosophy, 1950-1960, New York: Vintage Books, 1970.

272j_jaj_ng> The Politics of Experience, p. 28. 125

In a world where the normal condition is one of alienation, according

to Laing, most personal action becomes destructive of one's own

experience and of that of others. This sometimes takes place through

the defense mechanisms of "repression, denial, splitting, projection, introjection." Dealienation takes place when'the individual becomes aware of these mechanisms as part of him, "things that he does or has done to h im self.

Other researchers have chosen different sources for alienation. Ernest van den Haag, for example, finds it in boredom.

"The bored person is lonely for himself, not, as he thinks, for others.

He m isses the individuality, the capacity for experience from which he is debarred."274 Becker, on the other hand, contrasts alienation with "relatedness", which is inhibited by "unhealthy total growth of 0*7C an individual, which includes personality development." And similarly, Weiss approximates the source of self-alienation to be centered on the problem of "closeness":

. .. the most severe forms of self-alienation occur in patients whose early relationships were characterized either by lack of physical

^^Laing, Politics of Experience, pp. 34-35.

^^Ernest van den Haag, "Of Happiness and of Despair We Have No Measure," in Mass Culture, edited by Bernard Rosenburg and D. M. White, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957, p. 535. 275 Benjamin J. Becker, "Relatedness and Alienation in Group Psychoanalysis," The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volum e 18, Number 2 , .1958, p. 151. 126

or emotional closeness. . . or by symbiotic relationships fostered by anxious or over­ powering mothers who deprive the child of the chance of growing up as an individual, and particularly by open or hidden over-expectations of compulsively ambitious parents who condition their love and make "shoulds '1 of performance or behavior a prerequisite for full acceptance of the child. 276

All this contributes to the internal instability of social systems which, as Allport has discovered, correlates to "augmented 277 prejudice. " Numerous other social ills may be traced to personal alienation, but differences among the alienated must be noted, Keniston found that "there are those who cannot meet the 278 demands of society, and there are those who choose not to do so. "

The former may very likely represent those suffering from any among a variety of psychopathological debilitations. For the latter, however, as Hampden-Turner observes, anomie represents the 279 "failure of the p ro cess of updating and renewing i*ules of society. "

27 6 Frederick A, Weiss, "Self Alienation: Dynamics and Therapy, " The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, p. 218. * 277 Gordon W. Allport, The Nature of Prejudice, Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor, 1954, p. 219. 278 Kenneth Keniston, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth in American Society, New York: Dell Publishing, i960, p. 386. 279 Charles Hampden-Turner, Radical Man: The Process of Psycho-Social Development, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman Publishing, 1970, p. 67. 127

As this study turns toward a view of the relationships between alienation and schooling, one should seek to maintain persistent awareness of the nuances within the condition of alienation as well as within its usages. CHAPTER III

ALIENATION AND EDUCATION

The unifying principle In most social science research efforts is that society maintains its stability through institutions because, without them, man would be alienated. This supposition makes it both reasonable and logical to conclude that alienation in its various guises would be increased rather than abated by the absence of the institution of schooling. The dialectical method which would make conjecture about the real effects of the disestablishment of education more frequent is cex*tainly not the normal method of operation in research in this area. It is not, however, the pui*pose of this study to review research methodology, to argue fox* or against one method of inquiry as opposed to another, or even to argue for the immediate and unconditional demolition of the institutionalized forms of education. Others may conclude whatever they wish or whatever theix* ascribed methodologies lead them, to conclude. The task now at hand is to think of alienation in a different light, pai’ticularly as it relates to schooling. Its sources may be indelibly imprinted within those institutionalized forms which

128 129

allegedly are perpetuated to avoid alienation within and among

society's members. Schooling as an institution then may be regarded

as the result and process of alienation rather than that which may offset it. The purpose herein, then, is to present and detail the evidence that would support such a notion. This is to be achieved along three paths of inquiry. First, the educational considerations of the commentators on alienation presented in Chapter II will be examined. Then, observations of alienation, including those considerations derived among both whites and racial minorities in

America, by selected critics of American schooling will be presented.

Finally, the limited research by educators into the phenomenon of alienation through schooling will be reviewed.

ALIENATION AND EDUCATION: THE VIEW OF SEVERAL DISCIPLINES

Education does not occur in a vacuum. Its scope, context and, especially in the case of schooling, its process are determined by the social tuid political systems within which it proceeds. Thus, one who is alienated from these systems and who is also thoughtfully concerned with education will reflect that alienation in his writings.

This can be observed in the case of the philosophers and social scientists whose ideas on alienation were explored in the preceeding chapter. Plato, for example, lived in a society based on slavery * * A •' • .

130 and threatened with perpetual warfare. For him, man was indeed a rational animal, but some were apparently more rational than others. Some men, then, could procure a "lower" education by which they could perceive the "good". But only a gifted few could comprehend the "essence" of good. The latter constituted those who, through their sophistication, were to rule in the ideal state. Plato suggested that failure to heed this method would hasten the anarchical reduction of democracy to tyranny, and thus described the process:

In such a state of society the master fears and flatters his scholars, and the scholars despise their masters and tutors; young and old are all alike;, . . old m en condescend to the young and are full of pleasantry and gaiety; they are loth to be thought m orose and authoritative, and there­ fore they adopt the manners of the young. 1

And similarly for Augustine, a neo-Platonist, the procurement of knowledge was to be based on conversion to sure faith, which could be accomplished only by a select number. Rousseau likewise eschewed what he regarded as a corrupting society. His Emile, 2 highly praised and advocated by Kant , ideally sought to envelop the learner, away from outside intervention, in a climate which would

* Plato, The Republic, (translated by Benjamin Jowett), Princeton: D. Van Nostrand, 1942, Book VIII, p. 452.

Jam es Li, Jarrett, The Humanities and Humanistic Education, Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley, 1973, p. 36. 131 teach him to love and understand nature and, through trusting his own feelings, to become prepared for other learning. It remained for Locke to insist upon the absolute control of education within the social setting as vital to society's preservation. The learner was 3 to be dictated to, and free to do only what was expected of him.

Clearly, Locke was alienated from society to the extent that he did not trust those within it to suitably cultivate their own aspirations and to define their own appropriate social roles.

For Hegel, education consisted of the learner "acquiring what is thus given to him; he must digest his inorganic nature and 4 take possession of it for himself. " Hence the school has a primal role:

Within the school begins the life of universal l’egulation, according to a rule applicable to all alike. For the individual spirit or mind must be brought to the putting away of its own peculiarities, must be brought to the knowing and willing of what is universal, must be brought to the acceptance of that gengi*al culture which is immediately at hand. . .

3 John Locke, "Some Thoughts Concerning Education, " in The Educational Writings of John Locke, edited by J. W. Adamson, New York: Longmans, Green, and Company, 1912, pp. 52-61. 4 Georg Hegel, in Hegel: Texts and Commentary, edited by Walter Kaufman, Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor, 1965, pp. 44-46. 5 Georg Hegel, quoted in William M. Bryant, Hegel's Educational Ideas, Chicago: Werner School Book Company, 1896, p. 38. 132

Hegel's educational views stem from his universalized concept of eternal change processes which, as Eby^ has noted, meant for Marx perpetual conflict and revolution, and for Dewey, the use of schools to teach children "to produce and meet problems in accordance with the dialectic of utilitarian pragmatism. "

The existentialists' regard for education also cleaiTy reflects their concern for alienation. Nietzsche suggested that "the supreme principle of. . . education" is, as in the case of Rousseau, 7 to "give food only to him who has a hunger for it!" Marcel has insisted on a differentiation of education from training to offset alienation:

Do not let us seek to persuade ourselves that an education of the m asses is possible. . . . What is educable is only an individual. . . . Everywhere else, there is no scope for anything but a training. Let us say rather that what we have to do is to introduce a social and political order which will withdraw the greatest number of beings possible from this mass state of abasement or alienation.

And what, one might ask, is the difference between education and training. Eliseo Vivas offers a description of the trained:

£ Eby, The Development of Modern Education, p. 430. 7 Friedrich Nietzsche, quoted in Kaufmann, Nietzsche, p. 90.

g Gabriel Marcel, Man Against Mass Society, (translated by G. S. Fraser), Chicago: Henry Regnory Company, 1962, p. 11. 133

Ask an anthropology major how many toes a Samoan maiden. . . has, and I am confident that he will tell you the last time Margaret Mead counted the Samoans' toes she found that they still had five to each foot on the average. ^

One might conclude that this condition of alienation resulting from failure to recognize the differences between education and training

is further aggrevated by misunderstanding what is meant by

"knowledge" and "understanding", as Huxley defined them:

Knowledge is acquired when we succeed in fitting a new experience into the system of concepts based upon our old experiences. Understanding comes when we liberate ourselves from the old and so make possible a direct, unmediated contact with the new, the mystery, moment by moment, of our existence.

One may find these existential variants of alienation through education poignantly symbolized in literature, as in the case of Ralph Ellison's Invisible Man, in which the central figure burns his college diploma to make light, or in the African novel, Weep Not

Child, in which Njoroge is prevented from becoming a leader of his people because of his formal schooling. Speaking of the present as an epoch in which educational systems have deteriorated, in which

"the whole" has become dislocated and insecure, Jaspers has

9 Eliseo Vivas, in introduction to Nietzsche, Schopenhauer as Educator, p. xiv.

^^Aldous Huxley, "Knowledge and Understanding, " in Tomorrow and Tomorrow and Tomorrow and Other Essays, New York: Perennial Library, 1972, p. 34. 134 envisaged educators' roles as compelling man to unshackle himself from senses of impotence in human affairs and "to make man attain the highest possibilities through the utilization of the profoundest content of what has been handed down to him. This is to be achieved through one of the central goals of existential philosophy, communication, which "refers to a communion of individuals each 12 striving to realize a genuine inner existence. " And this cannot occur, for the existentialists, outside at atmosphere of freedom.

This "freedom" results only from the liberated efforts of human beings; it cannot be granted or tolerated; . only freedom can acknowledge, establish, and preserve freedom. . . . the freedom of the pupil cannot be promoted by the use of intransigent and ruthless 13 authority on the part of the educator. " This "ruthless authority" has frequently seemed necessary because the school, for many existentialists, has failed in its role as moral educator. "In the absence of open instruction in ethics, it imposes some sort of 14 formal discipline. "

* * Jaspers, Man in the Modern Age, p. 90. 12 George F. Kneller, Existentialism and Education, New York; Philosophical Library, 1958, p. 94. 13 Nicola Abbagnano, Critical Existentialism, {translated by Nino Langiulli), Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor, 1969, pp. 88-89. ■^Hazel E. Barnes, An Existentialist Ethics, New York: Knopf, 1969, p. 292. 135

Many researchers have noted the profound Influence of schooling on political and social attitudes and behavior. H ess and 15 Torney found that children in elementary school learned to accept ritualized patriotic affairs unquestioningly. The researchers then summarized their findings of the deficiencies in this process:

Compliance to rules and authority is the major focus of education in elementary school. . , . The citizen's right to participate in government is under-emphasized in the school's curriculum.... The role of political parties and partisanship receives less attention in the elementary school than any other topic.

Secondary education has not fared much better in avoiding such politically alienating climates, Litt^ found that while students in affluent, mostly suburban communities were afforded civic education which was guided "toward a 'realistic' and active view of the political process, stressing political conflict, " students from working-class backgrounds "were oriented toward a more 'idealistic' and passive view, stressing political harmony" and citizen responsibilities. Thus, while some school, children are reported to develop highly positive

15 Robert D. Hess and Judith V. Torney, The Development of Basic Attitudes and Values Toward Government and Citizenship During the Elementary School Years, Part X, Chicago: The University of Chicago, Cooperative Research Project No. 1078, 1965, p. 200. 16 Edgar Litt, "Civic Education, Community Norms, and Political Indoctrination, " American Sociological Review, Volume 28, Number 1, February, 1963, pp. 69-75. 136 17 attitudes toward politics and government, others, particularly from American minority and poor white communities, establish a 18 firm cynical regard for these institutions. The school most often either reinforces or neglects this attitude formation. This may account in part for the manifest anti-intellectualism in American 19 society, but it also provides further paradoxical contrast to ongoing public support for public schooling. That, however, may also be explained by the impotence, or, to employ Seeman's terminology, the powerlessness encouraged by schools' neglect of

"reality" issues. This neglect acts to isolate the student from social and political realities which, in one form or another and at different levels of consciousness, tolerance, and perception, the student is sooner or later going to discover. In such a milieu, the possibility of "alienation from alienation" again presents itself.

It is one thing to be alienated from either social norms or social

17 David Easton and Jack Dennis, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy, " The American Political Science Review, Volume 61, Number 1, March, 1967, pp. 25-38. 18 Dean Jaros, Herbert Hirsch, and Frederick J. Fleron, Jr. , "The Malevolent Leader: Political Socialization in an American Sub-Culture, " The American Political Science Review, Volume 62, Number 2, June, 1968, pp. 564-575. 19 Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life, New York: Knopf, 1963. 137

realities, or both; it is a much m ore serious matter to be isolated 20 from the capacity to believe in them. This condition, as Marcuse

has argued, perhaps mandates the genesis of more repressive

schooling rather than the limited tolerance afforded by progressive

education, since only repressive forms can surface the alienation

required to defeat repressive order.

Schools as social institutions have been examined

extensively by researchers in sociology and related fields of inquiry.

The relationship between socio"economic level and socio-educational level has been found to be nearly absolute, reflecting the latter-day emergence of the school's principal role of educating the public into the public's values. M oreso, schools have been found to reflect, rather than either encourage or detract from, existing racial, sexual, and class biases operant within American society. 21 Hollingshead, for example, found an intense relationship between low socio-economic level of students' families and high drop-out rates, low vocational aspirations, low grades, and "discipline"

20 Marcuse, "Repressive Tolerance, " pp. 113-115. 21 August B. Hollingshead, Elmtown's Youth, New York: John Wiley and Son, 1949. 138 22 - , problems. In several studies, Seeman and his associates found

that the effect of alienation on learning in a social setting was

specific: feelings of powerlessness severely weakened learners' abilities to master materials which implied that they could, in fact, exercise power within their current environment. The material, in these cases, was outside the perceived realities of the learners, 23 and, as Novak has suggested, social institutions may be the "chief carriers of a culture's sense of reality, " but "one culture's reality 24 is another culture's myth. 11 Erikson has convincingly argued for the child's need for positive institutional reference points during the developmental stages of growth. But although one maybe mistaken about the nature of the reality from which one is alienated, as 25 Broudy has implied in the case of the current free school movement,

Melvin Seeman, "Alienation and Social Learning in a Reformatory, " American Journal of Sociology, Volume 69, Number 2, September, 1963, pp. 270-284; Arthur G. Neal and Melvin Seeman, "Organizations and Powerlessness: A Test of the Mediation Hypothesis, " American Sociological Review, Volume 29, Number 2, April, 1964, pp. 216-226; Melvin Seeman, "Alienation: A Map, " Psychology Today, Volume 5, Number 3, August, 1971, pp. 83-84, 94-95. 23 Michael Novak, The Experience of Nothingness, New York: Harper and Row, 1970, p. 93. 24 Erik H. Erikson, Childhood and Society, New York: Norton, 1950. 25 Harry S. Broudy, The Real World of the Public Schools, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Jovanovich, 1972, pp. 203-204. 139 dominant values which are adequate for some, perhaps even "the majority", may be anathema to others. These "others" maybe 2 ^ diverse, as Block has found in the case of black "streetcorner men" and white college males, who share common conditions of alienation, such as historical dislocation, pessimism about the future, fragmented self-images, and habitual seeking of refuge in fantasy. Breaking down the barriers of prejudice which, among other factors, stimulate alienation in these cases may help alleviate 27 the maladies of those now identified as alienated but, as Kaufmann has pointed out, the "best education must increase alienation" because it crumbles "comfortable prejudices. "

The inter* - relationships between alienation and education become most evident when studying the problem of deliquency. As noted in the previous chapter in the case of anomie, numerous researchers have emphasized blocked legitimate opportunity structures as causal factors in deliquency, particularly among males.

The resulting alienation, also disproportionately high among urban slum dwellci’s, manifests itself principally in feelings of powerless­ ness, of being excluded from a participatory role in urban society.

