New Ways of Analyzing Variation – Asia Pacific 3

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NEW WAYS OF ANALYZING VARIATION – ASIA PACIFIC 3

Victoria University of Wellington Wellington, New Zealand 1-3 May 2014

WELCOME TO NEW WAYS OF ANALYSING VARIATION ASIA-PACIFIC 3

We are delighted to welcome you to the third meeting of the NWAV Asia-Pacific conference series, held 1-3 May 2014, in Wellington, New Zealand. The conference is hosted by the School of Linguistics and Applied Language Studies and the Deaf Studies Research Unit of Victoria University of Wellington (Te Whare Wānanga o te Ūpoko o te Ika a Māui).

We have an exciting conference scheduled, including three terrific plenary speakers and over 35 individual paper presentations. This booklet has been compiled to help you navigate both the conference and the city of Wellington. Many of our delegates have come quite a distance to be here, and we hope that you’ll be able to make the most of your trip, and get to see some of this beautiful city while you’re here.

We hope you enjoy the conference!

About NWAV-AP3 NWAV Asia-Pacific endeavours to bring together research that is firmly based on empirical data with an emphasis on the quantitative analysis of variation and change. Its priorities are to promote and showcase research on: (1) the indigenous languages of the Asia-Pacific region, and (2) restructured or contact varieties that have emerged in the Asia-Pacific region.

This year, we are particularly pleased to have a number of presentations on the sign languages of Asia and the Pacific. Other areas of focus include real-time/apparent-time language change, dialect variation and change, speech communities, multilingualism, urbanisation and migration, sociophonetics, style-shifting, language/dialect contact, variation in minority languages, variation in acquisition, perceptual dialectology, and other topics that enrich our understandings of the region and its indigenous languages.

At the first meeting of the conference, NWAV AP established a tradition of showcasing the innovative descriptive, philological, historical and socially informed research being conducted by emerging and established scholars in some of the world's most fertile arenas of language and dialect contact.

CONFERENCE ORGANISING COMMITTEE NWAV-AP INTERNATIONAL STEERING COMMITTEE Miriam Meyerhoff Yoshiyuki Asahi Evan Hazenberg Miriam Meyerhoff Sasha Calhoun Victoria Rau Rachel McKee Shobha Satyanath Elizabeth Pearce James Stanford

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page Welcome to the conference 1 Conference locations 3 Schedule 4 Abstracts Plenary speakers Michael Dunn 7 Lisa Lim 8 Adam Schembri 9 Papers (alphabetical by author) 10 Getting around Wellington 49 Places to eat, drink, and be merry 50 Note pages 55

2 CONFERENCE LOCATIONS

Conference hotel Rydges, Featherston Street Rydges is conveniently located in the Central Business District of Wellington, and is a short walk from the conference site at the Pipitea campus of Victoria University of Wellington.

Conference site The conference’s parallel sessions will be held in two buildings, directly across the street from each other: Rutherford House • presentation room: RHLT2 Government Building • presentation room: GBG04 Plenaries, breaks, lunches and the reception will all be held in Rutherford House.

Conference dinner The conference dinner will be held at Wharewaka, on the waterfront, close to the Te Papa museum. It’s about a 15-20 minute walk from the Pipitea campus. If the weather is nice, a walk along the waterfront is highly recommended, but if it’s rainy and windy, the waterfront can be particularly exposed, so an alternative walking route has also been provided.

DAY 1: THURSDAY 1 MAY 8.30-9.00 Registration – Rutherford House 9.00-9.15 Welcome – Rutherford House 9.15-10.45 Plenary: ADAM SCHEMBRI [Chair: David McKee] – Rutherford House LT2 10.45-11.15 Break – Rutherford House RUTHERFORD HOUSE LT2 GOVERNMENT BUILDING G04 Session: Sign Languages 1 Session: Formal/typological Chair: Adam Schembri Chair: Elizabeth Pearce 11.15-11.45 Palfreyman Chen Grazing in new pastures: Integrating Minimal Word Effect in Northern Bunun multiple analytic practices on Dialects sociolinguistic variation in Indonesian sign language varieties. 11.45-12.15 Gruber Reid Variations of the hand and brow: Patterns Morphological Instability: Accounting for of non-verbal communication in New Variability in the Forms of Proto-Malayo- Zealand Polynesian Pronouns 12.15-12.45 McKee & McKee Sociolinguistic variation in use of ‘brow- raise’ in New Zealand Sign Language 12.45-2.30 Lunch + Asia-Pacific Language Variation Journal – meet the editors Rutherford House Session: Modelling 1 Session: Lexical Chair: Sasha Calhoun Chair: Felicity Meakins 2.30-3.00 Yang, Stanford & Yang Meyerhoff An apparent-time study of tone change in Borrowing in apparent time progress in Lalo 3.00-3.30 Chuang, Yueh-Chin & Feng-Fan Huang & Rau When Hokkien meets Malay: synchronic Sociolinguistic Variation in Chinese Near- reorganizations of tonal inventories in Synonyms Penang Hokkien 3.30-4.00 Break – Rutherford House Session: English contact Session: Migration Chair: John Mansfield Chair: Chie Adachi 4.00-4.30 Marsden Strycharz-Banaś Contemporary influences on dialect change Saying ‘no’ In a Community of Practice: in New Zealand English Standard and dialectal negation among Japanese immigrant women in The Netherlands. 4.30-5.00 Liu Asahi Variation in code-switching in Chinese Legacy of Gifu and Tosa dialects in a small discourse among 1st generation Chinese coast town of Tokoro in Hokkaido immigrants: the influence of social variables 5.00-5.30 Hansen Edwards Sociolinguistic Variation in Asian Englishes: The Case of /t,d/ Deletion 5.30-7.00 Reception: sponsored by the Office of the Deputy Vice Chancellor (Research) Mezzanine foyer, Rutherford House

DAY 2: FRIDAY 2 MAY

RUTHERFORD HOUSE LT2 GOVERNMENT BUILDING G04 Session: Japanese structures Session: New variation Chair: Yoshi Asahi Chair: Katie Drager 9.00-9.30 Heffernan & Hiratsuka Cottet & Turpin The Collapse and Replacement of the Lectal variation in the pronunciation of Verbal Negative Mode System in Kansai prestopped nasal phonemes in Kaytetye Spoken Japanese 9.30-10.00 Vance Meakins The Actuation of the Shift from Word- The tyranny of variation: Mixed languages Medial [ŋ] to [ɡ] in Tokyo Japanese and perpetually emergent grammars 10.00-10.30 Sherwood Satyanath Social Pressures Condition ranuki in the Studying a restructured variety in a Potential Form of Japanese Verbs multilingual context 10.30-11.00 Break – Rutherford House Session: Ethnology Session: Formal phon. Chair: Anna Strycharz-Banaś Chair: Sophie Barr 11.00-11.30 Adachi Calhoun New ways of analysing compliment Changing patterns in the use of prosody in responses - a case of Japanese young Samoan speaker 11.30-12.00 Miller Brown & Mandal Exogamy Multilingualism and Rhythmic Variation in Urama Microvariation: Language Ecology in Bimadbn Village, Papua New Guinea 12.00-12.30 Fleming Sano Styling Linguistic Repertoires among South Lexical Frequency and Applicability of Asian Students in Hong Kong Rendaku, and its Productivity 12.30-2.00 Lunch – Rutherford House 2.00-3.30 Plenary: MICHAEL DUNN [Chair: Jim Stanford] – Rutherford House LT2 3.30-4.00 Break – Rutherford House Session: Attention & orientation Session: 3rd wave Japanese Chair: Victoria Rau Chair: Evan Hazenberg 4.00-4.30 Clothier Adachi & Strycharz-Banaś Adapting the Ethnic Orientation Revisiting the ‘status’ in complimenting – Questionnaire for use in a sociophonetic senpai, kohai and the power of power investigation of ethnolectal variation in Melbourne 4.30-5.00 Away, Britton, Dailey, Drager, Hamer, Kroo Kim, Kirtley, Lee Reevaluating `Gendered Language' Among Factors Influencing the Pronunciation of Japanese Sooshokukeidanshi `Herbivore Hawaiian Place Names Men' 6.30- Conference dinner – Wharewaka, Wellington (see map on p3)

DAY 3: SATURDAY 3 MAY

9.00-9.30 Business meeting 9.30-11.00 Plenary: LISA LIM [Chair: Miriam Meyerhoff] – Rutherford House LT2 11.00-11.30 Break – Rutherford House RUTHERFORD HOUSE LT2 GOVERNMENT BUILDING G04 Session: Sign Language 2 Session: Youth Chair: David Mckee Chair: Emily Greenbank 11.30-12.00 Siu Michael Sociolinguistic Variation in Hong Kong Sign Two Phonologies: A Case Study of Delhi Language (HKSL) born Malayalee Children 12.00-12.30 Sagara & Palfreyman Mansfield Counting the difference: variation in the Phonetic variation corresponding to age number systems of Japanese, Taiwan and and ethnolinguistic group in Murrinh Patha South Korean Sign Language 12.30-1.00 Sze, Xiao, Wong Lexical variations in signs of sexual behaviour in Hong Kong Sign Language 1.00-2.00 Lunch – Rutherford House Session: Modelling 2 Session: Surveys Chair: TBA Chair: TBA 2.00-2.30 Watson, King, Keegan, Maclagan, Nambu, Asahi, Aizawa Harlow On the Change of Allophones of /g/ in Measuring Moving Monophthongs in Japanese: A quantitative analysis based on Māori large-scale surveys 2.30-3.00 Greenhill Zhao Quantifying the variation in rates of The Changed and the Unchanged: A language diversification. language attitude survey on neutral tone variation in Modern Standard Chinese

USING PHYLOGENIES TO EXPLAIN SEMANTIC VARIATION MICHAEL DUNN [email protected]

Semantics is one of the hard problems in the study of language variation, and the difficulty in establishing semantic equivalence cross-linguistically has meant that variationists have paid less attention to semantics than to other linguistic domains. The exceptions are in domains such kinship, colour terminologies, or folk taxomony, which can be studied in terms of an 'etic grid' - language neutral divisions of the semantic space into sets of logically possible dimensions. Within semantic typology (see, for example Bowerman and Choi 2001) this has led to the development of an empirical tradition which uses non-linguistic stimuli to elicit extensional semantics. My own work takes a phylogenetic perspective on such structured domains in order to examine causal processes in semantic variation. The phylogenetic comparative methods (not related to our linguistic Comparative Method) are a set of tools for understanding diversity, including semantic diversity, through modelling its evolution in time and space. I will show how these tools let us investigate and explain large-scale patterns of semantic variation in terms of common ancestry, geographic proximity, and cultural factors.

THE VITAL FEW: AGENTS OF CHANGE IN CONTACT VARIETIES OF ENGLISH IN MULTILINGUAL ASIA LISA LIM [email protected]

Sponsored by The Department of Language Change and Variation, NINJAL

Restructured varieties of English that have emerged in the Asia-Pacific region afford rich explorations for the dynamics of contact in multilingual ecologies. Singapore English (SgE), considered as already having attained endonormative stabilisation by the end of the 20th century, is often analysed as showing influences from the more dominant – economically, numerically – southern Sinitic language(s), e.g. in the emergence of Sinitic-type tone in its prosody. However, while in all other New or learner Englishes with tone language substrates the usual pattern is for high tones to align with accented syllables, SgE’s prosody by contrast is consistently word-/phrase-final-prominent. An explanation may be found in the Peranakans – descendants of 18th/19th-century southern Chinese seafaring traders in Malaya and local women, who then became a prestigious, privileged minority group in the Straits Settlements with pro-British alignments and early access to English education. Word-/phrase-final prominence is found in the Peranakans’ English, which in turn derives from their original vernacular Baba Malay. In this we may note the significance of a founder population’s features as persistent and influential in a multilingual ecology. A counterpoint is the newly emerging variety of Hong Kong English (HKE), whose existence and status as a New variety of English is often queried, primarily because the speakers of this variety are Cantonese-dominant, hardly using English regularly and spontaneously in the majority of their everyday domains, but for two exceptions. In computer-mediated communication (CMC), English is significantly preferred over Cantonese, and in popular culture and the media, Cantonese-based concepts have currency. Both platforms appear to be driving linguistic innovation and the development of HKE, e.g. in the frequency of use of English calques of Cantonese terms, in particular in the younger, university-going community. Even while SgE and HKE are varieties developing in markedly different scenarios – one in a postcolonial era, the other in the current knowledge economy – their evolution appear to exemplify the law of the vital few: although comprising a small minority, the Peranakans and the tertiary students would seem to be the agents of innovation and change, a consequence of being multilingual, early/ primary English adopters/users, and dominant in their ecologies.

SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION AND CHANGE IN SIGN LANGUAGES ADAM SCHEMBRI [email protected]

Variationist approaches to the study of sign languages were pioneered by Ceil Lucas and her colleagues in the early 1990s in the USA, and over the last decade, have grown to include work in Australia, New Zealand, Italy and the United Kingdom. In this talk, I briefly describe some of the key studies, with a focus on some recent work on grammatical variation in Auslan (Australian Sign Language) and BSL (British Sign Language). Work by sign language sociolinguists have shown that factors that drive variation and change in both spoken and signed language communities appear to be broadly similar, but has also demonstrated that some factors involved in variation in sign languages are distinctive. These include both internal and external factors. In the former category, features such as whether a sign is produced with one or two hands, have no direct parallel in spoken language phonology. In the latter is the fact that deaf signing communities exhibit unique features of contact with surrounding spoken languages and distinct patterns of language transmission. In this talk, I reflect on this 'first wave' of sign language sociolinguistics, and explore what implications this work has for the field generally, as well as discuss the potential for future studies to draw on 'second wave' and 'third wave' approaches to the study of variation.

NEW WAYS OF ANALYSING COMPLIMENT RESPONSES - A CASE OF YOUNG JAPANESE SPEAKER CHIE ADACHI [email protected]

Keywords: Compliment responses, Japanese, Multivariate analysis

This paper investigates the sociolinguistic variation of compliment responses among young Japanese speakers in light of challenging and exploring (new) ways of analysing such (socio)linguistic variables as speech acts. Since the late 60s, research on speech acts, including compliments and compliment responses, has been celebrated in the fields of pragmatics (Searle 1969; Brown and Levinson 1987; Jucker 2009), conversation analysis (Golato 2002, 2005; Pomerantz 1978), discourse analysis (Holmes 1988; Kim 2006), and (interactional) sociolinguistics (Herbert 1992; Holmes 1995). In particular, linguistic politeness, gender and cultural identity represented through this speech act have been central issues to explore within respective fields. However, the previous research has relied on the long standing methodologies developed to analyse specific aspects of speech acts within these areas and applications of methodologies (both in data collection and analysis) have been rather consistent and somewhat stagnant (Golato 2005; Jucker 2009). The corpus on which the analysis of this paper is based consists of more than 40 hours of recorded conversations with 67 Japanese university students. A total of 369 compliments and subsequent responses are extracted and analysed for the study. In applying both the qualitative method of discourse analysis and the new quantitative method to this variable, namely, variationist approach, the results show how the variation of Japanese compliment responses is constrained and driven by linguistic and social factors. In particular, the results of multivariate analysis reveal that the most influential social factor in driving the variation is the relative status relationship, that is culture-specific within the speech community of Japanese university students, but otherwise usually considered equal in Western societies. In all of the four multiple regression tests in Rbrul (Johnson 2009), the most significant factor contributing to the probability of compliments being accepted/rejected/evaded/not-responded to, was the locally salient, social factor of senpai-kohai (senior-junior) relationship. In explaining the locally informed variation of this speech act through the lenses of both qualitative and quantitative methods, this paper therefore sheds light on the neglected issue of methodological frameworks for analysing variables such as speech acts.

References Brown, P. and Levinson, S. (1987). Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Golato, A. (2002). German compliment responses. Journal of Pragmatics, 34, 547-571. Golato, A. (2005). Compliments and Compliment Responses: Grammatical structure and sequential organization. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Herbert, R. (1990). Sex-based differences in compliment behavior. Language in Society, 19, 201-224. Herbert, R. (1991). The sociology of compliment work: An ethnocontrastive study of Polish and English compliments. Multilingua, 10, 381-402. Holmes, J. (1988). Paying compliments: A sex-preferential politeness strategy. Journal of Pragmatics, 12, 445-465. Holmes, J. (1995). Women, men and politeness. London: Longman. Kim, K. (2006). Home no danwa ni kansuru nikkan taisyou kenkyuu – Nikkan daigakusei no kaiwa deta wo motiite. (A comparative study of compliment discourse in Japan and Korea – through conversations among Japanese and Korean university students). Unpublished PhD thesis. Tokyo: Oubin University. Johnson, D. E. (2009). Getting off the GoldVarb Standard: Introducing Rbrul for Mixed-Effects Variable Rule Analysis. Language and Linguistics Compass, 3(1), 359–383. Jucker, A. H. (2009). Speech act research between armchair, field and laboratory: The case of compliments. Journal of Pragmatics, 41(8), 1611-1635. Pomerantz, A. (1978). Compliment responses: Notes on the co-operation of multiple constraints. In J. Schenkein (Ed.), Studies in the Organisation of Conversational Interaction (pp. 79-112). New York: Academic Press. Searle, J. R. (1969). Speech Acts. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

REVISITING THE ‘STATUS’ IN COMPLIMENTING – SENPAI, KOHAI AND THE POWER OF POWER CHIE ADACHI [email protected] ANNA STRYCHARZ-BANAŚ [email protected]

Keywords: Complimenting, Japanese, Status-relationship, Linguistic politeness

Previous work on compliments and compliment responses regards this speech act as an inherently polite strategy and fails to take into consideration a crucial factor constraining the perception of any compliment-like behavior in Japanese society – relative status relations. In understanding the illocutionary force of complimenting, status relations are one of the most significant factors constraining the use and perception of compliments in Japanese (Adachi 2012). In this paper, we will argue that a more nuanced understanding of compliments can be achieved only by including a detailed analysis of the status relationship between interactants. Data for discussion comes from recorded interactions between (i) co-workers in a nursery in Osaka and (ii) university students in Kyushu. The analysis is based on 490 compliment-like interactions. Compliments and their responses were analyzed, taking into consideration social status of the interactants, specifically the senpai-kouhai (senior-junior) relationship (Nakane 1970), which we will argue to be one of the most salient social relations conditioning linguistic behavior in the Japanese society. The distributional analysis of interactions shows that compliments are most likely to occur in general between equals (64% of all tokens), less likely in a kohai to senpai (junior to senior) situation (23%), and the least likely in a senpai to kohai situation (13%). More importantly, the interpretation of a compliment is highly constrained by this status relation. While compliments can be perceived as either polite or impolite between equals (normative compliment, mock impoliteness, potential face threats), our dataset shows highly constrained pattern for the kind of perception of compliments, where one of the interactants is of a higher status. We therefore suggest that any analysis of the potential (im)polite load of complimenting behavior in Japanese is incomplete without including status relations. This is visible in our dataset in overt comments, as well as linguistic practices conditioned by social inequality. Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, this paper brings further discussion to the existing body of work, which looks at the importance of incorporating locally salient contexts in the analysis and re-evaluation of linguistic practices.

References Adachi, C. (2012). Compliments and Compliment Responses among Young Japanese: A Sociolinguistic Investigation. Saarbrücken: LAMBERT Academic Publishing. Nakane, C. (1970). Japanese Society. Berkeley: University of California Press.

LEGACY OF GIFU AND TOSA DIALECTS IN A SMALL COAST TOWN OF TOKORO IN HOKKAIDO YOSHIYUKI ASAHI

Keywords: Japanese, Hokkaido, Dialect contact, Founder principle, intervocalic voicing, velar nasal, aspectual expression

This paper examines to what extent the dialectal features of Gifu and Tosa dialects is maintained, and to what extent the coast dialect of Hokkaido is adopted in Tokoro dialect. Tokoro town, as seen in the map, is located in the eastern part of Hokkaido. Founders from Gifu and Tosa cultivated this town. Traditional division of Hokkaido dialect consists of inland dialect and coast dialect (Ishigaki 1983). As Tokoro is located in the coast area, Tokoro dialect eventually belongs to coast dialect. Whilst inland dialect underwent dialect leveling through dialect contact, coast dialect demonstrates a large degree of similarities with Tsugaru dialect in the north of mainland Japan. Tokoro dialect was first created by Gifu and Tosa dialects. It is clear that from the map, and also from literatures in Japanese dialectology, Gifu and Tosa dialects do not belong to Tohoku dialects. In this sense, it is intriguing to know to what extent Tokoro has coast dialect features. So far, no literature in Japanese dialectology has dealt with this dialect. In order to render a description of their dialectal features, author collected (1) oral history recordings towards a total of 5 Gifu and Tosa residents in 1969 (60 minutes), and (2) oral history interview recordings towards a total number of 4 Gifu and Tosa residents in 2013 (6 hours) by the author. This paper focused on three variables: intervocalic voicing, velar nasal, and aspectual expressions. The first two variables are typical features in coast dialect of Hokkaido, and a last variable has different system between Gifu/Tosa dialects and coast dialect of Hokkaido. Results showed that while intervocalic voicing is rarely observed, the uses of velar nasal and aspectual features in Gifu and Tosa dialects were found to its great extent. It indicates that Tokoro dialect has lost a certain degree of their home dialectal features, and instead, some, and not all Hokkaido dialectal features were adopted in Tokoro dialect. This paper will discuss the nature of this dialect, especially in its formation process, and point out both advantages and disadvantages of the “founder principle” (Mufwene 1995).

References Ishigaki, Fukuo. (1983) Hokkaido Hogen Jiten (Dictionary of Hokkaido Dialect). Sapporo: Hokkaido Shimbunsha. Mufwene, Salikoko. (1995). "The founder principle in creole genesis". Diachronica 13: 83–134.

FACTORS INFLUENCING THE PRONUNCIATION OF HAWAIIAN PLACE NAMES CLINTON AWAI [email protected] HOLLY BRITTON [email protected] MEAGAN DAILEY [email protected] KATIE DRAGER [email protected] AARON HAMER [email protected] JONNY KIM [email protected] M. JOELLE KIRTLEY [email protected] CATHERINE LEE [email protected] CLAIRE STABILE [email protected]

Keywords: phonetic variation, Polynesia, ethnicity, identity

People from Hawai'i vary in how they pronounce place names that have a Hawaiian origin. This study investigates this variation, considering both linguistic and social factors. The data consist of interviews and wordlists produced by 40 people from Hawai'i. The speakers have a range of different cultural and ethnic backgrounds, and vary in their ability to speak both Pidgin (Hawai'i Creole) and Hawaiian (an endangered Polynesian language that is indigenous to Hawai'i). Social factors investigated included speaker age, gender, language background, and ethnicity, all self-reported. For ethnicity, speakers were asked to list their ethnicities, however they identify, in whatever order they chose. A number of linguistic variables were examined using auditory analysis; these include vowel quality, the realization of phonemically long vowels, and the realization of the phonemic glottal stop. The analysis of wordlist data from the first 20 speakers demonstrates that linguistic factors play a role in the realizations of Hawaiian place names. For example, phonemic vowel lengthening is likely to be retained in word final position, and glottal stops preceding a high front vowel are more likely to be realized. Social factors also correlate with this variation. Not surprisingly, language background has an effect; individuals who speak or have studied Hawaiian tend to produce the most Hawaiian-sounding realizations. More surprisingly, ethnic identity appears to be linked with a speaker’s realizations; participants who listed their Hawaiian ancestry first (e.g., Hawaiian/Japanese/Portuguese) were most likely to produce long vowels and the glottal stop in their correct positions whether or not the participants spoke any Hawaiian. In contrast, those who listed their Hawaiian ethnicity later (e.g., Japanese/Hawaiian/Portuguese) produced realizations that were similar (or even less Hawaiian-sounding) than speakers with no Hawaiian ancestry. These results will be discussed within the context of heritage languages, speaker identity, and perceptions of (in)authenticity, with a particular focus on a speaker’s identification as someone who should or should not use the traditional pronunciation when producing words from an indigenous, minority language. Analysis of the remaining speakers and the interview data is currently underway.

RHYTHMIC VARIATION IN URAMA JASON BROWN [email protected] SAMUEL MANDAL [email protected]

Keywords: Rhythm, Phonotactics, Papuan

Classic cross-linguistic rhythm typologies have assumed categories such as syllable-timing, stress-timing, and mora- timing for languages. These early studies have claimed that the ‘variation’ in rhythm is across languages and that languages are unique, at least within a typological group, in terms of their rhythmic properties. That is, we wouldn’t expect a language to exhibit properties of one rhythm type when used to ask questions and properties of another in forming declaratives. This paper aims to investigate (a) what exactly is subject to variation in the cross-linguistic rhythmic typologies and (b) what is the source of variation. The language of focus is Urama, a Papuan language with fairly strict phonotactics (i.e. maximal (C)V syllable structure). These phonotactic limitations provide an ideal testing ground for variation of rhythm. In order to test for this variation, scores for several different rhythm metrics were calculated for Urama. Data included sentences 12-15 syllables in length, including 3 declaratives, 3 corresponding interrogatives, and 3 corresponding exclamatives. Results are presented in Table 1, with comparisons to some European languages (data from Arviniti 2011). In addition, an uncontrolled narrative was elicited, and scores were generated, as in Table 2. While the traditional prediction is that a given language does not exhibit variation that ranges across rhythm classes, this is exactly the pattern that we find for Urama. The scores for different utterance types vary significantly implying that the rhythmic property is a dependent variable of the utterance type/elicitation methodology - clearly an undesirable and unnatural prediction. This raises the possibility that the variation observed is not a property of the language itself, but an outcome of imposing an external framework on the language, i.e. the rhythm metrics. The scores for Urama indicate a high fluctuation in vocalic intervals, which correlates with the vowel-heavy nature of the language’s phonotactics. The implication of these results is that the metrics used to classify speech rhythm are only useful in that they are a reflection of the segmental phonotactics, and not rhythm. Thus, this type of variation must be taken into account when rhythm is focus of analysis.