2f>Gerald H. Block, "Alienation Black and White, or the Uncommitted Be visited, " Journal of Social Issues, Volume 25, Number 4, Autumn, 1969, pp. 129-141. 27 Kaufmann, in Schacht, Alienation, p. xlviii. 140

This sense is to a considerable extent marked by interlocking

"socio-economic role allocations" originating in schools and, to a lesser extent, in work situations. 28 To account for non-delinquent behavior among young urban slumdwellers, other researchers have found that strong familial bonds and intense internalization of societal norms correlates positively to low delinquency patterns, and that substandard housing and overcrowding, the consistent hazards of the slum, are not sufficient as "predictors" of either 29 delinquency or alienation. Again, the conflict of culture and differing pei'ceptions of social reality, fed by differential access to opportunity in schooling and in employment, as well as residence and leisure, become the issues. Others have argued that the conflict between students from lower socio-economic levels and predominantly middle-class school personnel is a precipitant to delinquent behavior. 30 In these cases, some students resist

^David M. Downes, The Delinquent Solution, New York: The Free Press, 1966, p. 262. Also see Albert K. Cohen, Delinquent Boys, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1955, p, 116; Richard A. Cloward and Lloyd E. Ohlin, Delinquency and Opportunity, New York: The Free Press, I960, p. 102.

^Bernard Lander, Toward an Understanding of Juvenile Delinquency, New York: Columbia University P ress, 1954, pp. 77- 90; Terrence P. Morris, The Criminal Area: A Study of Social Ecology, London: Routlcdge and Kegan Paul, 1957, pp. 92-105.

Walter B. Miller and Wilt jam C. Kvaraceus, Delinquent Behavior: Culture and the Individual, Washington, D. C.: The National Education Association of the United States, 1959, p. 44. 141

inculcation with the norms presented by school personnel. As

McCloslcy and Scharr 31 have suggested, not only the norms of a

society are learned, but one may learn the anomic feeling "that there are no norms." Because mis-education, unemployment, and other

generalized forms of poverty and conditions of oppression may isolate one from a "cultural mainstream" or the "eliteMor "accepted" culture behavior, normlessness is inflicted on the individual. The absence of "relevance" in education, as alleged in recent years, particularly among minority and "activist" youth, is at the core of this problem. . If the school recognizes and tolerates only those norms deemed appropriate by the social and political powers which delineate the scope of schooling, of course there are those who will not function smoothly. This is not only because those norms may be out of the reach of certain fragments of society, but likewise it may be that those norms are wholly undesirable to them, and should be for a number of reasons. Among these are rejection of education as

* 3 0 merely a function of social utilitarianism, which Cans finds most dominant in the "middle-class sub-culture." In limiting its function

31 . McClosky and Scharr, "Psychological Dimensions of Anomy, "p. 19.

^Herbert J, Cans, The Urban Villagers, New York: The Free Press, 1962, pp. 241-250. Also see Robert Coles, "The Poor Don't Want to be Middle Class," The New York Times Magazine, December 19, 1965, 142

to indoctrination into the general norms of society and in recognizing deviations from the general norms only as anomolies , schooling provides a breeding ground for delinquency and other by-products of alienation. Schooling is a cause of rather than a solution to alienation and delinquency. The overriding misfortune, however, is

that failure among educators to face up to this problem results in even further blaming of the victim in the process of schooling, and thus makes alienation inci*easingly severe.

FIVE SCHOOL CRITICS AND ALIENATION: A SAMPLE

Frequently the school is thought to have two paramount intents. On the one hand, it is the foi*molized source of the child's information on what is socially correct. Even more effectively than in many family atmospheres, behavior which is identified by the school as inimical to appropriate social goals is discouraged, and the child is aptly rewarded when he demonstrates the ability to internalize norms demanded by society. On the other hand, schools have sometimes sought to override the futility of encouraging learning in a setting apart from a favorable view of the self. As opposed to what may be regarded as the society-oriented goals of schooling, this may be thought of as an individual-oriented goal perspective. It is most infrequent that the schools have been examined from the standpoint that, if a favoi*able concept of self is incongruous 143 with norms which are generally mandated by social forces, schools can succeed in neither their social utilitarian nor their individualistic pursuit. And becasue the purpose of schools becomes confused and frustrated, purposelessness among individuals has become a major problem in our time, as Thelen^^ has observed:

We have made hard and fast divisions between thinking and doing, creating and applying, planning and acting, preparing and fulfilling. The age of reason, the development of science, the domination of organization, and the simple increase in density of the human population have interacted among each other to create these divisions. But these divisions have made modern life purposeless. For as long as we maintain the division we shall never have to find an organizing principle to integrate the parts. The organizing principle we have thus succeeded in avoiding is purpose. Thus, by one of those odd paradoxes that frequently represent the highest wisdom, the hidden purpose of modern society is to avoid the necessity for purposes, Since the practical importance of purpose is to enable us to see how to recognize and choose among alternatives, the practical consequences of avoiding purposes is avoidance of the necessity for choosing, and with this, of course, the flight from freedom, for freedom without choice is impossible.

Many critics of education in North America, often labeled "romantic critics", have sought to confront the perplexities of balancing social and individual purposes. Five of them, Jules Henry, Edgar Z.

33 Herbex't A. Thelen, Education and the Human Quest, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, I960, p. 215. 144

Friedenberg, John Holt, Paul Goodman, and Paulo Freire, are presented here in an effort to provide an adequate perspective on this issue.

Henry, an anthropologist, has defined the objectives of schooling as causing an "alienated Selfhood" to emerge. This occurs in our culture because schools actually teach hate through a particular form of competition exemplified by classroom "games". Thus, one student's failure and humiliation at the blackboard, for example, helps other students to succeed. Failure, according to Henry, "is paraded before the class minute upon minute.Psychiatrists have found this process to be supportive of madness. According to Kubie, the cultural process embodied in schooling has failed because it does not free students from the neurotogenic forces within them which dilute erudition and creativity. Society perpetuates this madness,

Henry has suggested, because schools make children "vulnerable."

Society's survival is dependent upon a "vulnerable character structure in its members," fed primarily by anxiety, concerns about one's

34 Jules Henry, Culture Against Man, New York: Random House, 1963, pp. 295-300.

^Lawrence S. Kubie, "Research in Protecting Preconscious Functions of Education," in Nurturing Individual Potential, edited by A. Harry Passow, Washington, D.G.: The Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1964, pp. 28-42. Also see Laing, The Politics of Experience, pp. 68-76. 145

reputation, and fear of failure. ^

Friedenberg has concentrated his studies upon the

phenomenon of adolescence. As he sees it, schools' most important

function, next to legitimating economic disc rumination, is "defining

youth as a social role." ^ Through social and legal restraints,

schools become "the instruments through which society acculterates 38 people into consensus before they are old enough to resist it."

Some students, however, may possess the psychological and cultural

armor to resist. Friedenbei'g indicts schools for attempting to

socialize such students into mass society, "to deprive them of access

to that source of self-esteem and to shake their confidence in the

standard from which it is derived. Thus schools fail in fulfilling

their appropriate role: "to help individuals comprehend the meaning

of their own’lives, and thus to become empathetic with the lives of

36 Jules Henry, "Vulnerability and Education," in Jules Henry on Education, New York: Random House, 1972, pp. 9-24.

^Edgar Z. Friedenberg, "If Yoxi're an Elephant Obviously You Need a Trunk, But That Doesn't Mean You Have to Be an Elephant," in High School, edited by Ronald Gross and Paul Osterman, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971, p. 53.

Friedenberg, Coming of Age in America, p. 170.

•^Ibid. # p. 182, Also see Edgar Z. Friedenberg, "Curriculum as Educational Process: The Middle Class Against Itself," in The Unstudied Curriculum: Its Impact on Children, edited by Norman B. Overly, Washington, D.C.: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1970, pp. 16-26. 146 40 others. " This failure further stimulates other conflicts,

particularly among adolescents and adults. Friedenberg argues

that adults often look at adolescents as "hot-blooded" because of

their alleged impulsiveness and sexual exuberance. Adult

hostilities give rise to processes which "starve out, through

silence and misrepresentation, the capacity to have genuine and 41 strongly felt experience, ..." Whatever it is that adolescents have, Friedenberg sees it as intense personalism rather than impulsiveness, and this is what is thought to cause such discomfort among adults. Gradually, "adult" society begins to take its toll among the young: "as cooperation and group adjustment become pervasive social norms; as tolerance supercedes passion as the basis for social action, as personalization becomes false- 42 personalization, adolescence becomes more and more difficult,"

Further, Friedenberg has discovered splits among and within both adolescent and adult groups, which further aggrevates tensions.

For instance, as "privileged youth", the sons and daughters of the

40 Friedenberg, Coming of Age in America, p. 220. 41 Edgar Z. Friedenberg, "The Image of the Adolescent Minority, " in The Dignity of Youth and Other Atavisms, Boston: Beacon Press, 1965, p. 70. 42 Edgar Z. Friedenberg, The Vanishing Adolescent, New York: Dell Publishing, 1959, p. 29. X47

mostly-white upper classes, have begun to define and denounce

schools as thinly disguised instruments of propaganda and

repression, both the "establishment" and the "underclass" feel

threatened, because both have vested interests in the acceptance 43 of schooling as the prime means to opportunity.

Concentrating more on the school experiences of young children, John Holt echoes Friedenberg in his own criticisms of

schools as destructive of children’s senses of worth, dignity, competence, and identity. Like others, he has suggested that the 44 very sanity of children is at stake. In school, children are encouraged to act as though they were stupid through boredom and 45 hum-drum time-wasting activities. The dichotomy between socicty-orientation and individual-orienation in the goals of learning are most evident in Holt's expressions. Above all, he differs with the Deweyian tradition which regards "humanness" as

43 Edgar Z. Friedenberg, "Shifting Conceptions of Learning Institutions in a Pdarized Society", paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Sociology Association, Denver, September, 1971. 44 John Holt, What Do I Do Monday?, New York: E. P, Dutton and Company, 1970, p. 54.

Ibid. , p. 56. Also see John Holt, How Children Fail, p. 210; John Holt, The Underachieving School, New York: Pitman, 1969, pp. 17-19. 148 46 learned rather than inborn. The failure of schooling, then, is the failure to recognize this. The result is mechanistic and manipulative assaults on the child's intellectual capabilities. Holt's criticisms are most reminiscent of James Coleman's statement, reported by 47 Paul Goodman, that adolescents are really in school, academically, for around ten minutes a day. For Holt, this departure begins with the child's earliest contacts with schooling.

Paul Goodman was perhaps the most lucid of the school critics of the 1 9 6 0's, a trait which he matched with his talent as a poet and his social activism. For Goodman, education could not be right if the world conditions around the learner were not right. He observed that all societies encourage education to enable one to cope with environment and culture, but most societies do not set aside schools for that purpose. An "incidental" process occurs and, according to Goodman, "9uits the nature of learning better, because

"the young see real causes and effects rather than pedagogic 48 exercises. " The process of schooling, on the other hand, amounts

46 This is the interpretation of Maxine Greene, Teacher as Stranger, Belmont, California: Wadsworth, 1973, p. 62. 47 James Coleman, quoted in Paul Goodman, Compulsory Mis -education, New York: Random House, 1962, p. 73. 48 Paul Goodman, New Reformation: Notes of a Neolithic Conservative, New York: Random House, 1970, pp. 68-69. 149 to little more than brainwashing, because it presents a uniform world-view, avoids controversy, provides so few alternatives that most children soon resign themselves to just putting up with it, fosters anxiety, and confuses the child about the relevance of 49 experience and feeling. The best thing that Goodman had to say about schools was that each level led to another level intended to 50 undo some of the damage of its predecessor. To avoid this,

Goodman felt that education should expose children to the diversity of community life. The school should open itself to the streets and people of the community, so that children could more accurately perceive their environment and choose what they would wish to 51 emulate. As Maxine Greene has suggested, this would mean that

"civility, like literacy, would develop through and by means of everyday experience. "

Among perhaps all critics of modern schooling, Paulo

Freire speaks most specifically about alienation. This may be in part attributable to his intense Marxian orientation, which, due to

49 Goodman, Compulsoi’y Mis-education, p. 67. Also see Paul Goodman, Growing Up Absurd, New York: JRandom House, I 9 6 0, p. xi. 50 Ibid., p. 35. 51 Greene, Teacher as Stranger, p. 289. 150

the paucity of Marxian interpretations in educational writing, makes

his observations especially fresh. Freire argues for pedagogical

endeavors which foster praxis, critical consciousness, and

democracy. The schools have generally failed to generate these

qualities because their curricula have been "disconnected from life,

centered on words emptied of the reality they are meant to represent, lacking in concrete activity, " and, consequently, "could never

develop a critical consciousness. " 5 2 Particularly concerned with language and literacy, Freire has noted that "when a word is deprived of its dimension of action, reflection automatically suffers as well; and the word is changed into idle chatter, into verbalism , 53 into an alienated and alienating "blah. " In this circumstance, praxis is undermined. Liberation restores praxis, but Freire differs markedly from critics like Marcuse in his method for effecting liberation:

. . .one does not liberate men by alienating them. Authentic liberation the process of humanisation is 310 1 another deposit to be made in men. Liberation is a praxis: the action and reflection ^ of m en upon their world in order to transform it.

52 Paulo Freire, Educo-tion for Critical Consciousness, New York: Seabury Press, 1973, p. 37. 53 Paulo Freire, Pedagogy of the Oppressed, New York: Herder and Herder, 1970, pp. 75-76. 54 Ibid., p. 66. A lso see pp. 128-129. 151

Freire's concerns for democracy further allies him with the

existentialists. Speaking of Brazilian society, he suggests that

people can only "be helped to learn democracy through the exercise

of democracy; for that knowledge, above all others, can only be 55 assimilated experientially. " Only a critical spirit developed

through education among all citizens can, according to Freire, lead

to real dem ocracy.

OTHEK EDUCATIONAL RESEARCH ENDEAVORS CONCEHNED WITH ALIENATION

The perspective of educators into the problem of alienation through schooling is diverse, but at the same time limited in its scope and self-confining in an effort to avoid fundamental controversies, notably, an analysis of the appropriateness of schooling and its inherent purposes. The task here is to review the findings of educational researchers who have tackled the issue of alienation within their domain, grouping their findings and central themes when permissible. Some observers have indicated a full gamut of alienation-related problems in education. For example,

55Freire, Education for Critical Consciousness, p. 36; also see pp. 57-58. ■Liglitfoot identified the educationally alienated of the 1960's as

taxpayers, students, teachers, administrators, politicians, the

''general public, " blacks, urban poor, the culturally disadvantaged, draft-eligible youth, "law-and-order fanatics, " societal dropouts,

"far rightwingers, " southerners, superintendents, and school board members. These groups were suggested to be alienated by the general quality of inner city education, segregation, financial problems, the high dropout rate, inflexibility in curricula, teacher ineptness, violence, declining achievement rates, standardized tests, and general environmental deprivation. Despite the far ranging sources of alienation, two unifying categories emerge among the research efforts. First, individual-related factors, representing active or passive movements defined by how the individual perceives or acts upon his environment, recur in the literature. These factors, especially as they relate to schooling, include isolation, powerless­ ness, meaninglessness, negativism, depersonalization, and norm- lessncss. A second group, which one may call school-related factors, includes school organization (bureaucracy), institutional racism, and the "drop-out" problem. These are sometimes complicated by the additional factors of drugs and fam ily in

Alfred Lightfoot, Inquiries into the Social Foundations of Education: Schools in Their Urban Setting, Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972, pp. 64-66. 153

comprising the sources or symptoms of alienation which act upon the

individual.

"Isolation11 may assume several meanings when applied to

the alienation of school-age youth. It may apply to the divisions

between black and white, or inner-city and suburban students. In another dimension, it may be an indicator of remoteness of

individuals within segregated arrangements. Much has been written concerning both types of isolation pertaining to alienative effects on black children. Indeed, the famous 1954 Brown decision of the United States Supreme Court relied heavily on research which indicated that black youngsters suffered psychologically and educationally from segregated schooling. Since that time, racially segregated patterns of housing, employment, and schooling have proven to be overwhelmingly intractable. Furthermore, an abundance of educational research has been directed recently at the effects of these patterns of segregation on white, as well as black 57 children. Thus Miel and Kiester classified suburban children as underprivileged because there was "little in their education, formal or otherwise, to familiarize them with the rich diversity of

^A lice Miel and Edwin Kiester, The Shortchanged Child of Suburbia, New York: Institute of Human Relations Press of the American Jewish Committee, 1967, p. 14. Also see James Lewis, Jr. , The Tragedies in American Education, New York: Exposition P r e ss, 1971, pp. 20-21. 154 58 American life. 11 Marin has suggested that "family, community, and school all combine" to isolate the suburban youth" from the 59 adventure, risk, and participation he needs" in society. Eisner traced the alienation of white suburban youth to age segregation, institutionalized social life, and the lack of alternative pathways to success. The school is regarded as integral to all of these processes. He recommends that part of this problem may be alleviated by providing the young with both young and old adults to serve as "role models. "

Another dimension to this type of alienation is revealed by considering the forces of technology and urbanization on those 60 subjected to schooling. Kvaraceus has noted that youths are alienated from both self and society because they are now a

"surplus commodity. " Urbanization and technology has "infantalized" them and have failed to provide them with responsible economic

58 Peter Marin, "The Open Truth and Fiery Vehemence of Youth, " The Center Magazine, January, 1969* pp. 64-66. Also see Thomas G. Gitchoff, Kids, Cops, and Kilos: A Study of Contemporary Suburban Youth, San Diego, California: Malter-Westerfield, 1969.

^Victor Eisner, "Alienation of Youth, " The Journal of School Health, Volume 39, Number 2, February. 1969, pp. 81-90.

^W illiam C. Kvaraceus, "Alienated Youth Here and Abroad, " Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 45, Number 2, November, 1963, pp. 87-90. Also see S. L. Halleck, "Hypotheses of Student Unrest, " Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 50, Number 1, September, 1968, pp. 2-8. 155 roles. Other researchers have noted the attempted isolation of political concerns from educational concerns as a potentially 6 X alienating factor. Huebncr, for example, has observed the secretiveness of the political and ideological foundations of school activities. In addition to this, isolates as a subgroup have been examined from several perspectives. Havighurst and Stiles have labeled fifteen percent of American youth, mostly males, as alienated because they seem to be not only "alien to the larger society in which they live" because of thoir alleged uneducability, but also because "they do not accept the ways of living and achieving that are standard in our society. " Other researchers have even more emphatically emphasized the student's sense of involvement and identification with the school atmosphere as crucial to avoiding 6 3 alienation. Cusick found that, for isolates in the high school,

Dwayne Huebner, "Politics and the Curriculum, " in Curriculum Crossroads, edited by A. Harry Pas sow, New York: Teachers College Press, 1962, p. 8 8. Also see Apple, The Hidden Curriculum and the Nature of Conflict, p. 38. 6 3 Robert J. Havighurst and Lindlcy J. Stiles, "National Policy for Alienated Youth, " Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 42, Number 7, April, 1961, pp. 283-285. 63 Philip A. Cusick, Inside High School: The Student's World, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1973, pp. 163-174. 156

there is no group which may intercede with the organization on the

individual's behalf. If one does not belong to a group, the norms

which might protect one from some of the anxiety rendered by 64 organizational conflict are not ingested. Cottle amalgamated the

crises of "troubled youth", alienation, and political inefficacy by

describing the conflict in this manner:

Children "in trouble, " as they say, have somehow been disconnected, set apart. It may seem that they are escaping or denying, but on closer look, a complicated series of events wittingly or unwittingly designed by equally complicated people has sequestered them and created a partial emptiness, a partial incompleteness that urges a d esire to be r*eunited and to be enfolded. It is precisely society's stress on openness and revelation that convinces me that the young cannot escape as my generation, the one we have now all agreed upon was so silent, was able to. The best contemporary youth can do is become fugitives, runners from the law, refugees from justice, normal order, and brilliant reality, outcasts not from anything as grandiose as society, but from a few important persons.

The related issue of powerlessness is given proper 65 context by Julius .Lester's analysis of the "youth of the sixties":

Thomas J. Cottle, "The Connections of Adolescence, " in Twelve to Sixteen: Early Adolescence, edited by Jerome Kagan and Robert Coles, New York: Norton, 1972, p. 320. 65 Julius Lester, Search for the New Land: History as Subjective Experience, New York: Dell Publishing, 1969, pp. 405. 157

(they) refused to learn the lessons of compromise and rationalization which define maturity in this society. They had no choice because they were unlike any generation in the history of the world; they had come to consciousness knowing that the world could be destroyed.

Defined as immature, uncouth, inexperienced, and a battery of other descriptive adjectives which have assumed political textures, the youth of the sixties learned powerless ness. The feeling of powerlessness itself was discovered by several researchers, in the area of special and compensatory education, ^ among secondary school students, ^ and among general school populations. ^ Most research efforts, however, have failed to go beneath the surface manifestations of powerlessness and to notice the motivations of

Martin Deutsch, "Minority Group and Glass Status as Related to Social and Personality Factors in Scholastic Achievement," Monograph Number 2 of the Society for Applied Anthropology, Ithica, New York: Society for Applied Anthropology, I960, p. 9,’ Thomas F. Pettigrew, A Profile of the Negro American, Princeton: Van Nostrand, 1964, pp. 30-31; Mitchell Silverman, "A Comparison of Degree of Alienation in Special Education and Normal Subjects, " Papers and Reports of Institute III, Tampa, Florida: Southern Florida University, Volume 1, Number 4, 1970. 67 .Louis G. Heath, Portrait of the High School Rebel, Washington, D. C ., Office of Education, 1970; Arthur L. Stinchcombe, Rebellion in a High School, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1964,

68 David C. Epperson, "Some Interpersonal and Performance Correlates of Classroom Alienation, " School Review, Volume 71, Number 4, Autumn, 1963, pp. 360-376; Frank P. Besag, Alienation and Education: An Empirical Approach, Buffalo: Hertillon P ress, 1966, p. 90; Douglas H. Heath, "Student Alienation and School, " School Review, Volume 78, Number 4, August, 1970, pp. 515-528. 158 69 various student types in their feelings of powerlessness. Epperson 70 and Silverman did establish relationships between isolation and 71 powerlessness, while Besag revealed the element of powerless­ ness in the schools to be interconnected with feelings of present 72 and future m eaninglessness and negativism. Stinchcombe supported these findings in his judgment that "high school rebellion and alienation occur when future status is not clearly related to present performance, " and when goals inculcated by school experiences are socially inaccessable for the learner. 73 Man's quest for meaning is constant, as Drews has observed in her argument for self-actualization to offset meaning­ lessness. Nonetheless, she and other researchers have noted the infrequency and timidity of efforts "to develop programs to help young people achieve self-identity and to experience a sense of universality. 11 As already indicated, meaninglessness intercedes with

69 Epperson, "Some Interpersonal and Performance Correlates, ., " 70 Silverman, "A Comparison of the Degree of Alienation M • * ■ 71 Besag, Alienation and Education, p. 90. 72 Stinchcombe, Rebellion in a High School, p. 5, 8. 73 Elizabeth Monroe Drews, "Self-Actualization: A New Eocus for Education, " in Learning and Mental Health in the School, (1966 Yearbook of the Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development), edited by Walter B. Waetjen and Robert R. Leeper, Washington D. C. : Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1966, pp. 99-100. 159

other alienative conditions, such as powerlessness, negativism,

and isolation. It has, however, assumed special proportions with

regard to both secondary and elementary pupils. Researchers in

elementary schools, for example, have discovered that the

majority of students see little connectedness between what is 74 learned in school and what happens to them outside the school.

This seems to be a consistent finding among all socio-economic 75 groupings. In secondary schools, Thomson found meaninglessness

to be a prominent alienative factor for "New Left activist, "

"Black Power advocates, " "hippies, " and supporters of the Third

World Liberation movement. Other researchers have found this

variant of alienation to be significant at all levels of academic achievement in high school, and found that disconnectedness of

school-related activities with "outside" social realities compounded the student alienation ingendered by such factors as teacher alienation, curriculum content, instructional procedures, control functions of the school, racism, and the paucity of interpersonal

74 James H. McElhinney, Richard C. Kunkel, and Lawrence A. Lucas, 'Evidences of School Related Alienation in Elementary School Pupils, " paper presented at the 54th Annual Meeting of the Ajpierican Educational Research Association, Minneapolis, March 2-6, 1970. 75 Scott D. Thomson, "A Perspective on Activism, " Evanston, Illinois: Evanston Township High School, April, 1969. 1 6 0 76 77 relationships. Palmer's findings in secondary social studies

classes perhaps reveals the most insight into this problem. He

found that these classes carried little meaning for students because

of the historical and scientific method orientation employed.

Students most often indicated that they desired instruction which

could directly relate them to active involvement in changing the

social order.

Negativism implies a general 'hnti-school" attitude among

certain students. Again,- as in the case of most forms of school-

related alienation, this factor manifests itself principally among

male students, and it is inter-related with other variants, such as

meaningless and powerlessness. In studying the subgroup of 78 'bconomically disadvantaged boys, "Silverman and Blount found

Mark Chesler, "Dissent and Disruption in Secondary Schools, " speech delivered to the Annual Meeting of the Metropolitan Detroit Bureau of School Studies, Inc. , May 15, 1969. Also see Bernard F. Haake and Philip B. Langworthy, 'Student Activism in the High Schools of New York State, " a report to the New York State Commissioner of Education, March, 1969; Martin M. Propper and Edward T. Clark, 'Alienation Syndrome Among Affluent Adolescent Underachievers, "Great Neck, New York; Great Neck Public Schools, 1969. 77 John Palmer, Lessons of the 60's, Boulder, Colorado: Social Science Education Consortium, Inc., June 10, 1970. 78 Mitchell Silverman and William R. Blount, "Alienation, Achievement Motivation and Attitudes Toward School in Economically Disadvantaged Boys, " Papers and Reports of Institute III: Exceptional Children and Adults, Tampa, Florida: University of Southern Florida, 1970. 161 alienation in the form of negativism to be more frequent among black students. In some cases, this negativism has resulted from either a composite of hostile experiences with the school, or from a single traumatic experience within the school. In his study of 79 teaching, Waller found that trauma often played a dominant role in the inculcation of societal norms, and that 'the giving of shocks is one of the principal means by which the social group tailors persons to its specifications. " It is crucial to note here that the frequency of destructive alienation, that is, those forms of alienation which are unproductive in terms of both societal and individual growth, indicates that this method is of dubious value in many learning situations.

As it is used in educational research, "depersonalization" seems to be related to the concept of isolation. It is, however, different in that one who is isolated may retain his sense of self, while one who feels depersonalized has lost that feeling. In a comparison with other cultures, this phenomenon becomes clearer. 80 In relating colonialism to education, Mannoni found that a

79 Willard Waller, The Sociology of Teaching, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1932, pp. 400-401. 80 O. Mannoni, Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonialism, New Yoi-k: Praeger, 1956, pp. 83-85.

i culturally-biased education disrupted the personalities of the Malagasy upon whom it was imposed, thus compelling, in many instances, losses of feelings of authentic personhood. Other researchers have related depersonalization to the total impact of urban environments, and, from that perspective, have sought to analyze its impact on school performance and school-related attitudes. As previously indicated, some investigators have prescribed the avoidance of depersonalization, 81 as in the case of Bronfenbrenner, who recommends the develop­ ment by the school of "functional1'courses inhuman development, in addition to greater interaction among children and adults, both inside and outside the school. Depersonalization, among the component of generalized social disorganization, has accelerated the isolation of the school from society. According to Bronfenbrenner, these effects are particularly severe among nonwhite youth; however, children from all socio-economic strata have filled the vacuum left by the decline of the family with age-segregated peer group arrangements.

Alienation arising from these situations have included manifestations of drug abuse, delinquency, and violence. The recommendations

®*Urie Bronfenbrenner, "Childhood: The Roots of Alienation, "National Elementary Principal, Volume 52, Number 2, October, 1972, pp. 22-29. Also see Uric Bronfenbrenner, "Soviet Methods of Character Education, " American Psychologist, Volume 17, N um ber 8, August, 1962, pp. 550-564. 163 8 2 of Fantini and Weinstein seem to conform to these observations, particularly their suggestion that urban environmental realities may be healthily confronted through the school by a process of

'hraking contact'!: personalizing instruction and counseling in a manner which indicates respect for cultural diversity and individual differences in ability and aspirations.

A great deal of educational research has sought to expose and define normlessness among the schooled, particularly among adolescent males. The study of normlessness poignantly reveals the alienative differences between school-age males and females.

Few studies, if any, however, have unearthed causal factors for this phenomenon. Several researchers have revealed that value contradictions and inconsistencies which may generate alienation and consequent behavior difficulties in school are more recurrent among male subjects, but again causal factors are left to 83 conjecture. Middle adolescence (ages eleven to fourteen) has

8 2 Mario Fantini and Gerald Weinstein, 'Social Realities and the Urban School, "presentation to the Annual Conference on the Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, Atlantic City, New Jersey, March 10-13, 1968. 8 3 Irving Philips and Stanislaus A. Szurek, "Conformity, Rebellion, and Learning: Confrontation of Youth and Society, n American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, Volume 40, Number 3, April, 1970, pp. 463-472; Jerome Count, "The Conflict Factor in Adolescent Growth, " Adolescence, Volume 2, Number6 , Summer, 1967, pp. 167- 182; J. F. X. Carroll, "Understanding Student Rebellion, " Adolescence, Volume 4, Number 14, Summer, 1969, pp. 163-180. 164 been found to be the level of lowest normative integration among 84 students by Feldman. Normlessness and powerlessness have been related to ’fcustodialism" in the school, and it may be hypothesized that males are more culturally conditioned to resist 8 5 this kind of control than are females. In surveying high schools,

Fulvino and Michelson^^ found that norm lessness was a principal component among males with low grades. They further suggested that this occurrence was not present among female students because they either tended to accept societally imposed goals ov they are more effectively trained to accept school-imposed standards.

Earlier research did not support the contention that there is a positive relationship between alienative variants and low academic achievement, but did find that alienated students were particularly identifiable in terms of anxiety, normlessnes.s, powerlessness,

84 llonald A. Feldman, 'Normative Integration, Alienation, and Conformity in Adolescent Groups, " St. Louis: Washington University, 1970. 85 Wayne K. Hoy, 'Dimensions of Student Alienation and Characteristics of Public Schools, " Interchange, Volume 3, Number 4, 1972, pp. 38-52. 8 6 Charles Pulvino and Douglas Mickelson, "Alienated Feelings of Normlessness and Discrepant Academic Achievement, 11 Journal of Educational Research, Volume 65, Number 5, January, 1972, pp. 216-218. 165

and isolation.

SCHOOL-BELATED FACTORS IN ALIENATION

School organization, also referred to as bureaucracy and

school control functions, is more related to student and teacher

alienation than any other school-based phenomenon. This has motivated some thoughtful school critics to ask fundamental questions about whether schooling itself is antithetical to professed goals of 88 education. Mann, for example, has asked whether the "manipulation of rewards and punishment in order to control learning.., is intrinsically antithetical to the cultivation of. . . the self-actualizing 89 process. " Using Seeman's definition, Anderson has found school bureaucracy and student alienation to have a highly positive relation­ ship. His findings have been reinforced by other researchers who have discovered that estrangement from self, others, and socio­ cultural traditions is advanced in large urban schools by

87 Richard W, Warner, Jr. and James C. Hansen, "Relationship Between Alienation and Other Demographic Variables Among High School Students, "High School Journal, Volume 54, Number 3, December, 1970, pp. 202-210. 88 John S. Mann, "Politics and Curriculum Theory, " Curriculum Theory Network, Number 5, Spring, 1970, pp. 50-51. 89 Barry D. Anderson, "The Bureaucracy-Alienation Relationship in Secondary Schools, " paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, March 4, 1970. 1 6 6 90 impersonality and bureaucratic rigidity. It has been further

suggested that alienation may result from both over-control and 91 under-control within the school milieu. Barakat found over­

control, described as highly developed bureaucratization resulting

in student and teacher alienation, to be a manifestation of

centralization of power, conformity, and declining interpersonal

relationships. This suggestion was supported by other findings that when organizational demands in the school concentrated on 'toncrete11 or ’bccupational" types of content, alienation among students was 92 highest. This process may be ameliorated by a focus on the

student as an individual requiring personalized development and and guidance. However, under-control in the school has also been

90 Douglas H. Smith, "Student Alienation and Schools, " School Be view, Volume 78, Number 4, August, 1970, pp. 515-528; Vincent C. Flemmings, 'Student Unrest in the High Schools: A Position Paper, 11 New York: Center for Urban Education, June, 1970. 91 Halim Isber Barakat, "Alienation from the School System —Its Dynamics and Structure, " Unpublished Ph. D. Dissertation, The University of Michigan, 1966. Also see Donald Arnstine, "Freedom and Bureaucracy in the Schools, in Freedom, Bureaucracy, and Schooling, (1971 ASCD Yearbook), edited by Vernon F. Haubrich, Washington, D. C. : Association for Super­ vision and Curriculum Development, 1971, pp. 3-28. 92 Carl Weinberg, Peter McHugh, and Howard Lamb, Context of Teacher Alienation, Washington, D. C. : Office of Education, January, 1968, pp. 67-68; also see Hoy, 'Dimensions of Student Alienation... " 167

indicated to be a causal factor in alienation, essentially in the form

of normlessness. This is brought about by uncertainty of

educational objectives, administrative permissiveness, and

conflicting roles and uncohesiveness among teachers in interpersonal 93 relationships. Alienation in the forms of feelings of powerlessness and isolation have been revealed to be more dominant among junior high school and middle school students with team teachers, as 94 opposed to those with individual teachers.