Table 1: Controlled Speech English Dutch French Spanish Urama Urama Q Urama ! %V 40.1 42.3 43.6 43.8 51.45 54.68 57.1 ΔC 0.054 0.053 0.044 0.047 0.016 0.027 0.031 ΔV 0.046 0.042 0.038 0.033 0.025 0.023 0.035 CrPVI 5.6 6.2 4.8 5.25 0.017 0.019 0.021 VnPVI 67 59.8 44.8 42.5 26.711 26.64 23.68

Table 2: Uncontrolled Speech English Spanish Italian Urama VarcoV 61.5 67.6 63.1 67.102 VarcoC 58.1 50.9 52.3 35.299 %V 51.9 53.2 54.7 54.16 ΔC(x100) 63.4 47.3 43.1 3.3 VnPVI 62.9 57.2 51.8 60.547 CrPVI 73.8 51.6 46.1 0.039

CHANGING PATTERNS IN THE USE OF PROSODY IN SAMOAN SASHA CALHOUN [email protected]

Keywords: Samoan, prosody, focus marking, language contact

This study presents preliminary data that appear to show the effects of language contact on the use of prosody in Samoan, a Polynesian language. The effects are consistent with the greater influence of English on Samoan speakers now than a generation ago. This is interesting as while language contact can lead to change at all levels of linguistic structure (Thomason 2001), the impact on prosody is under-studied (McMahon 2004). These findings arose from a study of focus-marking by speakers who grew up in Samoa but were living in New Zealand. Two speakers were older, aged 39 or above, while the remaining five were younger, 25 or below. Participants took part in pairs. One saw a scene, e.g. a character called Sione pulling a rope, while the other asked a question like “’O ai na tosoa le maea analeilā?” (Who pulled the rope earlier?). The effect of focus (here Sione) on the choice of syntactic construction and prosody were analysed. The results uncovered interesting differences between the older and younger speakers’ use of prosody. Firstly, the older speakers usually fronted the focused word, e.g. “’O Sione na tosoa le maea” (roughly It was Sione who pulled the rope). However, most of the younger speakers used basic verb-subject-object ordering in all focus conditions, i.e. “Na toso e Sione le maea” (lit. pulled Sione the rope), but varied the accent on the object to show focus. The analysis showed the initial prosodic phrase was the most prominent. Therefore, this shows a shift between two fundamentally different types of prosodic-syntactic interaction: one where word ordering is relatively flexible, but prosodic structure is relatively fixed, to the other way around (Ladd 2008, Büring 2009). Secondly, for the older speakers the final accent in the sentence was always strong, regardless of the focus, consistent with a cross- linguistically unusual use of these pitch accents as boundary markers (marking the end of the sentence, cf. Grice, Ladd & Arvaniti 2000). For the younger speakers, final accents were more variable, and seemingly sensitive to focus. Both of these changes are consistent with increasing English influence. These findings need considerable substantiation, e.g. considering more older speakers, and other relevant sociolinguist variables (cf. Ochs 1982). However, they are valuable in showing how prosodic structure, like other aspects of linguistic structure, can be sensitive to language contact.

References Büring, D. (2009). Towards a typology of focus realization. In M. Zimmermann & C. Féry (eds.), Information Structure, Oxford University Press, pp. 177-205. Grice, M., D.R. Ladd & A. Arvaniti (2000). On the place of phrase accents in intonational phonology. Phonology 17: 143-185. Ladd, D.R. (2008). Intonational Phonology (second edition), UK: Cambridge University Press. McMahon, A. (2004). Prosodic change and language contact. Bilingualism: Language and Cognition 7(2): 121-123. Ochs, E. (1982), „Ergativity and word order in Samoan child language‟, Language 58(3): 646–671. Thomason, S. (2001). Language contact: An introduction, Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.

MINIMAL WORD EFFECT IN NORTHERN BUNUN DIALECTS HSUAN-JU CHEN [email protected]

Keywords: minimal word, affix, clitic, prosodic word, Bunun, Takituduh, Takibakha, austronesian

Bunun is one of the Austronesian languages spoken in central and southern Taiwan. According to Li (1988/2004), Bunun can be divided into 5 dialects: Takituduh, Takibakha, TakibanuaΔ, Takivatan, and Isbukun. This paper attempts to find out what minimal words are in Takituduh and Takibakha? How affixation and cliticization affect on minimal words? The concept of a minimal word is derived, not primitive: a grammatical word, in which a prosodic word consists of a foot, the foot must be binary at some level, e.g. (1a-b). (1) Minimal Word a. b. Prosodic Word Prosodic Word

Foot Foot

σ σ σ

μ μ μ μ

Minimal words are attested in Takituduh (Tkd) and Takibakha (Tkb), such as (Tkd) saak/(Tkb) sa⎤k ‘smell’, (Tkd) quuɁ/(Tkb) qu⎤/ ‘drink’, (Tkd) kaan/(Tkb) ka⎤n ‘fish, as shown in Table 1 below. In Takituduh, when saak ‘smell’ is followed by suffix -un ‘-PV’, it has only one mora and becomes sak, e.g. (2e). However, the enclitic =in does not affect the minimal word, and saak still contains two vowels (moras) in two syllables, e.g. (2c). The minimal word kaan ‘fish’ is attached by the enclitic =nak, it remains the same, e.g. (3a). On the other hand, a minimal word in Takibakha contains two moras in one syllable, as illustrated by ka⎤n ‘fish’ in (3b). When sa⎤k ‘smell’ and qu⎤/ ‘drink’ are affixed by -un ‘-PV’ and pa- ‘CAUS-’ respectively, the vowels are typically short, as shown in (2e) and (4e). In (4d), qu⎤/ is not affected by the proclitic na= ‘FUT=’, its vowel is still long and with two moras. This phenomenon can be explained by Spencer and Luís (2012: 84): the clitic system is outside the prosodic system. Hence, the clitic is not in the prosodic domain but the affix is, which gives an explanation on how affixes avoid two moras in minimal words, but the clitics do not.

Table 1 Dialect Minimal Words Minimal Words + clitic Minimal Words + affix s

(2) Tkd a. saak ‘smell’ c. saak=in ‘smell=PRF’ e. sak-un ‘smell-PV’ Tkb b. sa⎤k d. sa⎤k=in

(3) Tkd a. kaan ‘fish’ c. kaan=nak ‘fish=1SG.GEN’ ¯ ¯ Tkb b. ka⎤n d. ka⎤n=nak

(4) Tkd a. quu/ ‘drink’ c. na= quu/ ‘FUT=drink’ e. pa-qu/ ‘CAUS-drink’ Tkb b. qu⎤/ d. na= qu⎤/

Based on the above description and data, it is assumed that a minimal word is disyllabic and bimoraic in Takituduh but monosyllabic and bimoraic in Takibakha.

References De Busser, Rik. 2009. Towards a grammar of Takivatan Bunun: Selected topics. Bundoora, Victoria, Australia: La Trobe University PhD dissertation. Huang, Hui-chuan J. 2008. "Competition between syllabic and metrical constraints in two Bunun dialects." Linguistics 46(1):1−32. Li, Paul Jen-kuei. 1988/2004. “A comparative study of Bunun dialects.” Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philosophy 59(2). 479- 508 (republished in his 台灣南島語言論文選集 [Selected papers on Formosan languages] (《語言暨語言學》專刊丙種之三 [Language and Linguistics Monograph Series C-3.1] ). 臺北 [Taipei]: 中央研究院語言學研究所 [Institute of Linguistics, Academia Sinica]. 743-766 ). Li, Lilian Li-ying. 2010. Clitics in Nantou Isbukun Bunun (Austronesian). M.A. thesis, Nantou, National Chi-nan University. Lin, Hsiu-hsu. 1996. Isbukun Phonology: A study of its segments, syllable structure and phonological processes. M.A. thesis, Hsinchu, National Tsing Hua University. Spencer, Andrew & Ana R. Luís. 2012. Clitics: An Introduction. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 齊莉莎 [Zeitoun, Elizabeth]. 2000. 布農語參考語法 [A reference grammar of Bunun] (台灣南島語第五冊 [Formosan Language Series 5]). 臺北 [Taipei]: 遠流 [Yuan-liu]. 16

WHEN HOKKIEN MEETS MALAY: SYNCHRONIC REORGANIZATIONS OF TONAL INVENTORIES IN PENANG HOKKIEN CHING-TING CHUANG [email protected] CHANG YUEH-CHIN [email protected] HSIEH FENG-FAN [email protected]

Keywords: Southern Min languages, tones, language contact, sound change

Penang Hokkien (PH) is a representative variety of Southern Min Chinese spoken by the descendants of emigrants from the Chinese province of Fuijian in Northern Malaysia. In previous studies (Chang & Chuang, 2012) and (Chuang, Chang, & Hsieh, 2013), it has been observed that the original tonal system remains intact among old speakers, especially the famous chainshift tone sandhi rules (see Chen 2000), while language change happens among younger speakers. The main goal of this study is to obtain data from more speakers and more age groups to validate the findings reported in Chang and Chuang (2012). 20 younger PH native speakers were recruited in this production study (4th or 5th generation of immigrants), and also one middle-aged participant (3rd generation of immigrants) and one older participant (2nd generation of immigrant) participated in the same experiment. In total, F0 values from 18,414 tokens for all possible tonal combinations were extracted for analysis. Specifically, with the aid of Smoothing Spline ANOVA (Davidson, 2006; Gu, 2002), we examined an understudied issue of Chinese tonal systems, namely, whether or not neutralization of sandhi tones is complete. Our speakers can be divided into two types. Type A speakers have completed reorganization of their tonal inventories with a newly derived high level rise tone (445) for YinShang tones in citation, and only a binary tonal contrast (i.e. H vs. L) is attested in sandhi/non-final position. Type B speakers exhibit free variations on YinShang tones (445 or 53), and have a three-way tonal contrast (i.e. H, L and F) in sandhi/non-final position. Moreover, circular chain shift is not attested among younger speakers. Our results conform to the results reported in previous studies. Remarkably, both complete, (Type A), and incomplete tonal reorganization, (Type B), are attested within a single language. Also, a possible explanation for the newly derived high level rising tone may be due to long-term intense language contact with the local dominant language, Malay.

ADAPTING THE ETHNIC ORIENTATION QUESTIONNAIRE FOR USE IN A SOCIOPHONETIC INVESTIGATION OF ETHNOLECTAL VARIATION IN MELBOURNE JOSHUA CLOTHIER [email protected]

Keywords: ethnic identity, questionnaire development, sociophonetics, Australian English

Recent work in variationist sociolinguistics (Hoffman & Walker, 2010) has adapted and implemented an instrument from social psychology to measure the degree to which speakers from minority ethnicities orient towards their heritage ethnicities. Researchers have associated this construct of ethnic orientation (EO) with phonological (Hoffman & Walker, 2010), and pragmatic variables (Alimoradian, 2012; Bharadwaj, 2013), thus enabling a new perspective on the analysis of ethnolectal variation. As part of an ongoing sociophonetic study examining ethnic variation in accent and identity in Australian English (AusE), I have conducted a preliminary evaluation of the EO questionnaire (EOQ) for use in Melbourne. The results of this exploratory study (N = 105) show a good level of internal consistency (α = .77). However, results of exploratory factor analysis using PCA returns eight factors accounting for a similar amount of variance (65%) as compared to Hoffman and Walker’s (2010) Toronto study which derived four factors accounting for 69% of the variance in the sample responses. It appears that the underlying constructs measured by the EOQ are not operating in the same way in the Melbourne context as in Toronto. This accords with the literature on the context dependent nature of ethnicity and ethnic identity (e.g., Fought, 2006, 2010; Phinney & Ong, 2007) suggesting that the dimensions that contribute to the construction of ethnic identity vary across different communities and different ethnicities. The present study describes the adaptation of Hoffman & Walker’s (2010) EOQ specifically for use in Melbourne, and for one ethnic group studied in the larger sociophonetic project. It addressed the research questions: How can EO best be measured in the Lebanese-Australian community in Melbourne; which dimensions of ethnic identity are most relevant and which questions are best to measure those dimensions? I report findings of semi-structured interviews with six native speakers of AusE from Lebanese heritage backgrounds, which then contribute to the development of the EOQ, enabling decisions on the inclusion and weighting of different dimensions such as food, clothing, language, and religion. Additionally, these findings reaffirm the importance of developing instruments that can measure the dimensions of ethnic identity important to individuals and groups in the construction of ethnic identity within different regions.

References Alimoradian, K. (2012). 'Makes me feel more Aussie': Ethnic identity and vocative mate in Australia. (Bachelor of Arts Honours thesis), Australian National University, Canberra. Bharadwaj, S. (2013). Ethnic orientation and language use: Expressing opinions in Australian and Indian English. Paper presented at the Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society, Melbourne. Fought, C. (2006). Language and ethnicity: Cambridge University Press. Fought, C. (2010). Ethnic Identity and Linguistic Contact. In R. Hickey (Ed.), The Handbook of Language Contact (pp. 282-298). West Sussex, UK: Blackwell. Hoffman, M. F., & Walker, J. A. (2010). Ethnolects and the city: Ethnic orientation and linguistic variation in Toronto English. Langauge Variation and Change, 22, 37-67. Phinney, J. S., & Ong, A. D. (2007). Conceptualization and measurement of ethnic identity: current status and future directions. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54(3), 271-281.

LECTAL VARIATION IN THE PRONUNCIATION OF PRESTOPPED NASAL PHONEMES IN KAYTETYE FANNY COTTET [email protected] MYFANY TURPIN [email protected] BENJAMIN DAVIS SUSAN LIN [email protected] KATHERINE DEMUTH [email protected] ALISON ROSS MARK HARVEY

Keywords: Variation, Prestopped nasals, Nasals, Aboriginal language, Acoustics

Kaytetye is an Australian Aboriginal language with a phonemic contrast between plain and prestopped nasals, e.g. anenke [ɐˈneɳɡǝ] ‘sit’ and atnenke [ɐˈtneɳɡǝ] ‘stand’. Previous observations in the field noted variation in the way Kaytetye speakers pronounce prestopped nasals. The language is highly endangered (ca. 200 speakers) and undergoing rapid change due to pressure from neighbouring Aboriginal languages as well as Aboriginal English. Green (2010:xii) notes that there is no phonemic contrast between plain and prestopped nasals in Western Anmatyerr and suggests that Eastern Anmatyerr, the southern neighbour of Kaytetye, may be undergoing loss of prestopping. Anmatyerr is the dominant language in the South region whereas Aboriginal English is the dominant language in the North. This paper compares the acoustic properties of the two series of nasals in Kaytetye and correlates these with the age and region of the speakers. The total number of nasal tokens analysed is 672. It consists of fourteen words (six with a prestopped nasal and eight with a plain nasal), elicited from 8 female speakers: 4 under 40 years of age and 4 over 50 years of age; 5 reside predominantly in the South and 3 predominantly in the North. The data comes from recordings made in 2012 by Demuth, Turpin and Lin for a study on Kaytetye coronals (Lin et al 2013), where speakers were engaged in an elicited imitation task with visual and audio prompts pre-recorded by a native speaker. The target words were in a /#aˈ_V/ context and in a carrier phrase. Our results show that prestopped nasals are realized with three successive phases: an oral-nasal closure, a voiceless nasal release and a voiced nasal. We find that younger speakers from the South show inconsistent realizations of the nasals. Expected prestopping is sometimes absent while some plain nasals are realized as prestopped. In contrast, older speakers, whether from the South or the North, show more consistency in their production of both plain and prestopped nasals. We suggest that these differences reflect an emerging regional variation of ‘new’ Kaytetye; and put forward that this may be due to the different dominant languages in the region.