Additional manifestations of school-related alienation, including institutional racism, the drop-out phenomenon, drug abuse, and family-related problems, are found in educational research to be closely related. Racism, for example, may confine a family unit to limited economic and political power to the extent that the relatedness of the family members is disrupted. This process in turn may breed conditions in which the educational and occupational aspirations of family members decline and the non-recreational use of narcotics recurs. The differential severity of alienation among black and white students has already been noted by several

93 Barakat, 'Alienation from the School System. .. " 94 Theophilus O. Odetola, Edsel L. Erickson, Clifford E. Bryan, and Lewis Walker, 'Organizational Structure and Student Alienation, " Educational Administration Quarterly, Volume 8, N um ber 1, Winter, 1972, pp. 15-26. 168 re searcher s, ^ but some similarities do exist. Eisner^ has advised that many black Americans have begun to consider the notion of separatism only after attempting "for a century to attain equality in the white world, " just as "suburban youth choose the path of alienation from our society only after they have failed to enter it. And they fail primarily because the structure of our society has no place for adolescents. " In another dimension, Levine 97 and Mares found that both black and white students sensed alienation because no one seemed to be concerned with either their views of the world or their individuality. Others have taken the

'long view" of the upgrading of educational attainment in North

America, which has led to expanding educational expectations with

9 5 Bronfenbrenner, "Childhood: The Roots of Alienation;" Silverman and Blount, 'Alienation, Achievement Motivation, and A ttitude s.Deutsch, 'Minority Group and Class Status...;" Pettigrew, A Profile of the Negro American, pp. 30-31. 96 Eisner, "Alienation of Youth, "p. 8 8. Also see Paul Goodman, 'Freedom and Learning: The Need for Choice, " Saturday Review, Volume 51, Number Z0, May 18, 1968, pp. 73-75. 97 Daniel U. Levine and Kenneth E. Mares, "Problems and Perceptions in a Desegregated Urban High School: A Case Description and Its Implications, " Kansas City: Center for the Study of Metropolitan Problems in Education, The University of Missouri, 1970. Also see F. K. Heussenstumm and Ralph Hoepfner, 'Black, White, and Brown Adolescent Alienation, " paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the National Council on M easure­ ment in Education, February, 1971. 169 98 each new generation. This has been described by Parons as a

"classical situation of anomic strain" because "the youth-culture ideology. . . plays down intellectual interests and school performance. " 99 1 Fort has gone so far as to argue that this feelinjg may combine with radicalism and sex and drug related deviations from societal norms, which in turn stimulates "dropping out" from school and society. Most research which has measured the dynamics shared by feelings of alienation and the drop-out phenomenon has defined the student as alienated merely because he may lack interest in school activities. Some have experimented with assigned work projects complemented by intensive individual counseling within the school to foment "positive attitude changes"among these alienated. The most recurrent alienative conditions among

98 Talcott Parsons, "The School Class as a Social System: Some of Its Functions in American Society, " Harvard Educational R ev iew , V olum e 29, N um ber 4, F a ll, 1959* p. 312. 99 Joel Fort, "Youth— How to Produce Drop-Ins Rather than Drop-Outs, " in Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual State Conference on Educational Research, Burlingaine, California: California Teachers Association, 1968, pp. 53-64.

^^Benjamin S. Hayden, Max Talmadge, John B. Mordock, and Michael Kulla, "Alienated Students: An Effort to Motivate at the Junior High Level, " Journal of School Psychology, Volume8, N um ber 3, 1970, pp. 237-241. 170

drop-outs have been described as high absenteeism, over-age for

traditional programs, political inefficacy, family and financial

difficulties, the encouragement of friends, and, most of all,

problems with both the academic and authority structure of the

schu ool. i 101

The school-related factors of alienation coalesce most

starkly among Native American youth. Schooling has historically

been a particularly inervating experience for them. Culturally, the

very young Indian student has been assaulted by the acculteration

process of schools despite frequent recommendations, often from

the federal bureaucracy itself, that Native American culture be

preserved and cherished, and that Indians no longer be viciously

compeled to assimilate the "general" mores, norms, and values of the white "social order. " Those values yet preserved by some

Indians are nearly incompatible with those possessed by many within white society. The Cherokees, for example distinguish "thinking, 11 which implies the projection of evil through disharmony with nature,

C. Olson, Report of Cooperative Work-Study Program for Educationally Alienated Students, Pittsburgh: Board of Public Education, 1970; Ilona D. Wirtanen, "Why and How Young Men Drop Out of High School: Some Preliminary Findings, " Ann Arbor, Michigan: Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, February, 1969. Insight into the "anomic activist" black student who does not drop out is provided by Harry Edwards, Black Students, New York: Free Press, 1970, pp. 88-92. 171 from "knowing, " which is to be in harmony with oneself and 10 2 nature. One knowledgeable in Zen thought will observe the marked similarity of this idea with much Eastern thought. Among

the Oglala Sioux, relatedness has been held traditionally to be the ultimate value of learning. One learns not only "to achieve relatedness with the manifestations of the Great Spirit earth, plants, animals, stars, thunder, etc. . . ., " but also to be

"responsible for his social unit, or rather as his social unit, since 103 he was an interpenetrating part of his camp circle, ..."

Government educators have usually sought to undermine these processes either by dividing the student from his tribe, or by

"Americanizing" a tribal elite through the provisions of elementary and secondary schools which would lead some to the "mainstream" 104 of white culture through college admission. Indian children have been, then, "virtually kidnapped" by schools and stripped of

102 Jack F. Kilpatrick and Anna G. Kilpatrick, Bun Toward the Nightland: Magic of the Oklahoma Cherokees, Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1967, pp. 170-171.

103 Dorothy Lee, "Culture and the Experience of Value, " in New Knowledge in Human Values, edited by Abraham H. Maslow, Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1959» p. 170. 104 Stan Steiner, The New Indians, New York: Dell, 1968, pp. 30-31. 172 105 their culture. The psychic toll among them has been frightfully high. Bryde^^ found that the "conflict of values" between Sioux and white standards, especially during early adolescence, creates personality problems which severely limit academic achievement.

This may also partially account for the high suicide rate among

Indian youth in this age group. Although it is imposed by a different

source, this effect is similar to that among Japanese youth under

stress from the educational demands upon them made by family 107 and society. Further research among Oglala Sioux adolescents 108 by Spilka has revealed alienation among them to be comprised of the phenomena related to the "culture of poverty" and an historically- based confusion about values. This confusion is certainly not

105 Gordon Macgregor, Warriors Without Weapons, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1946, p. 36.

^^John F. Bryde, The Sioux Indian Student: A Study of Scholastic Failure and Personality Conflict, Vermillion, South Dakota: Dakota Press, 1970. 107 Ezra F. Vogel, "Entrance Examinations and Emotional Disturbances in Japan's 'New Middle Class, ' " in Japanese Culture: Its Development and Characteristics, edited by Robert J. Smith and Richard K. Beardsley, Chicago: Aldine Publishing Company, 1962, pp. 140-152. 108 Bernard Spilka, Alienation and Achievement Among Oglala Sioux Secondary School Students, Washington, D. C. : National Institute of Mental Health, August, 1970, p. 25. Also see Robert J. Havighurst and Bernice L. Neugarten, American Indian and White Children, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1955. 173

surprising when one is made aware that Indian youth, like many

Chicano students and black children with non-white dialects, have

been historically forbidden by white teachers to use their native languages in school; only recently has English been stressed as a

second language in Indian schools. Miller's findingshave

revealed that there is "a consistent positive relationship between low cultural, economic, and social levels and low achievement, low intelligence, high alienation, and negative attitudes toward school" 111 among rural Indians. Tefft found meaninglessness and powerless­ ness to be particularly significant factors in alienative feelings among Arapahoe youth.

Thus, ignorance of the Native American cultural heritage has resulted in white society dictating misery to Indians. Through

109 Ruth M. Underhill, Red Man's America: A History of Indians in the United States (revised edition), Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971, pp. 329, 334; Estelle Fuchs and Robert J. Havighurst, To -Live on This Earth: American Indian Education, Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1972, pp. 208-213.

J. Miller, "The Effects of Integration on Rural Indian Pupils, " Washington, D. C. : U. S. Office of Education, 1968, p. 108.

K. Tefft, "Anomie, Values, and Cultural Change Among Teen-age Indians: An Exploratory Study, " paper presented to the Convention of the American Anthropological Association, Denver, November 18, 1965. 174 schooling, white society has assumed the goodness and appropriateness of inculcation into white, middle-class values and aspirations. In the words of William Henry Pratt, a West Pointer who believed that salvation for Indians depended on their education, for which he started a government boarding school in Carlisle,

Pennsylvania for Indian youth and a school for the children of freed slaves in Hampton, Virginia: "To civilize the Indian, put him in 112 the midst of civilization. To keep him civilized, keep him there. ,r^

When the Indian youth begins to resist, and then rejects this acculturation, he is further brutalized by labels relative to his social demeanor, his family, and his mental abilities. 113 This megalomania, as Jung has called it, perpetrated by whites upon not only Native Americans, but similarly upon much of the rest of the world through cultural subversion as well as economic imperialism, is only one spectre to keep in mind as this study turns to a search for solutions. Integration, whether it be philosophical, economic, or racial, cannot be enough if the meaning of that integration is not clear. It has so far been decided that a search for meaning rests at least in part on attention to the

112 Quoted in Flora W. Seymore, The Story of the Red Man, New York: Tudor Publishing, 1934, p. 355. 113 Carl G. Jung, Modern Man in Search of a Soul, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1933, p. 213, 175 114 sources of meaninglessness in contemporary life," as Phenix

has argued. With regard to education, the tasks now at hand is

to discover those curricular components which may act as pre­

conditions for introducing into being desired social and individual

h arm on y.

^ ^Philip H. Phenix, Realms of Meaning: A Philosophy of the Curriculum for General Education, New York: McGraw- Hill, 1964, p. 5. CH APTER IV

ELEMENTS OF NON-INSTITUTIONAL, CURRICULUM

The task now confronting the curriculum theorist is the formulation and explication of elements which are to be contained in any curriculum design. The primal mission of these elements is to resist abusive forms of alienation which torment the learner.

Curriculum has most often been thought of in terms of the process of the school rather than the process of learning. For the purpose of this study, it is conceptualized as the initiative and integrative element of the latter process. Curriculum is to be as small an obstacle as possible to the genesis of non-alienating learning. Such liberating curriculum elements are not regarded as likely to be included in institutionalized patterns of learning. This is not only because political, economic, and social climates militate against that possibility, but more fundamentally because such elements work against the grain of the control functions of schooling upon which those climates depend.

Control has two meanings here. First, one must account for the alienation produced by the control of the learner’s day-to-day activities within the school— the control of his time, body, and

176 177

infrequently but painfully, his mind. This is not to deny that the

learner's attention is a pre-condition to his learning anything, but

rather that his attention, when it is offered, is most likely not

rewarded by the dismal process of learning presented by the school.

Second, control must be regarded in the sense that the school

virtually dictates a future to the student, not m erely on the basis

of what skills and knowledge he may master, but perhaps more in

terms of how willingly he submits to the control function.

Curriculum elements suggested here, then, are non-

institutional in scope: they may assume prominence only under

circumstances in which the learner is not to be deprived of civil

and human rights when he fails, and only when he is free to pursue

both his pleasures and his principles, whether they be fantasy or

fact. This would culminate in not only a more "humane" learning

environment for both teachers and learners, but would remove from

the school its political role in mental health enforcement. The four

elements are tension, power, community, and knowledge. They are

to be viewed developmentally; that is, one element assumes the functioning of another and builds upon the experiences afforded by

the dynamics of the preceding element. These elements are also

to be viewed a 3 a confluent process. Once established, they flow together and interact to form a liberative foundation for learning. X78

It is likely that the reader who is loath to accept what is frequently

regarded as the "systems view of the world" will reject this premise.

However, returning to the history of alieration, one discovers that the precursors of this rejection, the mec! lanistic, deterministic, and behavioristic views, have resulted in the inevitably fragmented and specialized world-view which has become an ultimate source of alienation within and among human beings.

The purpose here, then, is to define these curriculum elements, to explain their developmental and confluent activities, and to present the meanings of systems, democracy, and humanism within the context of liberative attainment of knowledge.

THE ELEMENTS OF NON-A LIE NATIVE CURRICULA

Tension is the first element in devising a matrix for non­ ins titutional, liberative, curricula. It is the impetus for educational change, as it has been the source of individual revelation. It need not be dependent upon visionary expectations of great transformations in consciousness and culture. But most importantly, it is the cornerstone of othei* elements in this design; without it, they would not find sustenance or purpose. This tension embraces meaning with Socrates, who sought a tension of the mind to stir great thoughts. It likewise finds relevance in tyartin Luther King's image 179

of "the kind of tension in society that will help men rise from the

dark depths of prejudice and racism to the majestic heights of

understanding and brotherhood. "* It is not the violent tension which

manifests itself in rage. Such tension has found so much outlet

already in our educational systems. Instead, it drives the mind and

body to seek and experiment with new discoveries and desires

which will enhance the dignity of the individual and foster relations

with others which are of mutual benefit. This creative tension

transcends stasis and negatively-acquired learning experiences to

direct one to constructive, problem-ox*iented efforts to improve the mind, and thus to improve the conditions wrought by minds.

Avoidance of the need for creative tension in education has coincided with neglect or political and social dynamics which have deeply conditioned learning techniques and curricular designs.

So much of the language of curriculum has conspicuously passed over realization of the pervasiveness o£ those dynamics in day-to day school activities. Injecting consciousness of those dynamics into the classroom requires tension, which need not be regarded as

^Martin Luther King, Jr., "Letter from a Birmingham Jail, " in Why We Can’t Wait, New York: Signet Books, 1964, p. 80. Similarly, Ortega quotes Goethe: "One should never confine oneself to a single thing because he then goes mad: he needs to have a thousand things, a confusion in his head, " See Jose Ortega Y. Gasset, Meditations on Quixote, (translated by Evelyn Rugg and Diego Marin), New York: Norton, 1961, p. 8 1. 180

a by-product of socio-political aggrevations, but rather may be

employed through curricular intent to more thoroughly sensitize

students and school "personnel" to the social and political realities with which they must contend. This is a step toward the "survival" 2 curriculum offered by Scriven. However, tension is not intended to m erely assist the learner in perceiving and meeting immediate needs. Tension pressures the learner to discern long-term developments, one's place in history and in the universe, and to comprehend the kinetics .of changing social structures.

Tension in the curriculum is not difficult to devise. It lends itself as i*eadily to what we now describe as "vocational" training as to the study of history or government. It is as easily applied to language and literature as to the physical sciencds. In all cases, students require it in comprehending the relationship of the involved subject matter to the imperatives in their lives. In the case of those exposed to schooling, at any moment during their- thirteen thousand hours of detention they may ask of themselves those questions which alone can relate knowledge from school to the learning pressed upon them in daily social and political interaction.

2 Michael Scriven, "A Curriculum for Survival, " in The Ideal School, edited by Gloria Kinney, Wilmette, Illinois: Kagg Press, 1969# pp. 33-79. 181

The overwhelming problem is that learning acquired through the

school has been demonstrated to accomodate this process in an

almost exclusively negative and alienative manner. But whether

within or without the school, learners may begin to wonder about

their experiences. Why am I compelled to study this? Who will

benefit from the knowledge which I am acquiring? Where can X

apply what I have learned? What are the consequences of the power

of my thoughts? If I use what I know, what will happen to me? Have

I learned these things to be able to control my life, or to be

controlled?

It is the function of tension in the curriculum to facilitate

both the asking of profound questions and the having of wonderful

ideas. These are the pre-conditions of acquiring power, and lend

credence to the maxim, "Knowledge is power. " But the transfer is

not a smooth one, and the individual may be easily deceived into neglecting the greater reality that the ability bo use knowledge is

power. Power in this sense signifies a tense balance between the autonomy of the individual and the authority of the state. Because it is guided by creative tension, it does not lapse into wasteful paranoia or undisciplined freedom. Individual power safeguards 3 individuality, which, as Dewey has advised, is "continuously.