References Lin, S, Harvey, M, Davies, B, Demuth, K, Turpin, M and Ross, A 2013. ‘Tongue body correlates of the coronal contrast in Kaytetye: An ultrasound investigation’ Paper presented at the Australian Linguistics Society Conference, 2 October 2013, Melbourne University. Green, J 2010. Anmatyerr to English dictionary. IAD Press: Alice Springs.

STYLING LINGUISTIC REPERTOIRES AMONG SOUTH ASIAN STUDENTS IN HONG KONG KARA FLEMING [email protected]

Keywords: style, linguistic repertoires, linguistic minorities, multilingualism, language and education

This paper examines style construction and the expression of linguistic affiliations in a multiethnic school in Hong Kong. It investigates how style is used to represent the students’ overall linguistic repertoires, and how these representations function as important identity features. The data comes from an ethnographic study conducted in a secondary school catering to ethnic minority students, largely from Pakistan and India, as well as ethnic Chinese students. Drawing on classroom recordings and observation, surveys, and interviews, it demonstrates that the minority students use a range of resources to present themselves as affiliated or disaffiliated with English, Cantonese, or minority languages, in various combinations. The analysis will particularly focus on a group of Pakistani-heritage girls who use and identify with English, Cantonese, and Urdu, and a Nepali-heritage boy who disaffiliates with Cantonese, Nepali, and sometimes English. These contrasts can be seen not only in the students’ (non-)use of the codes involved, but in the ways they style their English utterances, so that their repertoires are indexed even in monolingual speech. The girls make use of features in English such as Cantonese particles which allow them to claim a more ‘local’ identity than other students - but crucially, a form of local-ness which includes English and Urdu. The Nepali boy, on the other hand, speaks mostly English, but frequently with a stylized accent he terms “Australian” - a performance which can be seen as strategically inauthentic. This analysis draws upon Eckert’s (2000, 2008b) work on style construction and bricolage and Barrett’s (1999) concept of polyphony, as well as work on (ethno-)linguistic repertoires (Eckert 2008a, Snell 2013) and authenticity (Bucholtz 2003, Heller 2006). In a Hong Kong context where minority students are officially labelled as “non-Chinese speaking” regardless of their actual linguistic skills and popular discourses attribute low social integration and mobility largely to insufficient Cantonese ability, this research has implications for the way minority students are categorized and treated in policy. This research aims to contribute theoretically by demonstrating that perceptions of repertoire can form an important part of styles as ‘systems of distinction’ (Irvine 2001).

References Barrett, R. (1999). Indexing polyphonous identity in the speech of African American drag queens. In M. Bucholtz, A. C. Liang, & L. A. Sutton (Eds.), Reinventing identities: The gendered self in discourse (pp. 313–331). New York: Oxford University Press. Bucholtz, M. (2003). Sociolinguistic nostalgia and the authentication of identity. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 7, 398–416. Eckert, P. (2000). Linguistic variation as social practice: The linguistic construction of identity in Belten High. Oxford: Blackwell. Eckert, P. (2008a). Where do ethnolects stop? International Journal of Bilingualism, 12, 25–42. Eckert, P. (2008b). Variation and the indexical field. Journal of Sociolinguistics, 12, 453–576. Heller, M. (2006). Linguistic minorities and modernity: A sociolinguistic ethnography (2nd ed.). London: Continuum. Irvine, J. T. (2001). “Style” as distinctiveness: The culture and ideology of linguistic differentiation. In P. Eckert & J. R. Rickford (Eds.), Style and sociolinguistic variation (pp. 21–43). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Snell, J. (2013). Dialect, interaction and class positioning at school: from deficit to difference to repertoire. Language and Education, 27(2), 110–128.

QUANTIFYING THE VARIATION IN RATES OF LANGUAGE DIVERSIFICATION SIMON GREENHILL [email protected]

Keywords: language evolution, diversification, phylogenetics

There are 7413 languages spoken in the world today. These languages are classified into 247 families. Due to the rapid rate of language change each family is thought to have originated sometime during the last 10,000 years. Of these 247 families, just two families --- Niger-Congo and Austronesian -- contain 37% of the world's language diversity between them. At the other extreme, 130 of the 247 families contain a single language. This huge disparity in the size of language families suggests that there are substantial differences in the rates at which languages are born, proliferate, and then go extinct. For example, the Mayan language family currently contains about 69 languages, whilst the Malayo-Polynesian subgroup of Austronesian contains about 1226 languages. Both of these subgroups are a mere 4000 year old. Therefore, on average, there was one Mayan language born every 58 years whereas Malayo- Polynesian spawned one language approximately every 40 *months*. What could have driven this uneven distribution of language family sizes? A multitude of drivers have been suggested ranging from ecological factors (Greenberg 1856, Nettle 1998), to speaker population size (Nettle 1999), to certain technological advances like farming (Diamond & Bellwood 2003) or political complexity (Currie & Mace 2009), to just simply idiosyncratic historical processes (Campbell & Poser 2008). Strikingly despite this interest in the drivers of linguistic diversity, there has been little work done to *quantify* these diversification rates between different languages and over time. The macroevolutionary processes that have generated language diversity and shaped the language families is often reflected in the shape and timing of their phylogenies (Nee et al. 1994, Mooers et al. 1997). In this paper I use these phylogenetic methods to identify and explore the variation in diversification rates. First, I test if there is significant rate variation, then I estimate the diversification and extinction rates between different language families to show how these rates vary over time and characterise diversification in different families temporally. Finally, I identify significant shifts in diversification rates within language families.

VARIATIONS OF THE HAND AND BROW: PATTERNS OF NON-VERBAL COMMUNICATION IN NEW ZEALAND JAMES GRUBER [email protected] JEN HAY [email protected] LUCY JOHNSTON [email protected] JEANETTE KING [email protected]

Keywords: Gesture, Māori, Non-verbal communication

This study seeks to identify socially meaningful variation in the gesture and non-verbal behavior of New Zealanders. Variation is abundant in non-verbal behavior, as meanings and forms are not conventionalized nor even obligatory. It is an understudied question whether social factors can explain some of this variation. We ask (1) if there are culturally- grounded gestures and non-verbal cues more likely or exclusively used by Māori? If so, then are these behaviours influenced not only by the speaker's ethnicity, but also (2) by the interviewer ethnicity? or (3) by speaking Te Reo Māori? Six bilingual Māori and six monolingual Pākehā participants conducted two sociolinguistic interviews in English, once with a Māori and once with a Pākehā interviewer. Additionally, the bilingual subjects did a third interview in the Māori language with the same Māori interviewer. Selected portions of video recordings were annotated for manual and non-manual gestures, gaze, and eyebrow movement. Our analysis identifies at least three gestures or actions more likely or exclusively used by the ethnic Māori speakers in comparison to the Pākehā: (1) frequent and dramatic use of the eyebrow, (2) a proclivity for use of the head to perform illustrative gestures, and (3) a concerted flat finger-extended handshape to depict certain types of motion. The form and frequency of these gestures was then compared across the different interlocutor conditions (Māori or Pākehā) and by the language being spoken (Te Reo Māori or English). Quantitative analysis was performed via linear regression modelling with mixed effects using dependent variables of counts or proportions of certain non- verbal behaviours. Findings from the study offer insight into culturally-grounded differences in communicative styles within New Zealand, as well as the influence of New Zealand’s indigenous language on gestural production. Additionally, the study considers the effect of different languages on gesture within a single speaker and the effects of language dominance for English-Māori bilinguals.

References Dewes, Te Kapunga. 1975. The case for oral arts. In M. King (Ed.) Te Ao Hurihuri, pp. 55-85. Wellington: Hicks Smith & Sons Ltd. King, J. 1999. Talking Bro: Māori English in the University Setting. Te Reo, 42, 20-38. Matthews, N. 2004. The physicality of Māori message transmission – ko te tinana, he waka tuku korero. Junctures, 3, 9-18. Metge, J. 2005. Working in/playing with three languages: English, Te Reo Māori and Māori body language. Sites: new series, 2(2), 83-90. Metge, J. and P. Kinloch. 1978. Talking past each other. Wellington: Victoria Univ. Press.

SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION IN ASIAN ENGLISHES: THE CASE OF /T,D/ DELETION JETTE HANSEN EDWARDS [email protected]

Keywords: sociolinguistic variation, t/d deletion, Asian Englishes, Hong Kong English, Vietnam English, China English

Deletion of /t,d/ is a process of coda simplification where the final /t,d/ is omitted in clusters of two or more consonants. While there has been a great deal of research on /t,d/ deletion, the majority has been conducted with adult native speakers of American English (cf. Guy, 1980; Fasold, 1972; Labov, 1997; Labov & Cohen, 1967; Neu, 1980), with a few studies on child L1 learners of American English (cf. Guy & Boyd, 1990; Labov, 1989; Roberts, 1997) and on different varieties of English such as York British English (Tagliamonte & Temple, 2005), adult and child L1 Scottish English (Smith, Durham, & Fortune, 2009), Chicano English (Santa Ana, 1991, 1992), Tejano English (Bayley, 1994) as well as studies L2 learners of American English (Bayley, 1996; Hansen Edwards, 2011). The findings from this research indicates that while some aspects of /t,d/ deletion are universal, variation exists both among varieties of English as well as between child and adult, and first and second language speakers of English. As yet, however, there has been little research on /t,d/ deletion in different varieties of Asian English although work in this area would enable us to have greater knowledge about the universality of some aspects of /t,d/ deletion as well as enable us to have a greater understanding of how sociolinguistic variation functions in each of the three varieties of Asian English. The data for the current study consists of thirty-minute one-on-one sociolinguistic interviews between the researcher and students from universities in Hong Kong (n = 30), China (Shanghai) (n = 30) and Vietnam (Ho Chi Minh City) (n = 30). Each data set was phonetically transcribed and coded for factors previously found to significantly affect /t,d/ deletion, such as previous and following linguistic environment and grammatical conditioning, as well as for variety (China, Hong Kong, or Vietnam). Preliminary findings suggest that while some aspects of /t,d/ deletion follow those found in previous research, sociolinguistic variation in Asian Englishes may operate differently from other varieties of English.

THE COLLAPSE AND REPLACEMENT OF THE VERBAL NEGATIVE MODE SYSTEM IN KANSAI SPOKEN JAPANESE KEVIN HEFFERNAN [email protected] YUSUKE HIRATSUKA [email protected]

Keywords: Japanese, Kansai dialect, ongoing change, verbal negative, phonologicalization

The vernacular variety of Japanese spoken in the Kansai region of Japan (hereafter KJ) is gradually changing towards the standardized variety of Japanese (Takagi 1999, 2004). One such example is the KJ verbal negative system. Historically, the system used two morpheme types in casual conversation: -n and -hen / -hin. Researchers have documented their distinction as realis-irrealis mode (for example, Yamamoto 1962). Yet, Takagi (1999, 2004) reports that such a mode distinction no longer exists in the KJ of speakers born around 1975. She instead reports differences in preference of negative morpheme usage for several morpho-syntactic categories, such as verb tense, verb category, and specific verb inflections. Furthermore, in certain categories such as the negative past tense of the consonant-stem verbs, the negative morpheme types are used interchangeably (Takagi 2004:35). The objective of this research is to, in the words of Tagliamonte (2006:7), put the variation seen in the KJ negative system “in the context of where [it] has come from and where it is going – how and why.” To this end, Takagi’s study is repeated, but this time with conversational data from 40 speakers that range from roughly 20 years younger in age through to roughly 40 years older than the participants in the original study. From the data, 1917 negative morpheme tokens were extracted an analyzed for mode, morpho-syntactic category, and phonological environment. Similar to Takagi (2004), the data did not show a clear correlation with mode, and the morpho-syntactic categories mostly showed weak patterns of preference of one morpheme over the other. More importantly, the morpheme usage of the youngest speakers showed a clear correlation with phonological environment. Specifically, the negative morpheme was chosen based on the preceding vowel, as shown in the following table:

vowel morpheme a -n e -hen i -hin

In other words, the void created by the collapse of the verbal negative mode system has been filled by a simple vowel harmony system. I conclude the talk by drawing on previous work in dialect contact (for example, Trudgill 1986) to posit an answer to Tagliamonte’s question of “why” such changes to place.

References Tagliamote, Sali. (2006) Analysing Sociolinguistic Variation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Takagi, Chie. (1999) Jakunensou no Kansaiben ni okeru hiteiji -n / -hen ni tuite: zatudan kara mita shiyou jittai [On the negative suffix -n and -hen in the Kansai dialect of young speakers: Usage as seen in casual conversations]. Gendai Nihongo Kenkyuu, 6, 78-99. Takagi, Chie. (2004) Jakunensou Kansaiben no hiteiji ni miru gengo henka [Types of linguistic change seen in the negative suffix of the Kansai dialect of young speakers]. Nihongo Gakka, 16, 25-46. Trudgill Peter. (1986) Dialects in contact. Oxford: Blackwell. Yamamoto, Toshiharu. (1962) Osakafu Hougen [Osaka Dialect], in Minoru Umekaki (ed.) Kinki Hougen no Sougouteki Kenkyuu [Research on the Kinki Dialect]. Tokyo: Sanshoudou, pp. 421-495.

SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION IN CHINESE NEAR-SYNONYMS CHEN-HSUAN HUANG [email protected] D. VICTORIA RAU [email protected]

Keywords: second language learning, VARBUL, Near-Synonyms

Near-synonym is one of the ways to create the lexicon in Chinese as a language with abundant disyllable morphemes. However, figuring out meanings and distinguishing between the usages of near-synonyms can be a daunting task for language learners, and even for native speakers. Generally, near-synonyms have similar core meaning, but they may be used in different ways or have subtle semantic discrepancy. For language learning and teaching purpose, previous studies on near-synonyms show that the syntactic differences between near-synonyms indicate the existence of subtle semantic differences. While sharing a common interest with the aforementioned studies in Chinese near-synonyms, this study differs from others in several crucial aspects: first, unlike the majority of previous works, which concentrate on the syntactic and semantic interaction of near-synonyms, this study tries to reexamine Chinese near-synonyms JIAN, ZAO, GAI ‘build’ and focuses more on the shared patterns of near-synonyms. In other words, when the near-synonyms overlap in most of the ways, what linguistic factors would make one near-synonym predominant over the other one? Five independent variables including morphological size, object types, aspect markers, word order and genre are tested in VARBRUL for accounting for the multiple cross-cutting and interesting factors that influence language usage. For individual differences among house-related objects, JIAN was preferred. For nonhouse constructions, ZAO was preferred. Additionally, for objects with monosyllabic morphemes, ZAO was preferred. Literary patterns tended to prefer JIAN. From the results of the study, we inferred that, in terms of the meaning of the concrete verb ‘build’, the hierarchical ranking was JIAN > GAI > ZAO; however, in terms of the literary degree, the hierarchical ranking was JIAN, ZAO > GAI.

References Cheng, Xiang-Hui et al (2002). XianDaiHanYu ”Modern Chinese” (現代漢語). Hong Kong: Joint Publishing Co. Ltd. pp.192-196.[in Chinese] Chinese Sketch Engine: http://wordsketch.ling.sinica.edu.tw García, Christina. (2011). Distinguishing Two “Synonyms”: A Variationist Analysis of quizá and quizás in Six Spanish Dialects. Proceedings of the 5th Workshop on Spanish Sociolinguistics. MA:Cascadilla Proceeding Project.pp.103-112. Hong, Wei-Ting.(2010). Analyze the near-synonyms: ’Manufacture’ and ‘Produce’. Journal of Applied Chinese. Issue 6. pp.223-246. [in Chinese] Huang, Chen-Hsuan. (2013). The Semantic and Syntactic Distinctions of Near-synonyms: kànfǎ, guāndiǎn and xiǎngfǎ. Paper presented at the 3rd International Conference on Teaching and Learning of Chinese as a Second Language.Sep.12- 13.Singapore. [in Chinese] Hymes, D.(1986). Discourse: scope without depth. International Journal of Sociology of Language,57,49-89. Kapatsinski, Vesvolod. (2009). Adversative conjunction choice in Russian (no, da, odnako): Semantic and syntactic influences on lexical selection. Language and Variation and Change. 21 (2009), 157–173. Li, N. Charles et al. (1989). Mandarin Chinese: A functional Reference Grammar. California: University of California Press. Liu, Mei-chun. (1999). Lexical Meaning and Discourse Patterning: the Three Cases of Mandarin BUILD. In Cognition and Function in Language, eds. by Barbara Fox, Dan Jurafsky, and Laura A. Michaelis, 181-199. Stanford: Center for the Study of Language and Information (CSLI Publications). Ministry of Education (MOE) online dictionary: http://dict.revised.moe.edu.tw/ Prince, A., & Smolensky, P. (1993/2004). Optimality Theory: Constraint interaction in Generative Grammar. Malden, MA, & Oxford: Blackwell. Tsai, Mei-Chih. et al. (1996). A corpus based analysis on semantic extraction. The 9th Computational Linguistics Conference.pp.281- 293. [in Chinese] Tsai, Mei-Chih.(2010). TONGYANG and XIANGTONG are not YIYANG: The Referential Differences of “the Same" in Mandarin Chinese. Journal of Chinese Language Teaching (JCLT).7.1.pp.51-79. [in Chinese] Tsai, Mei-Chih.(2011)."Convenient” during the process or as a result-event structure of synonymous stative verbs in TCSL. Journal of Chinese Language Teaching (JCLT).8.3.pp.1-22. [in Chinese] Wu, Pei-Yen et al.(2011), Near Synonyms in Teaching Chinese as Second Language: A Case study to “yī”, “jù”, and “yījù”. Taiwan Journal of Chinese as a Second Language, Vol. 2.pp.23-46. [in Chinese] Wang, Zhi-Yi. (2012).The lexical semantic features and syntactic functions of relatives of ‘yinwei’ and ‘youyu’-A corpus-based approach. Journal of Applied Chinese. Issue 10. pp.203-236. [in Chinese]

REEVALUATING ‘GENDERED LANGUAGE’ AMONG JAPANESE SOOSHOKUKEIDANSHI ‘HERBIVORE MEN’ JUDIT KROO [email protected]

Keywords: Japanese Masculine Identity Construction, Speech Styles, Gendered Lexical Items, Sentence Final Particles, First Person Pronouns, Address Markers

Previous gendered Japanese language studies, e.g. Matsumoto (1996), SturtzSreetharan (2006), documented the use of forms conventionally associated with the opposite sex, e.g. use of `male forms' by female speakers in contexts otherwise conforming with gender-normative representations. I extend such studies to Japanese sooshokukeidanshi (SKD) `herbivore men,' an asexualized (and linguistically unanalyzed) group of men. By considering use of gendered lexical items (GLIs), e.g. sentence final particles (SFPs), first person pronouns (FPPs), and address markers (AMs), this study demonstrates how, contra Western media representations of Japanese male/female sexuality, e.g. Haworth (2013), which argue that Japanese youth do not engage in sex, SKDs are rather engaging in a reflexive project, (Agha 2007), re-envisioning what Japanese masculinity means. Data, consisting of segments of the Japanese television program SMAPxSMAP, featuring the Japanese pop band SMAP, whose members are SKDs, were coded for GLIs. Although the SKD phenomenon receives media attention, coverage centers on SKDs' lack of interest in male/female romantic relationships and failure to display gender-normative characteristics. Thus, SKDs are typically depicted with weak, feminine speech styles. While one might expect that SKDs use fewer `masculine' GLIs than non- SKDs, analysis of GLI-use amongst SKDs reveals that SKDs use both `feminine' and `strongly-masculine' GLIs. Such GLI use allows SKDs greater stylistic variation than non-SKDs. Moreover, no significant difference, (p = .93) for SFPs; (p = .82) for FPPs, was found between between SKD and non-SKD use of `masculine' GLIs. Furthermore, qualitative analysis of AMs and SFPs demonstrates that, contrary to expectations, use of particular `polite' forms, although conventionally associated with female users, is also used by SKD speakers to index authority through formality. These findings indicate that the `masculine/feminine' classification of SFPs may not provide adequate understanding of the social meaning of these variables. While illustrating SKDs' construction of social stances within their community, this study's findings refute (mis)-perceptions of SKD language use and suggest more complex patterns of GLI usage than generally assumed, extending understanding of how maleness can be (re)-negotiated through language.

VARIATION IN CODE-SWITCHING IN CHINESE DISCOURSE AMONG 1ST GENERATION CHINESE IMMIGRANTS: THE INFLUENCE OF SOCIAL VARIABLES HONG LIU h. [email protected] / [email protected]

Keywords: Chinese-English code-switching, attitudes, social network type, proficiency

Defined as the use of two or more languages or dialects in the same conversation or sentence (Gardner-Chloros, 2009), code-switching (hereafter CS) announces most evidently a speaker’s ability to function in two or more languages/language varieties. Either as an identity marker (Gumperz, 1982) or a discourse maneuvering tool (Myers- Scotton, 1988; Li Wei, 1995), CS is better understood when social factors such as attitudes (Toribio, 2002), proficiency (Poplack, 1980; Auer, 1999) and network (Li Wei at al., 2000) are taken into account, factors which are repeatedly found to affect CS. This study aims to combine the themes from previous work and look at how network, attitude, and proficiency interact in their effect on the production and pattern of CS in Chinese discourse among intra-generational speakers. The present study explores the influence of those social factors through an analysis of data taken from a subset of 40 first generation Chinese immigrant participants aged from 25 to 40 in London, in the form of two recorded conversations with each participant and a questionnaire on social network information and attitudes. On the basis of preliminary quantitative analyses on the correlation between the social factors and the use of CS, the study suggests that there is a strong interaction between the factors themselves and that none of them alone can predict CS behavior in terms of production and pattern. In addition, it is shown that attitudes towards CS seem to be a stronger influence than social network type or English proficiency and proficiency does not correlate strongly with high or low use of CS in Chinese discourse. The findings of this study suggest that CS in the current community is not simply a consequence of the amount of exposure to the English speaking community whereas attitudinal orientation towards and subjective identification with a specific social group seems to be a stronger predictor of CS use in Chinese discourse.

References Auer, P. (1999). From codeswitching via language mixing to fused lects: toward a dynamic typology of bilingual speech. International Journal of Bilingualism, 3(4), 309-332. Gardner-Chloros, P. (2009). Code-Switching. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Garret, P. (2010). Attitudes to Language. New York: Cambridge University Press. Gumperz, J. J. (1982). Language and Social Identity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Li Wei. (1994). Three Generations, Two languages, One Family: Language Choice and Language Shift in a Chinese Community in Britain. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters. Li Wei, Milroy, L. & Pong Sin Ching. (2000). A two step sociolinguistic analysis of code-switching and language choice: the example of a bilingual Chinese community in Britain. In Li Wei (ed.), The Bilingualism Reader, pp. 188-209. London: Routledge,. Milroy, M. & Milroy, L. (1985). Linguistic change, social network and speaker innovation. Journal of Linguistics, 21(2), 339-384. Myers-Scotton, C. (1988). Code-switching as indexical of social negotiations. In Heller(ed.), Codeswitching: Anthropological and Sociolinguistic Perspectives, pp. 151-186. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Poplack, S. (1980). Sometimes I’ll start a sentence in Spanish Y TERMINO EN ESPANOL: toward a typology of code-switching. Linguistics, 18, 581-618. Toribio, A. J. (2002). Spanish-English Code-switching among US Latinos. International Journal of the Sociology of Language, 158, 89- 119.

PHONETIC VARIATION CORRESPONDING TO AGE AND ETHNOLINGUISTIC GROUP IN MURRINH PATHA JOHN MANSFIELD [email protected]

Keywords: sociophonetics, Murrinh-Patha, Australian-languages

The Murrinh Patha (MP) language of northern Australia is one of the most vibrant Aboriginal languages in the country, being spoken by some 2500 Aboriginal people in the town of Wadeye. It is spoken by people of all ages as their first language, and is gaining new speakers through adoption by other Aboriginal people. Native speakers of MP sometimes say that kardy kigay, “young men (aged about 12 to 40)” and especially those of non-MP heritage, do not speak proper MP. What they speak instead may be described as murriny parndurtparn “light language”, or more pejoratively as murriny kura “water language”. I investigate potential phonetic correlates of these emically recognized styles, through a quantitative examination of stop realization. This shows wide variation in the realization of word-initial /k/ and /p/ in careful speech of kardu kigay. Younger age predicts less aspiration of these voiceless stops, as well as lenition from stops to continuants. Lacking MP ethnic heritage predicts only lenition of /k/:

/kale/  [kʰɐle] (JD, 40, both parents MP) “mother”  [xɐle] (FN, 37, both parents Marri Ngarr)

The phonetic data is quantified based on impressionistic segmental transcription, supported with spectrogram inspection, VOT measurement and burst amplitude measurement for a sub-sample of the data.

CONTEMPORARY INFLUENCES ON DIALECT CHANGE IN NEW ZEALAND ENGLISH SHARON MARSDEN [email protected]

Keywords: New Zealand English, dialect variation and change, social identity, variationist methodologies

Contemporary dialectological research demonstrates that attitudinal data provides useful insights into the links between dialect variation and speakers’ constructions of their local and / or national identities (e.g. Dyer 2002, 2010; Llamas 2007, 2010; Stuart-Smith, Timmins & Tweedie 2007). In addition, recent research on dialect variation across Europe describes the emergence of new “multicultural” varieties associated with contact between speakers from diverse cultural and ethnic backgrounds (e.g. Cheshire, Kerswill, Fox & Torgersen 2011; Gregersen, Parrott & Quist 2011). This paper describes the methodology and findings of recently concluded PhD research on dialect variation and change in New Zealand English. The research probed teenagers’ discourses in relation to their local identities, semi-rural versus urban lifestyles, and Maori versus Pakeha ethnicity. Analysing these discourses facilitated a more nuanced interpretation of the quantitative results obtained through mixed effects regression modelling. The analysis identifies innovative changes in the phonology of New Zealand English and proposes a number of potential explanatory factors. These include a) historical and current social and geographical transience and mobility, b) historical and present-day language contact with Maori and c) a relatively global outlook on contemporary New Zealand culture. These important present-day influences on the ongoing evolution of New Zealand English are discussed and evaluated. The research findings demonstrate the interpretive value of attitudinal data and close attention to the local context when these are used to complement quantitative analysis.