3John Dewey, "Progressive Education and the Science of Education, " Progressive Education, July-August-September, 1928, pp. 197-204. 182 attained, not. . .given all at once. . . ready-made. "

The absence of power, whether in political exercises or in learning situations in the school, has already been demonstrated to be a source of alienation. But, like tension, power can manifest itself in destructive and alienative ways. Thus it is the power to create rather than to disfigure which is envisaged here. Creative power enables the individual to accumulate, preserve, and advance his knowledge, in addition to his quest for the human processes which nourish it. To disaffect it from the alienative methods by which power is usually acquired, new conceptions about the meaning of power are needed, and new paths to its attainment must be sought.

Fundamentally, the need is for realization that to be non-alienative, power must, as the existentialists would have it, simply be. Such power is the basis for both the intellectual energy and the cultural advancement required for not only liberative attainment of know­ ledge, but moreso for survival in technological society. It assures one that freedom exists in more than the interstices of society's authority structure; it is not the power generated by picking up the pieces from competition among authority symbols. To be effective, it must simply exist, inalienable, so that its possessors may employ it in achieving the next element, community. 183

Recurrently in the history of alienation, thinkers have

expressed awe of the relationship of authority to the abuse of power,

whether through religion, bureaucracy, or institutionalized learning

processes. In denying the individual, these abuses have evolved a

crisis of community through mas sification, or its educational analog,

m ass education. In a paradox, which frequently yields abundant

insight, the pattern of influence has reversed itself. The ''good1' or

"progressive11 intentions of m ass education have been negated by the

isolation created by the individual sense of being a cog, an automaton,

or just another miniscule element in a crowd. Community, the

human process by which knowledge is transferred and transformed,

has been largely lost. A stultifying tendency to seek unity in

uniformity has starved it.

The creative community does not propose conflict between

individual and interpersonal values, but respects the domain of each.

It embellishes the purposes of both by confronting personal and

social necessities for non-alienative existence, resisting collectivist

intrusion upon the specified needs of the individual, and by

transcending the conservative ideology of limiting the scope of social

criticism through defending social institutions for their own sake, or their symbolic images. Tension and power open the possibility of attaining a balance between individualist and communal domains 184

without extending social control into new territory to create alarm,

as Marcuse has already suggested. Community evolves from the

wisdom to acknowledge necessity. This wisdom to recognize and to

bargain is yielded by the presence of creative tension and creative power. These elements then assume a dual purpose, protective and generative, since they have already armed the individual with the psychic tools he needs to safeguard the personal. Community then can set the environment for the emergence of the final clement, knowledge. And knowledge elaborated through the elements of 4 tension, power, and community forms what Mumford has called the "counter-balancing modes of etherialization" which will help reduce "present megatechnic institutions and structures" to human proportions and bring them under "direct human control. "

Knowledge thus becomes the creative process of personalizing rather than socializing oneself to norms and values which will culminate in non-alienative survival, in addition to collecting and utilizing skills and ideas to enoble oneself both as an individual and as a member of interpersonal units. Particularly in the case of the young, the personalizing of knowledge has almost

4 Lewis Mumford, The Myth of the Machine II: The Pentagon of Power, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Jovanovich, 1970, p. 429. 185

been totally lost to the socializing functions of the school. As

previously demonstrated, the alienative forms of purposelessness

and lack of relatedness thrive in such an environment.

There is, of course, nothing intrinsically wrong with

socializing the young to the norms and values of survival. What i_s

wrong is socializing them, in the name of brotherhood, democracy,

and equality, into a social matrix which disembowels brotherhood,

mocks democracy, and intentionally confuses equality with equality

of opportunity. It rs wrong to thrust accountability upon the young,

especially when accountability, like "participation politics" and

"democratic processes" are controlled from the top down. Knowledge

shaped and nourished through creative community exposures sets the

foundation for reversing this order. It organizes appropriate contexts

for democracy, humanism, and systems. Before elaborating these

meanings, however, it is expedient that the confluent and develop­

mental dynamics of the four curricular elements be detailed.

ORGANIZATION OF CURRICULUM ELEMENTS

In the developmental paradigm, illustrated by Figure 1,

each curricular element builds upon the learning experiences afforded by the latter. Thus, tension assists power, which in turn expedites

community, through which knowledge is explored, refined, and F I G U R E 1 .

The elem ents developm ent a lly .

\ \ 187

employed in the resolution of human problems. Tension, like its

related elements, must simply be, as the existentialists have argued

in the case of freedom. Without tension, as without the elements which follow from it, nonalienative learning would not be able to

evolve. Liberative educational experiences would for the most part be outside the present range of human conceptual and creative

abilities. Alienation, whether it exists as feelings of powerlessness,

isolation, or apathetic self-estrangement, would be mostly uncontrol­

lable through human intervention. The chain intact, however, forms a continuously generative device, which, like all social machinery, must be monitored always for reliability and human utility.

The confluent arrangement of curricular elements is expressed in Figure 2. One purpose here is to convey the meaning of the meta-activity of the elements, in addition to their primary

role of unit-development, described by Figure 1. However, the most vital i*ole of confluent arrangement is to maximize the utilization of creative and liberative powers through the free exchange of tension, power, community, and knowledge. Each is considered to have unique meaning for and effect on each of the others. Because this arrangement multiplies the opportunities for enrichment among the curricular elements, it is crucial to non­ alienative learning. It may also serve as an implementation model 188

FIGURE 2

The elements confluontly 189 in curriculum development, but only in a political and social climate agreeable to its growth. Such a model emphasizes the dynamics required by the unparalleled demands on the learner today. Such demands, aptly headed by the lingering crises of survival, have been amply demonstrated to far outstrip the resources and organization consumed by schooling.

As curriculum elements, then, tension, power, community, and knowledge would merge into educational arrangements required by a reassessment of contemporary human needs and desires. It is only the purpose of this inquiry to speculate concerning what forms such arrangements might take once the technological era has come of age. It is reasonable, for instance, to think that those institutional and other conditions which have revealed themselves to be unnecessarily alienative and destructive of humane possibilities for intellectual and vocational growth will necessarily yield to more humanely productive processes. This is consistent with the meaning of curriculum assumed throughout this inquiry: curriculum is the organization of learning, not merely the receptacle for designs dictated by the contingencies defined by political and social circumstances which now seem to recycle alienative phenomena.

Curriculum then becomes more than the arrangement of subject matter into spatial and time-efficiency partitions. It represents the 190

total medium through which learning occurs, and thus assumes

political and economic capabilities in any social encounter. These

capabilities are manifested in proportion to the fruition of democracy,

systems, and humanism, whose meaning may be employed as criteria

in judging the necessity and desirability of educational encounters.

Developmental and confluent curriculum processes, in tandem, are

here proposed as ameliorative of the "curriculum dissonance"

problem described by Eash 5 and Klohr's image 6 of the fragmentation

of curriculum" through piecemeal addition to rather than organization

in place of the old.

DEMOCRACY AND LIBERATIVE EDUCATION

The interactions of curricular elements represent processes

of liberative inception, growth, and renewal. Therefore, a

democratic political framework, as opposed to an authoritarian or

meritocratic variant of elitism, is required to assure effective

operation of the elements. Jeffersonian democratic thought has

Maurice J, Eash, ^'Guidelines for Preparatory Programs for Supervisors and Curriculum Workers," in Toward Professional Maturity, edited by Roy P. Wahle, Washington, D.C.: The Association for Supervision arid Curriculum Development, 1967, pp. 21- 22.

A Paul R. Klohr, "Seeking New Design Alternatives," in A Curriculum for Children, edited by Alexander Frazier, Washington, D.C.: The Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1969, p. 92. persistently held that the education of citizens is indispensible to the

endurance of democratic process. The problem is that the avail­ ability of democracy has been defined most often in terms of the individual's state-measured and regulated educational attainment,

rather than vice-versa. Notwithstanding the ideal of an enlightened public to assume control of governmental activity, the process of schooling is involved in the dubious practice of exposing the student to a battery of non-democratic or anti-democratic situations. This perhaps reflects a transferal from the military to the educational of the dead logic of destroying to save. Throughout the history of crises of democratic survival, there has been demonstrated no positive correlation between amounts of schooling and the extent to which a given populace clings to democratic ideals and institutions.

The usual deception has been to observe a correlation between the frequenty of schooling and responsiveness to democratic-sounding suggestions among selected social sub-groups, while ignoring both individual behavior and group interactions as measures of democratic commitment.

The creative elements proposed here rely upon a system in which the governed and those who govern arc identical in power, status, and oppox*tunity. Only in such a milieu can the attributes of individuals and of the state be countervailing forces. This is a 192

historic struggle in which either the dogmas o£ social efficiency or

the declai-ations of individual natural development have traded freely

in imbalance and confusion. As Dewey observed, either the individual

has been "in process of complete submergence in fact at the very

time in which he was being elevated on high in theory," or efforts

to secure the "habituation of an individual to social control" have

relentlessly seized both imagination and programatic devices of what

some have regarded as destructively "unorganized individual

O activity." Alienation in,one form or another has become the ultimate consequence. Non-alienative curricular elements are reinfox'ced, on the othex* hand, by democratic achievements wrought through the

constituent elements of what Freire^ has descx'ibed as "dialogical cultural action": cooperation, which terminates the alienative

Subject-Object relationship in favor of a meeting of Subjects "to nam e the world in order to transform it"; unity;'bx-ganization of the people" to oppose the manipulation of conquest and domination; and cultural synthesis which surmounts the "antagonistic contradictions of the social structure, thcx*eby achieving the liberation of men."

^John Dewey, The Public and Its Problems, New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1927, pp. 95-96.

Q John Dewey, Democracy and Education, New York: Macmillan, 1916, p. 112, 118.

^Faul Freire, The Pegogogy of the Oppressed, pp. 167-186. 193

THE SYSTEMS VIEW

For the assessment of curriculum utility, as well as for

a firm foundation in humanistic endeavors in learning, a particular

view of systems is employed here. It is not a mechanical or

determinist system frequently suggested by behaviorist assumptions.

What is proposed here is a natural system, whose components are

indeed part of chain or group, but definitely do not contain the

predictability of simple machines or even the programmed

infallibility of the logic of complex ones. Too often reforms in

curriculum i*etain mechanistic rigidity by making educational

interactions more random rather than more flexible. Such a system

continues to impose prc-selective conditions on the learner, over which he has no choice. Individual fulfillment, then, cannot occur for lack of autonomy. As more thorough educational designs manifest themselves, through mechanical systems, more regimentation ensues,

A natural system, however, safeguards individuality:

What particular function a component performs is also determined by the kinds of functions performed by the others. There is a high degree of internal plasticity within any natural system. The system as a whole is determinate, but the relationship of the parts is not. This is not the mechanistic determinism of old-fashioned behavioral scientists, but the flexible, dynamic, '1 macrodetermination'1 conception of contemporaxy systems biologists, psychologists, and social scientists.... Systemicity 194

is imposed as a set of rules binding the parts among themselves. But these rules do not constrain the parts to act in one way and one way only; they merely prescribe that certain types of functions are carried out in certain sequences. The parts have options; as long as a sufficient number of sufficiently qualified units carries out the prescribed tasks, the requirements of system ic determination are met.

In a natural curriculum system one would find the

prevalence of contingency and indeterminacy, except for intervening

human stimuli. A totally humanized system would involve the

impossibility of excluding all natural objects. The issue which

consequently pi-esents itself is not the dichotomy between machine

and nature, but the relationship of man to natural systems. The quantum events which make up human interaction, just as those which apply to physical dynamics in the world, cannot be reduced to predictable events representable by formula. Determinism in educational planning is not the result of human exigencies in human learning needs, but rather of some visions of those needs. It is the non-mechanization of human activity and aspiration which has permitted individuals to opt for mechanistic views, as well as for the images of behavioral intricacies knowable, but not totally knowable.

*^Ervin Laszlo, The Systems View of the World, New York: George Braziller, 1972, pp. 113, 115. Also see Allen Wheelisy The End of the Modern Age, New York: Basic Books, 1971, Chapter IV. The existence of a mechanically natural world would hardly permit a realistic image of the non-mechanical; instead, as Barrett^ has noted, only the machine would live, and people would become "dead corpuscles circulating in its veins," The image of behavioral mechanisation has led,for example, to the fluctuation of Muzak tempo, even in the classroom, to manipulate human activity through suggestion to the conscious. However, it is the image of non­ mechanization which has stimulated resistance to and deplorance of this control. Meaningful human activity the hot and the cold of interpersonal beliefs and motions results from effective coalition of the natural and the human views. Without it, the image of psycho­ social homeostasis prevails, bringing about the absolute negation of life and growth through the attempt to enforce the absence of disequalibrium and tension. Non-alienated learning cannot occur in such a vacuum .

TI-IE HUMANIST VIEW

The study and deployment of curriculum designs, like the study of sociology, suffers from a methodology fetish which too often

* * William Barrett, Time of Need: Forms of Imagination in the Twentieth Century, New York: Harper and Row, 1973, p. 297. compels it to ignore significant content and effect. The development

of curricula cannot be construed as a value-free process. "Value"

in this sense must be taken to signify more than the composite of

attitudes of the developer or theorist. One may have "humanist" or

"authoriatarian" or "mechanistic" or "behaviorist" values which

orient one toward the development of certain modes of articulation

and design. Rather than being described as a melding of genetic and

environmental factors, this process must be seen to contain elements

of choice, thus involving both error and leaps of creativity and genius. "Value" also possesses ulterior political, economic, and

social significance. Like all social phenomena, curriculum theorizing and development are not processes which occur in a vacuum. Consequently, one must either acknowledge the limitations imposed by the ideological sets of the developer and theorist, or suffer from obliquity and the short-sightedness of those who error in their imaginations that one may at will transcend our ideological sets when dealing on a day-to-day basis with socio-political realities.

The chosen orientation of these proposals is humanist.

However, because this word, like "alienation", has been employed so randomly and adopted so widely, an effort to establish some precision in its meaning here is required. All variants of humanism designate man as a dignified and noble being, possessing still 197 untapped capabilities to transform his physical and social environ­ ments into ideal existence. All cultures have contained ideational

stimuli which have encouraged individuals within them to seek the ideal, perfect harmony, karma, paradise, or some other utopian presence. But positions on the meaning of humanism differ on other essences of what man is. Some would suggest that man, relying on his own innate resources, still requires guidance, direction, and control to survive and grow. This is the view of many behaviorists, and has resulted in part from the parochialism

1 P of Western philosophy and social science. This position assumed in this study, however, is that man may more fully realize his potentialities through the liberative exercise of self-contained capabilities, unfettered by alienative controls. Manipulation of the mental and physical capacities of the human organism obviates both personal opportunities for intellectual development and the fruition of a social environment in which these opportunities may present themselves. One cannot be made human, one must be regarded as simply being human. To subject individuals either to schooling or to some other mechanism of social selection is a process of negation of

*^David C. Davis, Model for a Humanistic Education: The Danish Folk Highschool, Columbus, Ohio: Carles D. Merrill, 1971, pp. 73-74. human essences. The essential condition of humanism in this case 1 3 requires trust of the human being, as Combs has argued, to "use

its built-in drives toward self-fulfillment. ... Without trying, self-

direction, creativity, and independence cannot be discovered," To

provide the milieu under which one may com£oi*tably try is much

different from controlling that milieu. The imposition of arbitrary

force external to individual needs and aspirations detracts from the

intended purpose of learning, and seems to regard the individual as

merely another manufactured product in the exchange of raw

materials into marketable commodities. Extricating oneself from

situations which demean humanistic goals does not terminate the

roles of teacher or curriculum planner. Instead, it emphasizes such

roles as assistance to rather than manipulation of the learner and

the learning environment. Such roles again emphasize the political

responsibilities and implications of a teaching profession. Such

political phenomena permit one to just as easily be part of a process

of liberative curricular design as auxiliary to alienative learning

institutions. It is a matter of trusting that sufficient education occurs when the individual seeks, or fearing that he will do so only when

directed.