References Cheshire, Jenny, Paul Kerswill, Sue Fox & Eivind Torgersen 2011. Contact, the feature pool and the speech community: The emergence of Multicultural London English. Journal of Sociolinguistics 15 (2): 151–196. Dyer, Judy 2002. ‘We all speak the same around here’: Dialect levelling in a Scottish-English community. Journal of Sociolinguistics 6 (1): 99–116. Dyer, Judy 2010. Migration, national identity and the reallocation of forms. In Carmen Llamas & Dominic Watt (eds.), Language and Identities, 205–216. Edinbrugh: Edinburgh University Press. Gregersen, Frans, Jeffrey K. Parrott & Pia Quist (eds.) 2011. Language Variation – European Perspectives III. Selected papers from the 5th international conference on language variation in Europe (ICLaVE 5), Copenhagen, June 2009. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Llamas, Carmen 2007. ‘A place between places’: Language and identities in a border town. Language in Society 36 (4): 579–604. Llamas, Carmen 2010. Convergence and divergence across a national border. In Carmen Llamas & Dominic Watt (eds.), Language and Identities, 227–236. Edinbrugh: Edinburgh University Press. Stuart-Smith, Jane, Clare Timmins & Fiona Tweedie 2007. ‘Talkin’ Jockney’? Variation and change in Glaswegian accent. Journal of Sociolinguistics 11 (2): 221–260.

SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION IN USE OF ‘BROW-RAISE’ IN NEW ZEALAND SIGN LANGUAGE RACHEL MCKEE [email protected] DAVID MCKEE [email protected]

Keywords: signed language, brow raise, topic and focus, ethnic variation, gender variation

The patterned use of brow-raising in signed languages is described as an intonational feature of ‘visual prosody’ (Meir & Sandler 2008), and plays a role in the expression of various syntactic and pragmatic functions in numerous signed languages. Drawing on a corpus of conversational data from 150 Deaf NZSL signers, this paper will report an analysis of sociolinguistic variation in the use of brow-raise in relation to signers' gender and ethnicity. Gender variation in this feature has been reported in Irish Sign Language. Ethnicity as a factor is of particular interest because brow-raising is commonly observed as a facial gesture of non-deaf Māori, in the context of acknowledging an interlocutor or signalling confirmation. It is also possible that brow-raise in signers may parallel features prevalent in Māori speech - high-rise terminal intonation (Britain, 1992) and the end-tag 'eh' (Meyerhoff, 1992) - which have a pragmatic function of creating solidarity between interlocutors. Preliminary analysis of brow-raise tokens in a sample of data from 20 signers in the NZSL corpus (comprising 10 male, 10 female, 5 Maori, 10 Pakeha, 1 Pasifika) reveals that, of the five signers who produced the most tokens of brow-raise, four were Māori. This preliminary finding suggests that Deaf Māori may be transferring a non-deaf facial gesture into their use of NZSL – in addition to the conventional linguistic functions associated with brow-raise in signed languages. As such, brow-raise may be a prosodic feature that indexes a Māori conversational style in NZSL.

ORDERLY DEMISE: LANGUAGE OBSOLESCENCE AS A PRINCIPLED PROCESS FELICITY MEAKINS [email protected]

Keywords: Mixed languages, case alignment, Gurindji Kriol

Languages undergoing accelerated change as the result of language obsolescence are often characterised as displaying high levels of variation and optionality in comparison with conservative varieties of the language. These characteristics are assumed to be a symptom of a lack of systematicity and are often not explored further. For example, Schmidt (1985) observes that the ergative marker only applies variably in Young People's Dyirbal but does not examine whether the optionality is rule-governed in anyway. In this paper I argue that, while variation and optionality in grammatical systems is one effect of language obsolescence, these changes are nonetheless highly principled. Furthermore they often represent an increase in linguistic complexity rather than reduction or simplification which is often described for situations of language obsolescence (Dorian, 1989; Janse & Tol, 2003). I use two Australian case studies of the changes in the noun class system of Jingulu and changes in the case structure of Gurindji Kriol to argue for a more nuanced approach to language obsolescence. Jingulu (non Pama-Nyungan, Australia) is a traditional language of northern Australia which was first documented by Chadwick in the 1970s and later by Pensalfini in the 1990s. During this time, Jingulu underwent a number of changes including in the noun class system. Jingulu distinguishes four genders: masculine (I), feminine (II), vegetable (III) and neuter (IV). NP modifiers such as adjectives and demonstratives generally show agreement in gender with the head noun, however Pensalfini (1999) also observes that modifiers can optionally 'disagree' with their head. Disagreement is principled and hierarchical with masculine-marked modifiers optionally found with heads of all four genders and neuter-marked modifiers optionally found with heads of the vegetable gender. This system was not in place when Chadwick first documented the language 20 years prior, suggesting the phenomenon described is the result of language change. Gurindji Kriol is a mixed language spoken in northern Australia. It exhibits high levels of variation which manifests as perpetually emergent and competing grammars among speakers. Nonetheless this variation is rule- governed, resulting in synchronically autonomous linguistic systems. For example the ergative-absolutive case alignment system of Gurindji evolved into an optional ergative system in the formation of Gurindji Kriol and has since evolved into a marked nominative system (Meakins, to appear 2104). The speech of a new generation of Gurindji Kriol speakers demonstrates further evolution of the alignment system with syncretism within the case paradigm occurring between the dative and ergative case forms..

References Dorian, N. (1989). Investigating obsolescence: Studies in language contraction and death. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Janse, M., & Tol, S. (Eds.). (2003). Language Death and Language Maintenance: Theoretical, Practical and Descriptive Approaches. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Meakins, F. (to appear 2104). From absolutely optional to only nominally ergative: The life cycle of the Gurindji Kriol ergative suffix. In N. Amiridze, P. Arkadiev & F. Gardani (Eds.), Borrowed Morphology. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Pensalfini, R. (1999). Optional disagreement and the case for feature hierarchies. Chicago Linguistics Society, 35, 343-353. Schmidt, A. (1985). The fate of ergativity in dying Dyirbal. Language, 61, 378-396.

BORROWING UNDER PRESSURE: THE DISTRIBUTION AND SIGNIFICANCE OF BORROWINGS IN NKEP (VANUATU) MIRIAM MEYERHOFF [email protected]

Keywords: Vanuatu, apparent time, endangered language

Language contact affords speakers a bridge between multiple languages. However, borrowing is often seen as a threat – not a bridge between linguistic resources, but a threatening incursion. This ideology may be particularly strong among lay speakers (King 2008), and it may be acute in a community where speakers feel their language is endangered (Dubois & Horvath 1999). This affords the sociolinguist with an opportunity to assist. If borrowing is an index of communal language shift, we might expect to find differences in apparent time (cf. Labov 2008, Meakins 2011). But to our knowledge, this systematic investigation of borrowing is rare, bridging as it does the methods, principles and concerns of variationist sociolinguistics and language documentation. This paper presents data from a community in Vanuatu, where the 1000 speakers are concerned about the continued vitality of their local language. Members of the community actively involved in the documentation work express concern about borrowings from Bislama (the national language) in narratives told in the local language, N’kep. But we can distinguish qualitatively between borrowings: all speakers borrow Bislama discourse markers like ale ‘so’ and be ‘but’ (cf. Matras 2009), but children also have lexical gaps which they fill with Bislama words, e.g. (1) (Bislama lexemes underlined; N’kep equivalents italics).

(1) Necar pentem (mklep) ün kala (neiria) vorce. ‘Flying fox paints [the parrot] in lots of colours.’

Our N’kep corpus includes stories told by speakers: over 60, in their 30s and 40s and under 11. Additionally, we have meta-commentary provided by speakers in their 20s. A pilot study of nine speakers (2800 words) showed: (i) little interindividual variation in the rate of borrowed types/number of words total (typical rate: 0.01- 0.03, cf. Poplack et al. 1988); but (ii) considerable interindividual variation in type:token ratio (0.3-1.0, with no clear relationship with the rates in (i)); (iii) older speakers seldom use N’kep prefixes with borrowed Ns/Vs, but younger speakers do; (iv) a tendency for borrowings to occur at crucial narrative junctures (cf. Matras 2009).

The data suggests that borrowings do not indicate incipient language loss, and instead bridge systems and flag crucial moments of interpersonal alignment.

References Dubois, Sylvie & Barbara Horvath. 1999. When the music changes, you change too: Gender and language change in Cajun English. Language Variation and Change 11: 287-313. King, Ruth. 2008. Chiac in context: Overview and evaluation of Acadie’s joual. In M. Meyerhoff & N. Nagy (eds.) Social Lives in Language – Sociolinguistics and multilingual speech communities: Celebrating the work of Gillian Sankoff. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 137-178. Labov, William. 2008. Mysteries of the substrate. In M. Meyerhoff & N. Nagy (eds.) Social Lives in Language – Sociolinguistics and multilingual speech communities: Celebrating the work of Gillian Sankoff. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 315-326. Matras, Yaron. 2009. Language contact. Cambridge, UK ; New York: Cambridge University Press. Meakins, Felicity. 2011. Case-marking in Contact: The development and function of case morphology in Gurindji Kriol. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Polack, Shana, David Sankoff and Christopher Miller. 1988. The social correlates and linguistic processes of lexical borrowing and assimilation. Linguistics 26: 47-104.

TWO PHONOLOGIES: A CASE STUDY OF DELHI BORN MALAYALEE CHILDREN CATERINE MICHAEL [email protected]

Keywords: two phonological systems, language choice, dental and alveolar nasals, voicing of stops

The present study focuses on the issues related to the two phonological systems that co-exist in the repertoire of the Malayalee children born in Delhi. The Malayalee children who are locally born in Delhi have variations in terms of their language choice. Malayalam is spoken within the family, the extended family networks back in Kerala, and members of the Malayalee community in Delhi. Hindi, being the language of the local speech community, is used within peers together with English. As only one language is generally used at a time, it would be logical to assume that the children would be able to keep the two phonologies separate. However, this study shows that aspects of the phonological system of Malayalam are being altered in the speech of those locally born. The study also shows that the language spoken at home is influenced by the language spoken in the local community, which is a reverse pattern than what one would assume. Further, we cannot ascertain that one language is more dominant than the other, as the dominance of one language over the other is contextual. The study addresses and explores questions such as (i) to what extent do the two phonological systems interact or are kept separate in the speech of the Malayalee-Hindi Bilingual children (ii) what are the factors that influence the use of one phonological system over the other. The study is based on speech data collected from three families in Delhi and three families from Kerala. The data was collected through interactive sessions in the presence of the family members. For the sake of comparison similar data was also collected from three families in Kerala. The study is carried out in a variation and change framework and the results presented are quantitative in nature. For analysis, the two variables tested were (a) dental and alveolar nasals, (where both are present in Malayalam but only alveolar nasals are present in Hindi) (b) Voicing of stop sounds (Malayalam has a tendency to voice the stop sounds unlike Hindi).

EXOGAMY, MULTILINGUALISM, AND MICROVARIATION: LANGUAGE ECOLOGY IN BIMADBN VILLAGE, PAPUA NEW GUINEA JULIA COLLEEN MILLER [email protected]

Keywords: Exogamy, Multilingualism, Phonetics

Bimabdn village is located in the Morehead District of Western Province in southern New Guinea. One salient areal feature in Morehead region is the practice of patrilineal clan exogamy, typically manifesting as direct sister exchange (detailed anthropological descriptions are available in Ayres (1983) and Williams (1936)). This exchange results in the woman adopting a virilocal residence and a new language. Exogamy pairs are ideally based on differences in location (a woman marries outside of her village) and clan (she marries someone of a different clan). Ideally, she should observe both rules. Otherwise, the next preference is to marry someone from her village, but from a different clan. It is not the case that a woman needs to speak a different language from her potential husband. Unlike findings of Stanford (2009, 2012) in his studies of clan exogamy and linguistic variation, clan membership is not a dominant factor in predicting inter-speaker variation. In the Bimabdn exogamy exchange network, a speaker’s village is a larger language unit than the clan. The predominant language spoken in the Bimadbn village is Nen. It is a member of the Morehead-Maro language group of Papuan languages. Other languages in this exchange network include Nambu, Nama (Morehead- Maro) and Idi (Pahoturi). This paper introduces issues of demography, social organization, clan affiliation, dialect, and their effects on language variation. Key linguistic features that will be discussed are those that have been targeted in previous field trips as known variations in the phonemic inventories of the dialects/languages that make up the exogamous groups: Nen vs. Nambu, Neme (Evans, 2012): • Smaller fricative inventory, notably missing the f,v and ɸ β found in Nambu • Lacks the velar nasal • Loss of nasal element in prenasalised stops: NC -> C / #__ /mbrmbr/ -> [brmbr] • d retained (Némé (Morehead-Maro), spoken in Keru) preceding [i], in Nen di->zi, dzi, or dʒi Nen vs. Idi (Evans, 2012) • Nen has no retroflex series, unlike Idi • Nen labial-velar stop consonants: kpw ͡ -> kw, gbw ͡ -> gw for some speakers of Idi I will draw out the connections between the variation in these features and the above-described exogamous practices.

References Ayres, Mary. 1983. This side, that side: Locality and exogamous group definition in Morehead area, Southwestern Papua. PhD Dissertation, University of Chicago. Evans, Nicholas. 2012. Even more diverse than we had thought: The multiplicity of Trans-Fly languages. Stanford, James N. 2009. Clan as a sociolinguistic variable. In James Stanford & Dennis Preston (eds.), Variation in indigenous minority languages. Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins. Stanford, James N. 2012. One size fits all? Dialectometry in a small clan-based indigenous society. Language Variation and Change, 24, pp 247-278. Williams, F. E. 1936. Papuans of the Trans-Fly. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

ON THE CHANGE OF ALLOPHONES OF /G/ IN JAPANESE: A QUANTITATIVE ANALYSIS BASED ON LARGE-SCALE SURVEYS SATOSHI NAMBU [email protected] YOSHIYUKI ASAHI [email protected] MASAO AIZAWA [email protected]

Keywords: language change, Japanese, velar nasal, large-scale survey

We examined a change over time of voiced velar allophones in Japanese, using data from large-scale surveys. The allophones of /g/, which is realized as [ɡ] or [ŋ], mainly appear in word-internal positions, such as doogu ‘tool’. As is well known, the use of [ŋ] as the allophone has been decreasing in Tokyo Japanese (Kindaichi 1942; Hibiya 1995). We drew our data from large-scale surveys in Sapporo and Furano in Hokkaido Prefecture, which were conducted by the National Language Research Institute in 1986-88. It is worth noting that data from the surveys in 80’s is highly valuable in that we can analyze the change in progress that is nearly complete at the present time. Our data includes 332 informants from Sapporo and 287 from Furano, and each informant has 29 tokens of the variants (Aizawa 1994,1995). Figure 1 shows the decrease of the use of [ŋ] over time in the same way as Tokyo Japanese. In Figure 2, the relationship between birth years and the phonological conditions represent the existence of ‘orderly heterogeneity’ (Weinreich et al. 1968). For instance, when C of CV that precedes /g/ is nasal, the rates of [ŋ] is the highest amongst the conditions through birth years, except the younger ones in Furano that represent a strong assimilation effect when a nasal occurs right before /g/. Furthermore, our data indicates that the change is above the level of social awareness, as in the case of Tokyo Japanese (Hibiya 1995); the rates of [ŋ] in a word list style are always higher than the ones in a sentence style. Due to the stylistic difference related to formality between the two groups (cf. Labov 1972), the results support the idea of change from above; the prestigious form of /g/ is [ɡ]. To confirm the observations, we conducted a logistic regression analysis using Rbrul (Johnson 2009), and the results indicate that the effects of birth year, the phonological conditions, and style are statistically significant. In this study, we are also going to argue the relationship between the regional difference (e.g., difference in overall rates of [ŋ]) and the change.

GRAZING IN NEW PASTURES: INTEGRATING MULTIPLE ANALYTIC PRACTICES ON SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION IN INDONESIAN SIGN LANGUAGE VARIETIES NICK PALFREYMAN [email protected]

Keywords: sign language variation, second and third wave, identity and social meaning, Indonesian sign language varieties

Much of the recent sociolinguistic research on sign languages has explored correlations between linguistic variables and macro-sociological categories such as sex, ethnicity, region and age (Lucas et al. 2001, Schembri et al. 2009, McCaskill et al. 2011). Less attention has been given to the so-called second and third ‘waves’ of analytic practice that have enriched sociolinguistic studies of spoken languages (Eckert 2012). In this paper, I look at how our understanding of sign language variation can be enhanced through techniques such as mapping exercises, ethnographic observation, and meta-linguistic discussion with native sign language users. In particular, the application of these techniques to urban sign language varieties in Indonesia has generated several insights into the social meaning of variation among sign language users. - Differences between female and male signers in the use of non-manual features and the size of the sign space are reported to have important social purposes. - Some signers in Java borrow mouthings from Javanese, a language known for its speech levels (Uhlenbeck 1970); interestingly, these speech levels are not used to shape social distinctions within the sign community, yet switching between Indonesian and Javanese mouthings does have an indexical function. - Most large Indonesian cities have several deaf schools, and exposure to variants that are specific to a given deaf school can have long-lasting implications for a signer’s repertoire. Adult signers sometimes make revealing choices depending on the school attended by their interlocutor(s). - Incidental expressions of sociolinguistic identity and practice in spontaneous discourse and on social media suggest the existence of tension between local/regional identities and national/political ideals. - Heightened meta-linguistic awareness can lead to hypercorrection in favour of so-called ‘heritage’ forms (Turner 2006). It has not always been possible to successfully apply practices from spoken language research to Indonesian sign communities, and I highlight some of the associated difficulties that I have encountered along the way. Nonetheless, the findings from Indonesia show that the integration of multiple analytic practices has much to offer to sociolinguistic research on sign languages, leading to a clearer picture of how sign language users express social meaning through variation.

References Eckert, Penelope (2012) Three waves of variation study: The emergence of meaning in the study of sociolinguistic variation. Annual Review of Anthropology. 41: 87–100 Lucas, Ceil, Robert Bayley and Clayton Valli (2001) Sociolinguistic variation in American Sign Language. Washington DC: Gallaudet University Press. McCaskill, Carolyn, Ceil Lucas, Robert Bayley and Joseph Hill (2011) The hidden treasure of Black ASL: Its history and structure. Washington DC: Gallaudet University Press. Schembri, Adam, David McKee, Rachel McKee, Sara Pivac, Trevor Johnston and Della Goswell (2009) Phonological variation and change in Australian and New Zealand sign languages: The location variable. Language Variation and Change 21: 193-231. Turner, Graham (2006) Why protect heritage sign languages? International Journal of Applied Linguistics 16:3 409-13. Uhlenbeck, Eugenius (1970) The use of respect forms in Javanese. In Stephen Wurm and Donald Laycock (eds) Pacific Linguistic Studies in Honour of Arthur Capell. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics (Research School of Pacific Studies, Australian National University), 441-466.

MORPHOLOGICAL INSTABILITY: ACCOUNTING FOR VARIABILITY IN THE FORMS OF PROTO-MALAYO-POLYNESIAN PRONOUNS LAWRENCE A. REID [email protected]

Keywords: Dual pronoun, Proto-Malayo-Polynesian, Reconstruction

This paper claims that one cause of variability in languages has its source in morphological instability, a condition that results from a semantic change in one of the members of a paradigmatic set, such as pronouns, that produces a typological anomaly in other members of the set that happen to share the same form. The cases that are discussed in this paper relate to the variant forms of the first person inclusive and second person plural pronouns in Philippine languages. Evidence for the reconstruction to Proto-Malayo-Polynesian (PMP) of a dual pronoun such as is found in Philippine languages has appeared in print (Reid 2009), but alternate explanations for much of the same data, such as drift, have also appeared in print (Liao 2008, Blust 2009 [2013]), based partly on the wide range of variant forms that have developed for the corresponding first person inclusive pronoun that appear in Malayo-Polynesian languages today. The paper will review the evidence provided in Reid (2009) that the common extender -mu, which in many languages distinguishes a first person inclusive pronoun from its restricted dual counterpart and which appears to be cognate with a second person singular pronoun, could not have been a second singular pronoun when first added, but must have been added prior to the shift of Proto-Austronesian *mu ‘GEN.2PL’ to a singular pronoun in PMP. It will then claim that morphological instability resulting from the semantic change resulted not only in variation in PMP, but also in the addition of additional extenders and/or the replacement of the reflex of PMP *mu by a linguistically more appropriate extender, conditioned primarily on the inappropriateness of the extender following its semantic shift from a plural to a singular pronoun. Reconstructed PMP second person plural pronouns likewise show variant forms that can also be accounted for by the need to distinguish plural forms from singular, following the shift in PMP of PAn *=mu from a plural to a singular pronoun.

References Blust, Robert A. 1977. The Proto-Austronesian pronouns and Austronesian subgrouping: A preliminary report. University of Hawaii Working Papers in Linguistics 9(2):1–15. Blust, Robert A. 2009 [2013]. Austronesian languages. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. [2013 revised edition on-line at: http://pacling.anu.edu.au/ materials/Blust2013Austronesian.pdf] Liao, Hsiu-Chuan. 2008. A typology of first person dual pronouns and their reconstructibility in Philippine languages. Oceanic Linguistics 47(1):1–29. Reid, Lawrence A. 2009. The reconstruction of a dual pronoun to Proto Malayo- Polynesian. In Discovering history through language. Papers in honour of Malcolm Ross, ed. by Bethwyn Evans, 461–477. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics

COUNTING THE DIFFERENCE: VARIATION IN THE NUMERAL SYSTEMS OF JAPANESE, TAIWAN AND SOUTH KOREAN SIGN LANGUAGE KEIKO SAGARA [email protected] NICK PALFREYMAN [email protected]

Keywords: sign language variation and change, numerals, Japanese Sign Language, TSL, SKSL

This paper examines variation in the expression of numerals in Japanese Sign Language (JSL), focusing on variants of 10, 100, 1000 – and their multiples – in Kanto and Kansai, two heavily-populated regions of Japan. In the Kansai region, the numerals 10, 100 and 1000 are traditionally shown using contact between the thumb and selected fingers of the dominant hand, whereby the number of selected fingers corresponds with the number of zeros in the numeral. This was once a highly productive system, but its productivity has lessened over time. An alternative set of variants is prevalent in the Kanto region of Japan, using numeral incorporation to express multiples of 10, 100 and 1000. Quantitative analysis of data obtained from 42 signers of different ages (using Rbrul, Johnson 2008) confirms that older Kansai signers prefer traditional variants. While younger Kansai signers are more likely to use Kanto variants for 10 and 100, use of the Kansai system for 1000 is much more prevalent. It may be that this particular sign functions as an indexical marker of Kansai identity, although this hypothesis must be tested further. There has been historical contact between JSL, Taiwan Sign Language (TSL) and South Korea Sign Language (SKSL) (Fischer and Gong 2011), and there are interesting links between them. For example, both of the variant systems described above are used in SKSL: the time 10:10 can be expressed simultaneously in a single composite sign with a different variant for ‘10’ on each hand. Meanwhile, contact between Japan and Taiwan, described by Sasaki (2007), has led to the burgeoning of the different variant systems in different parts of Taiwan: Taipei, in the north, and Tainan in the south (Sagara 2014). This presentation contributes to the growing literature on sign language variation (Schembri and Johnston 2013), particularly in the domain of number (cf. Stamp 2013 on BSL). Analysis through mixed effect logistic regression is combined with findings taken from a larger typological survey (Zeshan and Sagara 2014) to shed light on diachronic variation and the diffusion of variant forms across Japan, Taiwan and South Korea.

References Fischer, Susan and Qunhu Gong (2011) Variation in East Asian sign language structures. In Diane Brentari (ed) Sign Languages. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 499–518. Johnson, Daniel Ezra (2008). Getting off the GoldVarb standard: Introducing Rbrul for mixed-effects variable rule analysis. Language and Linguistics Compass 3.359-383. Sagara, Keiko (2014). A cross-linguistic comparison of number systems in sign languages, with particular attention to Japanese Sign Language. MPhil thesis, University of Central Lancashire. Sasaki, Daisuke (2007) Part Two: Lexical Comparisons: Comparing the Lexicons Japanese Sign Language and Taiwan Sign Language: A Preliminary Study Focusing on the Difference in the Handshape Parameter. In Sign Languages in Contact. Washington, D.C.: Gallaudet University Press. Schembri, Adam & Trevor Johnston (2013). Sociolinguistic variation and change in sign languages. In: R. Bayley, R. Cameron & C. Lucas (Eds.), Oxford Handbook of Sociolinguistics (pp. 503-524). Oxford: Oxford University Press Stamp, Rose (2013) Sociolinguistic variation, language change and contact in the British Sign Language (BSL) lexicon. PhD thesis, UCL, London. Zeshan, Ulrike & Keiko Sagara (2014) Semantic fields in sign languages. Berlin: de Gruyter & Ishara Press.

LEXICAL FREQUENCY AND APPLICABILITY OF RENDAKU, AND ITS PRODUCTIVITY SHIN-ICHIRO SANO [email protected]

Keywords: Phonology, morphophonological rule, lexical property, corpus

Background: Rendaku is one of the morphophonological processes in Japanese, where an initial consonant of the second noun becomes voiced in compounding (e.g. /oo+tako/ → [oo+dako] ‘big octopus’) [2-5, 14-16]. However, not all compounds undergo this voicing process; namely, Rendaku shows the variability. The prior works have identified various kinds of factors that affect Rendaku, both from the grammatical viewpoint (Rendaku as a morphophonological rule) [3, 10] and the lexical viewpoint (Rendaku as a lexical property) [9, 15, 16]. The role of lexical frequency [1, 11, 12], however, has yet to be empirically tested. With this background, this study presents a corpus-based examination of the effect of lexical frequency on the applicability of Rendaku. Furthermore, the validity of the Rendaku rule in terms of its productivity is also examined.

Method: Firstly, the number of voiced variants and its voiceless counterparts, occurring as a second noun in any other compounding, is calculated for each second noun of the test items. Subsequently, I examined the matching of the voicing value of the test items and of their frequent variants. I hypothesize that if lexical frequency plays a role in determining the applicability of Rendaku, the voicing value of the test items matches the one of their frequent variants. Data was retrieved from [7] using the search engine [8], resulting in 2,640 tokens. Secondly, to test the productivity of the Rendaku rule, I examined the voicing value of the items that show the variability in spontaneous speeches and the one in dictionary entries [13]. Data was retrieved from [6], producing 722 tokens.

Results: Firstly, the voicing value of the test items matched the one of their frequent variants in two-thirds of the cases, partially supporting the effect of lexical frequency. Secondly, voiced variants were predominant in three-fourths of the cases in spontaneous speeches, although these items are listed as voiceless in dictionary entries, suggesting that the Rendaku rule is productively applied beyond the learned knowledge.

STUDYING A RESTRUCTURED VARIETY IN A MULTILINGUAL CONTEXT SHOBHA SATYANATH [email protected]

Keywords: Restructured Variety, Nagamese, Hybridity

Nagamese is a restructured variety of Assamese spoken throughout Nagaland by various Naga communities. Kohima, the capital town of Nagaland provides an interesting site as almost all Naga linguistic communities can be found in the town. Nagamese coexists along with several Naga languages and is acquired in early childhood. An important fact that has not received adequate attention (in the scant literature1) is the presence of extensive bilingualism in Kohima. Children often grow up speaking languages of both their parents in the case of cross-linguistic marriages. Nagamese is acquired in addition to the home languages. Even though Naga languages typologically form a fairly cohesive group, there are variations within and across languages in their nominal and verbal structures as well as in phonology. For instance, some Naga languages show elaborate tense markings as opposed to the more general two-way distinction between future and non-future. Differences exist in the position of negative marker, adjectives and in number marking. Based on conversational speech data collected from Kohima town from eight different Naga linguistic groups (being analyzed) the study focuses on the nominal and verbal structures to explore answers to the following questions:

a. To what extent Nagamese is modeled on different Naga languages? b. What is the nature of contribution from Assamese beyond lexicon? c. Considering that much of the population of the Kohima town has migrated from different parts of Nagaland, to what extent does Nagamese represent a unified structure consistent across different Naga linguistic groups? d. Are there significant variations beyond phonology that can be attributed to individual Naga languages?