^Arthur W. Combs, "Fostering Self-Direction," Educational Leader ship, Volume 23, Number 5, February, 1966, pp. 375-376. C H A PT E R V

RECOMMENDATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS

Albert Einstein once remarked that he had "little patience

with scientists who take a board of wood, look for its thinnest part,

and drill a great number of holes where drilling is easy,"* As both

the criticisms of schooling and sensitivity to such criticisms have

proliferated, many may regard the suggestion of non-institutional

arrangements as either impractical, irrelevant, extremist, or easy

drilling. One may be given to the opinion that when schools are in

trouble faced with financial crises, taxpayer revolts, racial strife,

teacher militancy, and curriculum obsolescence the time is not

right to suggest that their errors may reach beyond concept and

practice into the realm of their right to be. However, since the

turmoil of the 1960's, criticisms of this sort, like bold suggestions

to confront recycled problems, have been diminishing in number.

Fearing either the advent of social instability or ostracism among

their peers, fewer cx*itics now cross the threshold of calling into

question the validity and necessity of schooling itself. The effects

* Albert Einstein, quoted in Phillip Frank, "Einstein's Philosophy of Science," Reviews of Modern Physics, Volume 21, Number 3, July, 1949. 199 200 of siach fear are bewildering both in terms of professional and academic ethics and in the context of current social and political conditions. This endeavor has carried with it, therefore, a natural responsibility for sincerity and thoroughness. Such responsibilities are, of course, ongoing phenomena. In future research and decisions about schools, it is such qualities, purged of malice and vindictive, political control or institutional restraint, which must serve as signal fires in the quest for more rewarding and humane educative endeavors. -

Ortega has suggested that "a problem is not a problem unless it contains a real contradiction." This study has sought to research the contradictions carried by varied forms of alienation and uses of the term . It has sim ilarly examined the institution of schooling which, designed to compliment the learning process, has instead demonstrated itself to be a demeaning and destructive force on many learners. Finally, this inquiry has examined the inconsistencies of sundry meanings and uses of education, curriculum, systems, democracy, and humanism. Conclusions have been drawn in comment throughout the study, but they m erit some enumeration here.

Schooling is regarded as an unnecessary institutional imposition on human mental and physical potentiality. As such, it

Ortega y Gasset, Meditations on Quixote, p. 105. is a causal factor in the generation of the alienation which it

frequently alleges to seek to overcome. Historical and philosophical

review, as well as contemporary social and psychological research

efforts have revealed this to be a common occurrence in all

institutional forms. Further aggrevating the alienative potential of

schooling is the added social and political stratification reinforced

throughout society with the. complicity of institutionalized education.

Such stratification has had particularly severe effects upon the

intellectual and physical qualities of certain economic and racial

sub-groups in society, and thus the school has become an especially

onerous experience for disproportionate numbers among these sub­

groups. To alleviate this condition, which has not been confined to

the poor or the oppressed, but has likewise turned back upon the

protected affluent and the oppressor, certain modes of curricular

design are proposed. These are to be non-formalized, non- manipulative arrangements which give support to the learner rather

than extract allegiance from him. The creative elements of tension, power, community, and knowledge, acting in both developmental and confluent fashion, from such a curriculum design. These elements operate particularly well in concert with the specified types of democracy, humanism, and natural systems. The role of the teacher and curriculum planner shifts under this design from mandated control to available assistance.

In terms of further research, the general recommendation of this study is for more basic research in the areas studied herein, both in the principal areas of alienation, schooling as a political activity related to alienation, and liberative or non-alienative curriculum designs and theories, and the secondary areas of the relationship of education to technological advance, existentialism, institutionalization, race, the recommended elements of tension, power, community, and knowledge, the interactive processes among them, and the climate-factors of democracy, humanism, and systems. There are, however, distinct relationships which will yield especially rich discoveries and insight.

With regard to alienation, there is considerable need for more inquiry into its constitution and causes, using historical, philosophical, and social science research techniques. The historical roots of alienation, for example, within a certain socio-economic class, or religious or racial group provides one such opportunity.

The continuing debate over Marxian and existentialist relationships to alienation would benefit greatly by more detailed i*eview of existing knowledge in those two areas. In all soi-ts of research into alienation, including that which is alleged to eminate from schooling and related institutional patterns, more clarity is demanded. More 203 than a score of often contradictory meanings for this term have confronted this inquiry alone. Relatedly, cross-cultural analyses of who is alienated may assist further comprehension of why they are

so conditioned; ideally, this would inspire more aggressive measures to lift this burden. Finally more consideration of the "alienation from alienation" factor, the advent of the Cheerful Robot or similar automaton, is recommended. It is felt that this particular topic has suffered from lack of concern, which has contributed to its ominous advance.

Educational research in the area of alienation suffers most markedly from imprecision, hence confusion, of meaning. Terms which have been employed in empirical data-gathering, such as

"negativism" or "negative attitude toward the school" defy reason­ able description and serve primarily as political tools capriciously wielded by both local biases and national gamesmanship. Once this precision is achieved, alienative factors will not disappear, and educational research will be improved in only one respect; it will have acquired the capability to share its knowledge through inter­ disciplinary and intradisciplinary exchanges. At this point, more research may be initiated into pedogogic and related political causes and effects in such movements as permanent education. 204

The implimentation of educational research faces one further difficulty. The abusiveness of many of its techniques, coupled with such factors as its penchant for simplistic popularization and its tenacious grasp on the biased "cultural deprivation" and "genetic inferiority" syndromes, have sustained an image of social and educational research only as symbols of authority, oppression, and offensiveness. To transform this image into humane association will require humane behavior and appearance.

R esearch efforts will then becom e able to benefit by the presence of trust in people and confidence in survival which will unfold creative curricular elements suggested in this research. There is certainly the possibility of refinement and addition to these elements. It is recommended, however, that "creative" elements may be evaluated in terms of two particular conotations of that word, "made to be created" and "made to create." This will help establish comprehension of differences between "making" and "creating," the latter becoming that which is never involved in inflicting misery.

Under such conditions, the sources of alienation will become more visible and more visibly abhorent. Inquiries conducted among sub-groups, as with previously mentioned research efforts, will yield data which is not only useful, but humanely useful. This further requires the participation of educators as more than the transmitters of cultural norms and existing skills and knowledge.

It recruits them to new political and social activities believed to be

stimulative of the kind of social milieu in which creative endeavors may flourish. A new "professional" responsibility, a new task for the intellectual, must evolve. This will reveal that the assistance capabilities of the teacher are more suitable than manipulative devices and behaviors to humane environment. Supportive research in the quest of what may assist the teacher in realizing his assistance potential is proposed. The advance of knowledge into new realms in the actualization process, matched by the trans­ formation of prevailing socio-political maladies, is a vital key in the search for alternatives. I. BOOKS AND EDITED COLLECTIONS

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______. The Dogma of Christ and Other Essays on Religion, Psychology, and Culture, Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor Books, 1966.

_____ . Escape from Freedom, New York: Farrar and Rinehart, 3 941.

______. Man for Himself: An Inquiry into the Psychology of Ethics, New York: Fawcett World Library, 1947.

______. The Sane Society, New York: Fawcett, 1955.

Fuchs, Estelle, and Havighurst, Robert J. , To Live on This Earth: American Indian Education, Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 197 2.

Gans, Herbert J., The Urban Villagers, New York: The Free Press, 1962.

Gitchoff, Thomas G., Kids, Cops, and Kilos: A Study of Contemporary Suburban Youth, San Diego, California: Malter-Westerfield, 1969.

Goffman, Erving, Asylums, Garden City, New York: Doubleday - Anchor Books, 1961.

Goodman, Paul, Compulsory Mis-education and The Community of Scholars, New York: Random House, 1962.

______, Growing Up Absurd, New York: Random House, I960.

______. New Reformation: Notes of a Neolithic Conservative, New York: Random House, 1970. 214

Gouldner, Alvin W. , The Coming Crisis in Western Sociology, New York: Basic Books, 1970.

Gram, Moltke S, , Kant: Disputed Questions, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1967.

Grebner, Leo, et al. , The Mexican-American People, New York: The Free Press, 1970,

Green, Philip, and Levinson, Sanford, editors, Power and Community: Dissenting Essays in Political Science, New York: Pantheon Books, 1970.

Greene, Maxine, editor, Bxistential. Encounters for Teachers, New York: Random House, 1967.

______. The Public School and the Private Vision, New York: Random House, 1965.

______. Teacher as Stranger, Belmont, Caliform' u Wadsworth Publishing, 1973.

Gross, Ronald, and Osterman, Paul, editors, High School, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1971.

Halle, Louis J. , The Society of Man, New York: J-L.rpei* and Row, 1965.

Hampden-Turner, Charles, Radical Man: The Proc in of Psycho- Social Development, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Schenkman Publishing, 1970.

Haskins, Charles Homer, The Rise of Universities, Ithica, New York: Cornell University Press, 1921.

Haubrich, Vernon F. , editor, Freedom, Bureaucracy, and Schooling, 1971 ASCD Yearbook, Washington, D.G.: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1971.

Havighurst, Robert J. , and Neugarten, Bernice L ., American Indian and White Children, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1955. 215

Heer, Friedrich, The Intellectual History of Europe, translated by Jonathan Steinberg, Cleveland, Ohio: World Publishing, 1966 .

Hegel, Georg, Hegel: Texts and Commentary, edited by Walter Kaufmann, Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor Books, 1965,

Heidegger, Martin, Being and Time, translated by John Macquarrie and Edwin Robinson, London: SCM Press, Ltd. , 1962.

Heilbroner, Robert L. , The Worldly Philosophers, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1967.

Heinemann, F. H. , Existentialism and the Modern Predicament, New York: Harper and Row, 1958.

Henry, Jules, Culture Against Man, New York: Random House, 1963.

______. Jules Henry on Education, New York: Random House, 1972.

Herkovits, Melville J. , Man and His Works, New York: Knopf, 1949.

Hofstadter, Richard, Anti-Intellcctualism in American Life, New York: Knopf, 1963.

Hollingshead, August B. , Elmtown's Youth, New York: John Wiley and Sons , 1949.

Holt, John, How Children Fail, New York: Pitman, 1964.

______. The Underachieving School, New York: Pitman, 1969.

______. What Do I Do Monday? , New York: E. P. Dutton and Company, 1970.

Horney, Karen, Neurosis and Human Growth, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, I9 6 0. 2 1 6

______. New Ways in Psychoanalysis, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1939.

______. Our Inner Conflicts, New York: W. W, Norton and Company, 1945.

Horowitz, Irving Louis, editor, The New Sociology, New York: Oxford University Press, 1964.

Howe, Louise Kapp, editor, The White Majority: Between Poverty and Affluence , New York: Random House, 1970.

Hudson, Liam, The Cult of the Fact, New York: Harper and Row, 1972.

Hughes, H. Stuart, Conscioxisncss and Society, New York: Random House, 1961.

Htmtford, Roland, The New Totalitarians, New York: Stein and Day, 1972.

Hutchins, Robert M .,The Learning Society, New York: Praeger, 1 9 6 8.

Huxley, ALdous, Tomorrow and Tomorrow and Tomorrow and Other Essays, New York: Perennial Library, 1972.

Illich, Ivan, Deschooling Society, New York: Harper and Row, 1971.

Israel, Joachim, Alienation: From Marx to Modern Sociology, Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1971.

Jackson, Philip W. , Life in Classrooms, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1968.

Jarrett, James L. , The Humanities and Humanistic Education, Reading, Massachusetts: Addison-Wesley Publishers , I n c ., 197 3.

Jaspers, Karl, Man in the Modern Age, translated by Eden and Cedar Paul, Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor Books, 1957, 217

Jung, Carl G., editor, Man and His Symbols, New York: Dell, 1968.

______. Memories, Dreams, Reflections, edited by Aniela Jaffe, New York: Random House, 1961.

______. Modern Man in Search of a Soul, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1933.

Kagan, Jerome, and Coles, Robert, Twelve to Sixteen: Early Adolescence, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1972.

Kant, Immanuel, Kant's Principles of Politics, edited and translated by W. Hastic, Edinburgh: T, and T. Clark, 1891.

Kaplan, Abraham, The New World of Philosophy, New York: Random House, 1961.

Karier, Clarence J. , Violas, Paul, and Spring, Joel, The Roots of Crisis: Education in the Twentieth Century, Chicago: Rand M cN ally, 197 3.

Katz, Michael B. , Class, Bureaucracy, and Schools: The Illusion of Educational Change in America, New York: Pracger, 1971.

Kaufmann, Walter, editor, Existentialism from Dostoevsky to Sartre, Cleveland, Ohio: World Publishing, 1956,

______. Hegel: A Reinterpretation , Garden City, New York: Doubleday-Anchor Books, 1965.

______. Nietzsche: Philosopher, Psychologist, Antichrist, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University P ress, 1968.

Kelman, Herbert C. , A Time to Speak: On Human Values and Social Research, San Francisco: Josscy-Bass, 1968.

Keniston, Kenneth, The Uncommitted: Alienated Youth in American Society, New York: Dell Publishing, I960.

Kierkegaard, Soren, Concluding Unscientific Postscript, translated by David F. Swenson and Walter Lowrie, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1941. 218

. The Point of View for My Work as an Author: A Report to History, translated and edited by Walter Lowrie and Benjamin Nelson, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1962.

Kilpatrick, Jack F. and Anna G. , Hun Toward the Nighlland: Magic of the Oklahoma Cherokees, Dallas, Texas: Southern Methodist University Press , 1967.

Kimball, Solon T. , and McClellan, James E. , Ji*. , Education and the New America, New York: Random House, 1962.

King, Martin Luther, Jr., Why We Can't Wait, New York: Signet Books, 1964.

King, Richard, The Party of Eros: Radical Social Thought and the Realm of Freedom, Chapel Hill, North Carolina: The University of North Carolina Press, 1972.

Kirscht, John P. , and Dillchay, Ronald C. , Dimensions of Authoritarianism: A Review of Research and Theory, Lexington, Kentucky: University of Kentucky Press, 1967.

Kitto, H. D. F. , The Greeks, Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1951.

Kneller, George F. , Existentialism and Education, New York: Philosophical Library, 1958.

Kolko, Gabriel, Wealth and Power in America, New York: Praeger, 1962.

Kovel, Joel, White Racism: A Psychohistory, New York: Random House, 1970.

Laing, R. D. , The Politics of Experience, New York: Ballantine Books, 1967.

______. The Politics of the Family and Other Essays, New York: Pantheon Books, 1971.

Reason and Violence: A Decade of Sartre's Philosophy, 1950» I960 , New York: Random House-Vintage Books, 1970. 219

. Self and O thers, New York: Pantheon Books, 1961.

Bander, Bernard, Toward an Understanding of Juvenile Dilcnquency, New York: Columbia University Press, 1954.

Lane, Robert E. , Political Life, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1959.

Langer, Susanne K. , Mind: An Essay on Human Feeling, Volume 1, Baltimoi-e: John Hopkins Press, 1967.

______. Philosophical Sketches, New York: Mentor Books, 1964.

Lasswell, Harold D. , Psychopathology and Politics, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1930.

Laszlo, Ervin, The Systems View of the World, New York: George Brazillcr, 1972.

Lazarsfeld, Paul F. , Berelson, Bernard, and Gaudet, Hazel, The People's Choice {second edition), New York: Columbia University Press , 1948.

Lefebvre, Henri, The Sociology of Marx, translated by Norman GuLerman, New York: Random House, 1969.

Lester, Julius, Search for the New Land: History as Subjective Experience, New York: Dell Publishing, 1969.

Levin, Murray B. , The Alienated Voter: Politics in Boston, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and V/ins ton, I960.

Levinson, Ronald B. , In Defense of Plato, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press, 1953.

Levitt, Morton, and Rubenstein, Ben, editors, Youth and Social Change, Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1972.

Lewis, James, Jr., The Tragedies in American Education, New York: Exposition Press, 1971.

Lichtheim, George, editor, The Concept of Ideology and Other Essays, New York: Random House, 1967. 220

. A Short History of Socialism, New Yox*k: Px*aegex*, 1970.

Lightfoot, Alfred, Inquiries into the Social Foundations of Education: Schools in Their Urban Setting, Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972.

Lipset, Seymour Martin, Political Man, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1963.

. Revolution and Counterrevolution: Change and Persistence in Social Structures, New York: Basic Books, 1968.

Locke, John, The Educational Writings of John Locke, edited by J. W. Adamson, New York: Longrmms, Green and Company, 1912.

. The Works of John Locke in Ten Volumes (Volume VII), London: Thomas Davison, 1823.

Lowi, Theodore J. , The Politics of Disorder, New York: Basic Books, 1971.

Macgregor, Gordon, Warriors Without Weapons, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1946.

Mannheim, Karl, Ideology and Utopia: An Introduction to the Sociology of Knowledge, translated by Louis Wirth and Edward Shils, New Yox*k: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1936.

Mannoni, O. , Prospero and Caliban: The Psychology of Colonialism New York: Praeger, 1956.

Marcel, Gabriel, Being and Having: An Existential Diary, New York: Harper and Row, 1965.

Man Against Mass Society, tr anslated by G. S. Fraser, Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1962.

. Problematic Man, translated by Brian Thompson, New York: H erder and H erder, 1967. 221

Marcuse, Herbert, Counter re volution and Revolt, Boston: Beacon Press, 1972.

______. Eros and Civilization, Boston: Beacon Press, 1955.

______. One-Dimensional Man, Boston: Beacon Press, 1964.

______. Reason and Revolution: Hegel and the Rise of Social Theory, Boston: Beacon Press, I960.

Marx, Karl, and Engels, Friedrich, The German Ideology, translated and edited by Roy Pascal, New York: International Publishers, 1947.

Maslow, Abraham H. , The Farther Reaches of Human Nature, New York: Viking Press, 1971.

______. Editor, New Knowledge in Human Values, Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1959.

May, Rollo, editor, Existential Psychology (second edition), New York: Random House, 1969.

McNeill, William H. , The Rise of the West, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1963.

Merton, Robert K. , and Nisbet, Robert A. , editors, Contemporary Social Problems , (second edition), New York: Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1966.

______. Mass Persuasion, New York: Harper and Brother's, 1947.

______. Social Theory and Social Structure (revised edition), Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957.

Meszaros, Istvan, Marx's Theory of Alienation, London: Merlin Press, Ltd., 1970.

Meyer, Alfred G. , Communism , (third edition), New York: Random House, 1967.

Michalson, Carl, editor, Christianity and the Existentialists, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1956. 222

Miel, Alice, and Kiester, Edwin, The Shortchanged Child of Suburbia, New York: The American Jewish Committee, Institute of Human Relations Press, 1967.

Milbrath, Hester W. , Political Participation, Chicago: Rand McNally, 1965.

Miller, Seymour M. , and Roby, Pamela A. , The Fxiture of Inequality, New York: Basic Books, 1971.

Mills, C. Wright, The Power Elite, New York: Oxford University Press, 1956.

. Power, Politics, and People: The Collected Essays of C. Wright M ills, edited by Irving Louis Horowitz, New York: Oxford University Press , 1963.

. The Sociological Imagination, New York: Oxford Univei*sity P ress, 1967.

. White Collar, Nev.' York: Oxford University Press, 1951

Minuchin, Patricia, Biber, Barbara, Shapiro, Edna, and Zimiles, Herbert, The Psychological Impact, of School Experience, New York: Basic Books, 1969.

Moffett, Toby, The Participation Put-On, New York: Delacorte Press, 1971.

Moore, Barrington, Jr., Reflections on the Causes of Human Misery and upon Certain Proposals to Eliminate Them, Boston: Beacon Press, 1972.

Morrall, John B. , Political Thought in Medieval Tim es, New York: Harper and Row, 1962.

Morris, Terrence P. , The Criminal Area: A Study of Social Ecology, London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1957.

Muller, Herbert J. , Freedom in the Ancient World, London: Seeker and Warburg, 1962.

• In Pursuit of Relevance, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University P ress, 1971. 223

Mumford, L ew is, The Condition of M an, New York: Harcourt, B race, and Company, 1944.

______. The Myth o£ the Machine II: The Pentagon of Power, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Javanovich, Inc., 1970,

Myrdal, Gunnar, An American Dilemma, New York: Harper and Brothers, 1914.

Nietzsche, Friedrich, Beyond Good and Evil, translated by Walter Kaufmann, New York: Random House, 1966.

______. Philosophy in the Tragic Age of the Greeks, translated by Marianne Cowan, Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1962 .

______. Schopenhauer as Educator, translated by James W, Hillescheim and Malcolm R. Simpson, Chicago: Henry Regnery Company, 1965.

Nisbet, Robert A. , The Sociological Tradition, New York: Basic Books, 1966.

Novak, Michael, The Experience of Nothingness, New York: Harper and Row, 1970.

______. The Rise of the Unmeltable Ethnic, New York: M acmillan, 1972.

O'Brien, Conor Cruise, Albert Camus, New York: Viking Press, 1971.

Olson, Robert G. , An Introduction to Existentialism, New York: Dover, 1962.

Orleans, Peter, and Ellis, William Rus sell, Jr., editors, Race, Change, and Urban Society, Beverly Hills, California: Sage Publications, 1971.

Ortega y Gasset, Jose, Man and Crisis, translated by Mildred Adams, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1958.

. Meditations on Quixote, translated by Evelyn Rugg and Diego Marin, New York: W. W. Norton and Co. , 19^1. 224

______. What Is Philosophy? , translated by Mildred Adams , New York: W. W. Norton and Company, I960.

Overly, Norman B. , editor, The Unstudied Curriculum: Its Impact on Children, Washington, D.C.: The Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1970.

Papandreou, Andreas, Paternalistic Capitalism, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1972.

Pappenheim, Fritz, The Alienation of Modern Man: An Interpretation Based on Marx and Tonnies, New York: Montly Review Press, 1959.

Parkinson, G. H. R., Georg Lukacs: The Man, His Work and His Ideas, New York: Random House, 1970.

Parsons, Talcott, editor, Essays in Sociological Theory (revised edition), New York: The Free Press, 1954.

______. The Social System, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1951.

Passow, A, Harry, editor, Curriculum Crossroads, New York: Teachers College Press, 1962.

______. Editor, Nurturing Individual Potential, Washington, D.C.: The Association for Supervision and Curriculum Develop­ ment, 1964.

Payne, Robert, Marx, New York: Simon and Schuster, 1968.

Perkinson, Henry J. , The Imperfect Panacea: American Faith in Education, 1865-1965, New York: Random House, 1968.

Pettigrew, Thomas F. , A Profile of the Negro American, Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van Nostrand Company, 1964.

Phenix, Philip H. , Realms of Meaning: A Philosophy of the Curriculum for General Education, New York: McGraw- Hill, 1964. 225

Plamenatz, John, Man and Society, Volume XI, New York: McGraw- Hill, 1963.

Plato, The Republic, translated by Benjamin Jowett, Princeton, New Jersey: D, Van Nostrand Company, 1942,

Polanyi, Michael, Personal Knowledge, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1958.

Popper, Karl R. , The Open Society and Its Enemies, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1950.

Rasmussen, Larry L, , Dietrich Bonhocffer: Reality and Resistance, Nashville, Tennessee: Abingdon Press, 1972.

Read, Herbert, Art and Alienation, New York: Viking Press, 1969.

______. Surrealism, New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Company, 1936.

Reich, Wilhelm, The Mass Psychology of Fascism, New York: Orgojie InsLituLe Press, 1946.

Reimer, Everett, School Is Dead, Garden City, New York: Doubleday and Company, 1971.

Rcisman, David, Glazer, Nathan, and Denney, Heuel, The Lonely Crowd, New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press, 1950.

Remmers, H. H. , editor, Anti-Democratic Attitudes in American Schools, Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University Press, 1963.

Rendon, Armando B. , Chicano Manifesto, New York: Macmillan, 1971.

Repo-rt of the National Advisory Com m ission on Civil D iso rd ers, New York: Bantam Books, 1968,

Rogers, Cai’l R. , and Stevens, Barry, Person to Person: The Problem of Being Human, Lafayette;, California: Real People Press, 1967. 226

Rokeach, Milton, The Open and Closed Mind, New York: Basic Books, I960.

Rosenburg, Bernard, and White, D. M. , editors, Mass Culture, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1957.

Rousseau, Jean-Jacques , The Minor Educational Writings of Jean- Jacques Rousseau, edited and translated by Williana Boyd, London: Blaclcie and Son, L td ., 1910.

Royce, Joseph R, , The Encapsulated Man, Princeton, New Jersey: D. Van No strand Company, 1964.

Rubin, Jerry, Hoffman, Abbie, and Sanders, Ed., Vote! , New York: Warner, 1972.

Rubinoff, Lionel, The Pornography of Power, New York: Ballantine Books, 1969.

Russell, Bertrand, A History of Western Philosophy, London: Allen and Unwin, Ltd. , 1946.

Sartre, Jean-Paul, Being and Nothingness, translated by Hazel E. Barnes, New York: Philosophical Library, 1956.

______. Literary and Philosophical Essays, translated by Annette M ichelson, London: Rider and Company, 1955.

______. Search for a Method, translated by Hazel E. Barnes, New York: Random House, 1963,

Schachner, Nathan, The Mediaeval Universities, New York: A. S. Barnes and Company, 1938.

Schacht, Richard, Alienation, Garden City, New York: Doubleday- Anchor Books, 1970.

Sexton, Patricia Cayo, and Sexton, Brendan, Blue Collars and Hard-Hats: The Working Class and the Future of American Politics , New York: Random House, 1971.

Seymore, Flora V/. , The Story of the Red Man, New York: Tudor Publishing, 1934. 227

Shiis, E. A., and Finch, H, A., editors, Max Weber on the Methodology of the Social Sciences, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1949.

Silberm an, Charles E. , C risis in the C lassroom , New York: Random House, 1970.

Silberman, Melvin L, , editor, The Experience of Schooling, New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1971.

Simmel, Georg, On Individuality and Social Form s, edited by Donald N. Levine, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971.

______. The Sociology of Georg Simmel, translated and edited by Kurt H. Wolff, Glencoe, Illinois: The Free Press, 1950.

Smith, H. Shelton, In His Image, But. . .: Racism in Southern Religion, 1780-1910, Durham, North Carolina: Duke University Press, 1^72.

Smith, M. Brewster, Social Psychology and Human Values, Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 19£>9.

Smith, Robert J. , and Beardsley, Richard K. , Japanese Culture: Its Development and Characteristics, Chicago: Aldine Publishing, 1962.

Snyder, Benson R ., The Hidden Curi’iculum, New York: Knopf, 1971.

Spring, Joel H, , Education and the Rise of the Corporate State, Boston, Beacon Press, 1972.

Steiner, Stan, The New Indians , New York: Dell Publishing, 1968,

Stinchcombe, Arthur L. Rebellion in a High School, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1964.

Stouffer, Samuel A. , et al. , The American Soldier, Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1949. 228

Sullivan, Harry Stack, The Interpersonal Theory of Psychiatry, edited by Helen S. Perry and Mary L. Gawell, New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1953.

Thelen, Herbert A. , Education and the Human Q uest, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, I960.

Thorson, Thomas L, , editor, Plato: Totalitarian or Democrat?, Englewood Cliffs , New Jersey: Prentice-Hall, 1963.

Tinder, Glenn, The Crisis of Foltical Imagination, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1964.

Tocqueville, Alexis de , Democracy in America, Volume II, translated by George Lawrence, London: Collins, Ltd., 1969.

Unamuno, Miquel de, Tragic Sense of Life, translated by J. E. Crawford Flitch, New York: Dover, 1954.

Underhill, Ruth M. , Red Man's America: A History of Indians in the United States, revised edition, Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1971.

Von Doren, Mark, Liberal Education, Boston: Beacon Press, 1959.

Waetjcn, Walter B. , and Leeper, Robert R ., editors, Learning and Mental Health in the School, 1966 ASCD Yearbook, Washington, D.C.: Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1966.

Wagar, W. Warren, Good Tidings: The Belief in Progress from Darwin to Marcuse, Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1972.

Wahle, Roy P. , editor, Toward Professional Maturity, Washington, D. C.: The Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development, 1967.

Waller, Willard, The Sociology of Teaching, New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1932. 229

Weber, Max, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, translated by Talcott Parsons, New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1958.

Weisskopf, Walter A., Alienation and Economics, New York: Dutton, 1971.

Wells, H. G. , The Outline of History, New York: Garden City Publishing, 1931.

Wheelis, Allen, The End of the Modern Age, New York: Basic Books, 1971.

White, Morton, Religion, P olitics, and the Higher -Learning, Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press , 1959.

Whitehead, Alfred North, Process and Reality, New York: Macmillan, 1929.

______. Symbolism: Its Meaning and Effect, New York: Macmillan, 1927.

Whyte, William H. , Jr. , The Organization Man, New York: Simon and Schuster, 195b.

Willey, Basil, The Seventeenth Century Background, Garden City;, New York: Doubleday-Anchor Books, 1953.

Wilson, Colin, Introduction to the New Existentialism, Boston: Houghton-Mifflin, 1967.

Windelband, Wilhelm, A History of Philosophy, Volume II, translated by James H. Tufts, New York: Macmillan, 1901.

Wolbcrg, Lewis R. , The Technique of Psychotherapy, New York: Grune and Stratton, 1954.

Wolff, Kurt H. , Emile Durkhcim: A Collection of Essays, Columbus: The Ohio State University Press, 1959.

Wolff, Robert Paul, Moore, Barrington, Jr. , and Marcuse, Herbert, A Critique of Pure Tolerance, Boston: Beacon Press, 1965. 230

Woolf, S.J. , editor, The Nature of Fascism , New York: Random House, 1969.

Yablonsky, Lewis, The I-Iippie Trip, New York: Pegasus Books, 1968.

Young, Roland, editor, Approaches to the Study of P o litic s, Evanston, Illinois: Northwestern University P ress, 1958.

Zwerling, Israel, Alienation and the Mental Health Professions, Richmond: Virginia Commonwealth University, 1968.

II. MAGAZINE, NEWSPAPER, AND JOURNAL ARTICLES

Apple, Michael W. , "The Hidden Curriculum and the Nature of Conflict," Interchange, Volume 2, Number 4, 1971, pp. 27-40.

Aronowita, Stanley, "The Working Class: A Break with the Past," Liberation, Volume 17, Numbers 3, 4, and 5, 1970, pp. 20-31.

Becker, Benjamin J., "Relatcdness and Alienation in Group Psychoanalysis," The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 18, Number 2, 1958, pp. 150-157.

Bell, Daniel, "The 'Rediscovery1 of Alienation", The Journal of Philosophy, Volume 56, Number 24, November 19, 1959> pp. 933-952.

Block, Gerald H, , "Alienation Black and White, or the Uncommitted Revisited," Journal of Social Issues, Volume 25, Number 4, Autumn, 1969, pp. 129-141,

Bronfenbrenner, Urie, "Childhood: The Root of Alienation, " National Elementary Principal, Volume 52, Number 2, October, 1972, pp. 22-29.

______. "Soviet Methods of Character Education," American Psychologist, Volume 17, Number 8, August, 1962, pp. 550-564. 231

Bush, Douglas, "Polluting Our Language," The American Scholar, Volume 41, Number* 2, Spring, 1972, pp. 238-247,

Carroll, J. P. X, , "Understanding Student Rebellion," Adolescence, Volume 4, Number 14, Summer, 1969, pp. 163-180,

Clark, John P. , "Measuring Alienation Within a Social System," American Sociological Review, Volume 24, Number 16, December, 1959, pp. 849-852,

Coles, Robert, "The Poor Don't Want to be Middle C lass, " The New York Times Magaaine, December 19, 1965, pp. 7, 54-56, 58.

Combs, Arthur W, , "Fostering Self-Direction," Educational Leadership, Volume 23, Number 5, February, 1966, pp. 373-376.

Count, Jerome, "The Conflict Factor in Adolescent Growth," Adolescence, Volume 2, Number 6, Summer, 1967, pp. 167-182.

Davids, Anthony, "Generality and Consistency of Relations Between the Alienation Syndrome and Cognitive Processes," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Volume 51, Number 1, January, 1955, pp. 61-67.

Dewey, John, "Px*ogressive Education and the Science of Education," Progressive Education, July-August-September, 1928, pp. 197-204.

Easton, David, and Dennis, Jack, "The Child's Acquisition of Regime Norms: Political Efficacy," The American Political Science Review, Volume 61, Number 1, March, 1967, pp. 25-38.

Eisner, Victor, "Alienation of Youth," The Journal of School Health, Volume 39, Number 2, February, 1969, pp. 81-90.

Epperson, David C. , "Some Interpersonal and Performance Correlates of Classroom Alienation," School Review, Volume 71, Number 4, Autumn, 1963, pp. 360-376. 232

Etzioni, Amitai, "Basic Human Needs, Alienation, and Inauthenticity," American Sociological Review, Volume 33, Number 6, December, 1968, pp, 870-885.

Frank, Philipp, "Einstein's Philosophy of Science," Reviews of Modern Physics, Volume 21, Number 3, July, 1949, pp. 349-355.

Geiger, Henry, "Science and Peace," Journal of Humanistic Psychology, Volume 2, Number 2, Fall, 1962, pp. 72-79.

Gerbner, George, "Teacher Image and the Hidden Curriculum," The American Scholar, Volume 42, Number' I, Winter,

1972-73, pp. 66-92.

Goodman, Paul, "Freedom and Learning: The Need for Choice," Saturday Review, Volume 51, Number 20, May 18, 1968, pp. 73-75.

Gray, J. Glenn, "The Idea of Death in Existentialism," Journal of Philosophy, Volume 48, Number 5, 1951, pp. 113-127,

Halleck, S. L. , "Hypotheses of Student Unrest," Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 50, Number 1, September, 1968, pp. 2-8.

Hammen, Oscar J. , "The Young Marx, Reconsidered," The Journal of the History of Ideas, Volume 31, Number 1, January-Marcli, 1970, pp. 109-120.

Havighurst, Robert J. , and Stiles, Lindley J. , "National Policy for Alienated Youth," Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 42, Number* 7, A pril, 1961, pp, 283-285.

> Hayden, Benjamin S. , Talmadge, Max, Mordock, John B. , and Kulla, Michael, "Alienated Students: Air Effort to Motivate at the Junior High Level," Journal of School Psychology, Volume 8, Number 3, 1970, pp. 237-241.

Heath, Douglas H. , "Student Alienation and School,"'School Review, Volume 78, Number 4, August, 1970, pp. 515-528.

Horton, John, "The Dehumanization of Anomic and Alienation: A Problem in the Ideology of Sociology," British Journal of Sociology, Volume 15, Number 4, December, 1963, pp. 283-300. 233

Hoy, Wayne K. , "Dimensions of Student Alienation and Characteristics of Public High Schools," Interchange, Volume 3, Number 4, 1972, pp. 38-52.

Huberinan, Michael, "Reflections on the Democratization of Secondary and Higher Education," The Times (London) Educational Supplement, August 21, 1970, p, 10.

Husen, Torsten, ".Lifelong Learning in the 'Educative Society'," International Review of Applied Psychology, Volume 17, Number 2, 1969, PP* 87-98.

Jaros, Dean, Hirsch, Herbert, and Fleron, Jr., Frederick J., "The Malevolent Leader: Political Socialization in an American Sub-Culture," The American Political Science Review, Volume 62, Number 2, June, 1968, pp. 564-575.

Kelman, Harold, "Alienation: Its Historical and Therapeutic Context, " The American Journal of Psychoanalysis , Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, pp. 198-206.

Keniston, Kenneth, "The Soxarccs of Student Dissent," Journal of Social Issues, Volume 23, Number 3, 1967, pp. 108-137.

Kvaracexis, William C. , "Aliemited Youth Here and Abroad," Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 45, Number 2, November, 1963, pp. 87-90.

Lane, Roberl E. , and Lerncr, Michael, "Why Hard-I-Iats Hate Hairs," Psychology Today, Volume 4, N\imber 6, 1970, pp. 4 5-48, 104-105.

Lengrand, Paul, "Three Examples of the Application of the Concept of Education Permanente," Convergence, Volume 1, Number 4, December, 1968, pp. 6-11.

Linsky, Arnold S. , "Social Structure and Depression," Social Problems, Volume 17, Number 1, Summer, 1969, pp. 120-131.

Litt, Edgar, "Civic Education, Community Norms, and Political Indoctrination," American Sociological Review, Volume 28, Number 1, February, 1963, pp. 69-75. 234

Lynd, Helen Merrell, "Alienation: Man's Hope and Man's Fate," The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, pp. 166-172,

Mann, John S. , "Politics and Curriculum Theory," Curriculum Theory Network, Number 5, Spring, 1970, pp. 50-54.

Marin, Peter, "The Open Truth and Fiery Vehemence of Youth," The Center Magazine, January, 1969, pp. 64-66.

Martin, Malachi, "The Insignificant Cry of Roger Bacon," Intellectual Digest, Volume 2, Number 12, August, 1972, pp. 52-55.

McCloslcy, Herbert,and Scharr, John H. , "Psychological Dimensions of Anonty," American Sociological Review, Volume 30, Number 1, Febi*uary, 1965, pp. 14-40.

McDill, Edward D. , "Anomie, Authoritarianism, Prejudice, and Socio-economic Status: An Attempt at Classification," Social Forces, Volume 39, Number 3, 1961, pp. 239-245.

. ______, and Ridley, Jeanne Clare, "Status, Anomia, Political Alienation, and Political Participation," American Journal of Sociology, Volume 68, Number 2, 1962, pp. 205-210.

McLuhan, Marshall, "Edgar* Poe's Tradition," Sewnnee Review, Volume 52, Number 1, Winter, 1944, pp. 24-33.

Mehl, Bernard, "Review of Blueprint for Counter Education," Notre Dame Journal of Education, Volume 1, Number 4, Winter, 1971, pp. 84-86.

Middleton, Russell, "Alienation, Race, and Education," American Sociological Review, Volume 28, Number 6, December, 1963, pp. 973-977.

Miller, George A. , "Professionals in Bureaucracy: Alienation Among Industrial Scientists and Engineers," American Sociological Review, Volume 32, Number 5, October, 1967, pp. 755-768. 235

Neal, Arthur G. , and Seeman, Melvin, "Organizations and Power­ lessness: A Test of the Mediation Hypothesis," American Sociological Review, Volume 29, Number 2, April, 1964, pp. 216-226.

Nettler, Gwynn, "A Measure of Alienation," American Sociological Review, Volume 22, Number 6, December, 1957, pp. 670-677.

Odetola, Theophilus , O ., Erickson, Edsel L. , Bryan, Clifford E. , and Walker, Lewis, "Organization Structure and Student Alienation," Educational Administration Quarterly, Volume 8, Number 1, Winter, 1972, pp. 15-26.

Olsen, Marvin E. , "Alienation and Political Opinions," Public Opinion Quarteidy, Volume 29, Number 2, Summer, 1965, pp. 200-212.

Oppenheimer, Martin, "The Student Movement as a Response to Alienation," Journal of Human Relations, Volucm 16, N um ber 1, 1968, pp. 1-16.

Parsons, Talcott, "The School Class as a Social System: Some of Its Functions in American Society," Harvard Educational Review, Volume 29, Number 4, Fall, 1959, pp. 297-318.

Philips, Irving, and Szurek, Stanislaus A. , "Conformity, Rebellion, and Learning: Confrontation of Youth and Society," American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, Volume 40, Number 3, April, 1970, pp. 4 63-472.

Pulvino, Charles, and Mickelson, Douglas, "Alienated Feelings of Normlessness and Discrepant Academic Achievement," Journal of Educational Research, Volume 65, Number 5, January, 1972, pp. 216-218.

Quinney, Richard, "Political Conservatism, Alienation, and Fatalism: Contingencies of Social Status and Religions Fundamentalism," Sociometry, Volume 27,Number 3, 1964, pp. 372-381.

Ribicoff, Abraham, "The Alienation of the American Worker," Saturday Review, Volume 55, Number 17, April 22, 1972, pp. 29-33. 236

Schrag, Peter*, "Ivan Illich: The Christian as Rebel," Saturday Review, Volume 52, Number 29, July 19, 1969, pp. 14-19.

Scriven, Michael, "A Curriculum for Survival," The Ideal School, edited by Gloria Kinney, Wilmette, Illinois: The Kagg Press, 1969, pp. 33-79.

Seeman, Melvin, "Alienation: A Map," Psychology Today, Volume 5, Number 3, August, 1971, pp. 83-84, 94-95.

______, and Evans, John, "Alienation and Learning in a Hospital Setting," American Sociological Review, Volume 27, Number 6, December, 1962, pp. 772-782.

______. "Alienation and Social Learning in a Reformatory," American Journal of Sociology, Volume 69, Number 2, September, 1963, pp. 270-284.

______. "On the Meaning of Alienation," American Sociological Review, Volume 24, Number 6, December, 1959, pp. 783-791.

______. "Powcrlessness and Knowledge: A Comparative Study of Alienation and Learning," Sociornctry, Volume 30, Number 2, June, 1967, pp. 105-123.

Sennett, Richard, and Cobb, Jonathan, "Betrayed American Workers," The New York Review of Books, October 5, 1972, pp.

Smith, Douglas H, , "Student Alienation and Schools," School Review, Volume 78, Number 4, August, 1970, pp. 515-528.

Sx*ole, Leo, "Social Integration and Certain Corollaries: An Exploratory Study," American Sociological Review, Volume 21, Number 6, 1956, pp. 709-716.

Taviss, Irene, "Changes in the Form of Alienation: The 1900's vs, the 1950's," American Sociological Review, Volume 34, Number 1, February, 1969, pp. 46-57.

Templeton, Fx’ederic, "Alienation and Political Participation: Some Research Findings," Public Opinion Quarterly, Volume 30, Number 2, Summer, 1966, pp. 249-261. 237

Thompson, Wayne E, and Horton, John E, , ''Political Alienation as a Force in Political Action," Social Forces, Volume 48, Number 3, I960, pp. 190-195.

Tietz, Walter, and Woods, Sherwyn M, , "Alienation: A Clinical View from Multidisciplinaz*y Vantage Points," American Journal of Psychotherapy, Volume 24, Number 2, April, 1970, pp. 296-307.

Vollmerhausen, Joseph W. , "Alienation in the Light of Karen Horney's Theory of Neurosis," American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, pp, 144-151

Warner, Richard W. , Jr. , and Hansen, James C. , "Relationship Between Alienation and Other Demographic Variables Among High School Students," High School Journal, Volume 54, Number 3, December, 1970, pp. 202-210.

Weiser,John, and I-laycs, James, "Democratic Attitudes of Teachers and Prospective Teach&rs," Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 47, Number 9, May, 1966, pp. 470-481.

Weiss, Frederick A. , "Introduction," The American Journal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, pp. 317- 119.

______. "Self-Alienation: Dynamics and Therapy," The American Joiirnal of Psychoanalysis, Volume 21, Number 2, 1961, pp. 207-218.

Wez'thcim, Sally H. , "The Common School as a Marketplace," School Review, Volume 80, Number 3, May, 1972, pp. 483-491.

White, Burton L. , "High Payoff Likely on Money Invested in Early Childhood Education," Phi Delta Kappan, Volume 53, Number 10, June, 1972, pp. 610-613.

Whyte, William F. , "Social Organization in the Slums," American Sociological Review, Volume 8. Number 1, February, 1943, pp. 34-39. 238

Wilensky, Harold E. , "Mass Society and Mass Culture," American Sociological Review, Volume 29, Number 2, April, 1964, pp. 173-197.

Williamson, Jack, "H. G. Wells: The Man Who Discovered Tomorrow," Saturday Review, Volxime 55, Number 1, January 1, 1972, pp. 12-15.

Znaniecki, Elorian, "Basic Problems of Contemporary Sociology," American Sociological Review, Volume 19, Number 5, October, 1954, pp. 519-524.

III. MONOGRAPHS, RESEARCH AND PROJECT REPORTS SPEECHES, MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS, AND DISSERTATIONS

Anderson, Barry D. , "The Bureaucracy-Alienation Relationship in Secondary Schools, " Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, March 4, 1970. Barakat, Halim Isber, "Alienation from the School System — Its Dynamics and Structure," Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, The University of Michigan, 1966,

Blakely, Robert J. , The New Environment: Questions for Adult Educators, Syracuse, New Yox-k: Syracuse University Publications in Continuing Education, 1971.

Charters, Alexander N. , editor, Toward the Educative Society, Syracuse, New York: Syracuse University Publications in Adult Education, 197] .

Chesler, Mark, "Dissent and Disruption in Secondary Schools," Speech given at the Annual Meeting of the Metropolitan Detroit Bureau of School Studies, Inc. , May 15, 1969.

Deutsch, Martin, Minority Group and Class Status as Related to Social and Personality Eactors in Scholastic Achievement: Monograph Number 2 , Ithica, New York: Society for Applied Anthropology, I960. 239

Fantini, Mario, and Weinstein, Gerald, "Social Realities and the Urban School," Presentation to the Annual Conference of the Association for Supervision arid Curriculum Development, Atlantic City, New Jersey, March 10-13, 1968.

Feldman, Ronald A. , "Normative Integration, Alienation, and Conformity in Adolescent Groups," St. Louis, Missouri: Washington University, 19*70.

Flemmings, Vincent C. , "Student Unrest in the High Schools: A Position Paper," New York: Center for Urban Education, June, 1970.

Fort, Joel, "Youth — How to Produce Drop-Ins Rather than Drop- Outs, " Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Sla te Conference on Educational Research, Burlingame, California: California Teachers Association, 1968, pp. 53-64 .

Friedenberg, Edgar Z. , "Shifting Conceptions of Learning Institutions in a Polarized Society," paper presented to the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association, Denver*, Colorado, September, 1971.

Haake, Bernard F. , and Langworthy, Philip B. , "Student Activism in the High Schools of New York State," Report to the New York State Commissioner of Education, March, 1969.

Heath, Louis G. , Portrait of the High School Rebel, Washington, D.C.: Department of Health, Education and Welfare, Office of Education, 1970.

Herold, Jeffrey R. , "The American Faith in Schools as an Agency of Progress: Promise and Fulfillment," Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, The Ohio State University, 1969.

Hess, Robert D, , and Torney, Judith V. , The Development of Basic Attitudes and Values Toward Government and Citizenship During the Elementary School Years, Part I, Chicago: The University of Chicago, Cooperative Research Project Number 1078, 1965. 240

Heussenslumm, F. K. , and Hocpfner, Ralph,. "Black, White, and Brown Adolescent Alienation,11 Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the National Conference on Measure­ ment in Education, February, 1971.

Ceng rand, Paul, An Introduction to Lifelong Education, Paris: UNESCO, 1970.

Levine, Daniel U. , and M ares,Kenneth E. , "Problems and Perceptions in a Desegregated Urban High School: A Case Description and Its Implications," Kansas City: The University of Missouri, Center for the Study of Metropolitan Problems in Education, 1970.

Live right, A. A. , editor, Occasional Paper II: The Concept of Lifelong Integrated Learning, 11 Education Permanente ,11 and Some Implications for University Adulst Education, Hamilton, Ontario: Inlei‘national Congress of University Adult Education, 1968.

McElhinney, James H. , Kunkel, Richard C., and Lucas, Lawrence A. , "Evidences of School Related Alienation in Elementary Scliool Pupils," Paper presented at the 54th Annual Meeting of the American Educational Research Association, Minneapolis, Minnesota, March 2-6, 1970.

McGhee, Paul, The Learning Society, Chicago: Center for the Study of Libei*al Education for Adults, 1959.

Miller, H. J. , "The Effects of Integration on Rural Indian Pupils," Washington, D. C.: Department of Health,Education, and Welfare, Office of Education, 1968.

Miller, Walter B. , and Kvaraceus, William C. , Delinquent Behavior: Culture and the Individual, Washington, D.C.: The National Education Association of the United States, 1959.

Olson, J. C. , Report of Cooperative Work-Study Program for Educationally Alienated Students, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: Board of Public Education, 1970. 241

Palmer, John, Lessons of the 60's, Boulder, .Colorado: Social Science Education Consortium, Inc., June 10, 1970.

Propper, Martin M. , and Clark, Edward T, , "Alienation Syndrome Among Affluent Adolescent Underachievers," Report to the Great Neck Public Schools, Great Neck, New York, 1969.

Silverman, Mitchell, "A Comparison of Degree of Alienation in Special Education and Normal Subjects," Papers and Reports of Institute III, Tampa, Florida: Southern Florida University, Volume 1, Number 4, 1970.

» and Blount, William R ., "Alienation, Achievement Motivation, and Attitudes Toward School in Economically Disadvantaged Boys," Papers and Reports of Institute III: Exceptional Children and Adults, Tampa, Florida: Southern Florida University, 1970.

Spilka, Bernard, Alienation and Achievement Among Oglnla Sioux Secondary School Students , Washinglon, D. C.: National InslituLe of Mental Health, 1970.

Teftt, S. K. , "Anomie, Values, and Cultural Change Among Teen­ age Indians: An Exploratory Study," Paper presented to the Convention of the American Anthropological Association, Denver, Colorado, November 18, 1965.

Thomson, Scott D. , "A Perspective on Activism," Evanston, Illinois: Evanston Township High School, April, 1969.

Weinberg, Carl, McHugh, Peter, and Lamb, Howard, "Context of Teacher Alienation," Washington, D.C.: Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Office of Education, January, 1968.

Wirtanen, Ilona D. , "Why and How Young Men Drop Out of High School: Some Preliminary Findings," Ann Arbor, Michigan: University of Michigan, Institute for Social Research, February, 1969.