Though the lexicon comes essentially from Assamese, the grammar does not show a neat split between noun and verb morphology, nor does it seem to be simply a case of lexicon-grammar split. The findings allow us to assess the nature of hybridity of Nagamese in the light of the on-going debates on mixed languages.

1 One of the earliest work on Nagamese is Sreedhar (1974).

References Sreedhar, M.V. 1974. Naga Pidgin: a socio-linguistic study of inter-lingual communication pattern in Nagaland. Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages.

SOCIAL PRESSURES CONDITION RANUKI IN THE POTENTIAL FORM OF JAPANESE VERBS STACEY SHERWOOD [email protected]

Keywords: Japanese, Social Pressures, Social Variation, Gender, Workplace, Sociolinguistics

In Japanese verbs with vowel-final roots, the standard potential mood suffix -rare is sometimes realised in a reduced form -re by deleting the syllable ra. What conditions the variation between long, -rare, and short, -re, allomorphs is unclear. Prescriptive grammarians advocate using the long form of the potential suffix, but the short form can be abundantly observed in speech and in written corpora (Ito & Mester, 2004). Using data collected from 40 native speakers in Fukuoka, Japan, this study focuses on determining the social factors which govern the phenomenon of ranuki ‘ra-dropping’ in the potential form of some Japanese verbs. To identify socially-relevant variation, data was elicited from four groups, Female students, Male students, Female workers and Male workers, using a questionnaire in an interview format. Participants were asked how they would say a given sentence to a friend or to a teacher/superior. This was done to compare usage patterns according to formality to determine if the short form of the suffix -re is a social choice based on style (Holmes, 2008). The frequency of ranuki varied substantially across groups. When addressing their teachers, Male students were more likely to use the short form (62%) than Female students (32%). For workers the effect of gender was reversed. Male workers used the short form when speaking to superiors (34%) less often than female workers (64%). When speaking with friends, however, both Male (64%) and Female (64%) workers had a tendency to use the short form. The results suggest that ranuki is heavily influenced by social pressures, identified in the different patterns of usage when speaking to superiors than when speaking to friends. Moreover, usage patterns interact with gender. This tendency reflects the complex nature of gender and workplace stereotypes in Japan, where creating the ideal worker image is seen as critical for career advancement (Nemoto, 2013). In line with recent work on the corporate gender divide in Japan, the interaction between gender and interlocutor in ranuki frequency suggests that males feel (and respond to) social pressure in the workplace to greater degree than females.

SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION IN HONG KONG SIGN LANGUAGE (HKSL) REBECCA SIU [email protected]

Keywords: variation, sign language, Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL)

Recent research in different signed languages indicates that sociolinguistic variation within signed languages parallels some patterns found in spoken languages, though with some distinctive factors pertaining to the former. To better understand variation in signed languages, it is essential to compare variation in signed languages in diverse regions of the world. This research aims to study sociolinguistic variation in Hong Kong Sign Language (HKSL), a regional sign language “spoken” by Deaf people in Hong Kong, focusing at lexical and phonological levels. This presentation shows the preliminary findings of 13 colour terms. 68 participants were recruited from the researcher’s networks in the HKSL community using the friend-of-a- friend method. Three types of data were collected: free conversation, lexical items and interview. A set of 120 flashcards with pictures and/or Chinese characters was used to elicit signs for the concepts represented, including 13 colour terms. The result shows that there are 4 or more variants for all the colour terms except the sign for yellow, which has no variants. Only phonological related variants are observed in the sign for red and white, whereas both phonological related and lexical variants are found in the other 10 colour terms. How social factors like age and gender, correlate with the lexical choices of participants will be discussed.

SAYING ‘NO’ IN A COMMUNITY OF PRACTICE: STANDARD AND DIALECTAL NEGATION AMONG JAPANESE IMMIGRANT WOMEN IN THE NETHERLANDS ANNA STRYCHARZ-BANAŚ [email protected]

Keywords: negation, Community of Practice, Japanese

Previous studies incorporating the Community of Practice framework, have explored its possible explanatory power with regards to creation and negotiation of identities (gendered or otherwise) (Bucholtz 1999; DeFina 2007), or the choice of a linguistic variant to delimit membership in a CofP (Eckert 2000; Mendoza-Denton 2008). In this paper, we will look at meanings developed and negotiated for a specific linguistic variant - Standard Japanese versus dialectal negation - in the CofP of expatriate Japanese women in The Netherlands. Data for the discussion come from a corpus of recorded spontaneous conversations among 12 Japanese expatriate women. Participants came from different parts of Japan, and are all volunteer members of ‘Women’s Club’ – a local organization for Japanese women. All the tokens of negation were extracted from the corpus, and coded for category (verb, noun, adjective, nominal adjective); tense; presence/ absence of honorific suffix and speaker’s origin. Dialect negation was only found in verbs in the present tense with no honorific suffix. Out of 481 tokens of negation, 301 (63%) constituted verbal negation. 19 tokens (6% of all verbal negation) are in dialect form. All the dialect tokens are Osaka variety of Japanese (OJ) (V+n and V+hen), even though speakers of other regional varieties are also represented in the sample. 11 tokens of OJ negation were uttered by OJ users, while 8 by users of other varieties. Interestingly, while speakers of OJ use both V+hen and V+n, only the latter variant is found in the speech of non-OJ users, thus suggesting that it is specifically this variant that has gained social meaning in this CofP. Combining quantitative and qualitative methods, we will therefore argue that in this CofP, the unmarked choice is SJ negation, while OJ negation has come to be used to achieve a specific interactional goal –marking the difference between ‘us’ and ‘them’, while simultaneously negatively evaluating the ‘other’. Our analysis is additionally supported by meta-data in the form of active policing of unwarranted use of OJ negation by CofP members.

LEXICAL VARIATIONS IN SIGNS OF SEXUAL BEHAVIOUR IN HONG KONG SIGN LANGUAGE FELIX SZE [email protected] WEI XIAO [email protected] WONG YIU LEUNG AARON [email protected]

Keywords: Lexical variations, gender, signs of sexual behaviour, Hong Kong Sign Language

This presentation is a progress report of an ongoing project that documents lexical variations in signs of sexual behaviour in Hong Kong Sign Language, with a focus on the formational strategies of neutral and euphemistic expressions, and whether gender plays a role in the choice of lexical variants. In the literature, it is often suggested that sex is a breeding ground for euphemistic expressions, given that it is a pervasive aspect of human life and is likely to induce embarrassment (Linfoot-Ham, 2005; Rawson 1981; Allan and Burridge, 1991). The social pressure for euphemism is higher for women, given that women tend to use more polite linguistic forms and are more hesitant to use taboos in public (Bakhtiar, 2011; Hysi 2011). To find out whether this is the case in HKSL, we invited over 30 signers of different ages, gender and schooling background to participate in a lexical survey of over 100 target signs. Preliminary observations of 30 core vocabularies by 16 signers (8 males and 8 females, age 27 to 56) from the same deaf school suggest that there aren’t significant variations in the neutral expressions of these vocabularies, as most of them involve classifier predicates that iconically depict the sexual organs or acts. However, for certain gender-oriented concepts such as RAPE/BE-RAPED, female signers have lexical variants with their own bodies assuming the patient role. Regarding euphemistic expressions, idiosyncratic variations are observed and gender appears to play some role. The most commonly-seen euphemistic strategies include avoidance of specific handshapes that represent sexual organs (e.g. WHOLE-BODY^NEW for VIRGIN), metaphors (e.g., EGG^STICKY for SEMEN), loan expressions from spoken language (e.g., BUG for SEMEN; CHICK for PROSTITUTE) and non-manual signals (e.g., tongue-pushing under one’s cheek for FEMALE-BREAST). Female signers have a slight tendency to use more euphemistic expressions, especially for concepts that would cause embarrassment to females, e.g., MENSTRUATION. These euphemistic variants appear idiosyncratic, probably due to the fact that signers use them with their peers or partners to escape the eyes of the public and these signs are seldom circulated outside of the signers’ social circles.

THE ACTUATION OF THE SHIFT FROM WORD-MEDIAL [ŋ] TO [ɡ] IN TOKYO JAPANESE TIMOTHY J. VANCE [email protected]

Keywords: Tokyo Japanese, word-meidal [ŋ], actuation, koiné

At NWAV-AP2, Junko Hibiya reviewed research on the shift (still in progress but nearing completion) from word- medial [ŋ] to [ɡ] in Tokyo “standard” Japanese. Kindaichi (1942) showed that the speakers leading the change were from the Yamanote area (western Tokyo), which contains many middle- and upper-class residential neighborhoods (Hibiya 1999:106). Since medial [ɡ] is associated with high-prestige speakers, it is not surprising that [ŋ] has been losing ground. A remaining issue, however, is what Weinreich et al. (1968:102) called the “actuation problem.” That is, using Mufwene’s (2001) terminology, how did pronunciations with [ɡ] get into the population of variants so that linguistic change had something to work on? Hibiya (1999:111) says, “The change must have started in the early twentieth century . . .” As she notes, well- known descriptions of late 19th-century Tokyo pronunciation by foreigners report word-medial [ŋ] (Hepburn 1872:xv; Chamberlain 1886:2). There is, however, a contradictory report in a less well-known but meticulous description by the American geologist Benjamin Lyman, who worked in Japan from 1873 until 1880. Lyman (1878:17) claimed that medial [ŋ] was not a Tokyo characteristic but “only a provincial variation.” This paper will argue that medial [ɡ] arose in the Yamanote area because the dialect spoken there in the late 19th century was a koiné (Siegel 2010:154) involving contributions from speakers from all over Japan who flooded into the new capital. Previously, the Yamanote area had been home to samurai families, also from all over Japan, because of an anti-rebellion policy requiring the lord of each domain to spend alternate years in Edo (i.e., Tokyo), with his wife and heir remaining permanently as hostages. Japanese dialectologists (e.g., Hirayama 1998:171) regard medial [ŋ] as an eastern feature, and as Chamberlain (1907:16) noted, “In western Japan, g retains its hard pronunciation in all situations.” Lyman’s house was in the Yamanote area, and his circle of upper-class acquaintances was presumably the source of his notion that [ŋ] was a provincialism. In any case, his report provides clear evidence that medial [ɡ] was already in play well before the beginning of the 20th century.

References Chamberlain, Basil Hall. 1886. A Simplified Grammar of the Japanese Language. London: Trübner & Co. Chamberlain, Basil Hall. 1907. A Handbook of Colloquial Japanese, 4th ed. London: Crosby Lockwood & Son. Hibiya, Junko. 1999. Variationist Sociolinguistics. The Handbook of Japanese Linguistics, ed. by Natsuko Tsujimura, 101–120. Oxford: Blackwell. Hirayama 1998. Zen-Nihon no hatsuon to akusento. Nihongo hatsuon akujsento jiten, ed. by NHK Hōsō Bunka Kenkyūjo, 123–173. Tōkyō: Nihon Hōsō Shuppankai. Kindaichi, Haruhiko. 1942. Ga-gyō bionron. Gendai Nihongo no kenkyū, ed. by Kokugogaku Shinkōkai, 197–247. Tokyo: Hakusuisha. Lyman, Benjamin Smith. 1878. Notes on Japanese Grammar. Yokohama: Japan Weekly Mail. Mufwene, Salikoko S. 2001. The Ecology of Language Evolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Siegel, Jeff. 2010. Second Dialect Acquisition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Weinreich, Uriel, William Labov, and Marvin I. Herzog. 1968. Empirical Foundations for a Theory of Language Change. Directions for Historical Linguistics: A Symposium, ed. by Winfred P. Lehmann and Yakov Malkiel, 95–195. Austin: University of Texas Press.

MEASURING MOVING MONOPHTHONGS IN MĀORI CATHERINE WATSON [email protected] JEANETTE KING PETER KEEGAN MARGARET MACLAGAN RAY HARLOW

Keywords: Māori, Sound Change, Monophthongs

To investigate the influence of English on Māori we examine the movements of /e e:/ and /u u:/ in Māori, and compare them to the movements of the DRESS, TRAP and GOOSE vowels in New Zealand English (NZE) through data from 62 bilingual speakers of Māori (male and female) born over a span of 100 years. For the first time we present the findings from the entire database, not a subset (e.g. [1,2,3]). In order to remove speaker effects we developed the Vowel Space Movement measure (VSM) which assesses vowel movement over time within a vowel space. It is based on Euclidean distances of bark scaled formants and uses the point vowels to create reference points for vowel movements. In a small side study [4] we used the VSM to show that the movement NZE NURSE is correlated with the NZE DRESS and TRAP movements. Here we present the results of the study for which we specifically developed the VSM: assessing the linkages between sound change in Māori and NZE. We contrast these results with traditional formant analysis. Whilst the formant method was unable to give significant results for the female speakers (due to the idiosyncratic nature of the some of the speakers), the VSM is able to remove these speaker specific effects, and is able to provide statistically significant results for both Māori and New Zealand English. For the speakers born after 1980, both male and female, there has been a significant raising of /e e:/ and fronting of /u u:/ compared to speakers from the earlier eras. In addition there is a high correlation between the raising of the Māori /e e:/ and NZE DRESS and TRAP movements (with correlation values between 0.78 and 0.92, p<0.001), and between the fronting of the Māori /u u:/ and NZE GOOSE (with correlation values between 0.76 and 0.88, p<0.001). However NZE has not influenced all Māori vowels; although there is an acoustic similarity between the Māori short /i/ and NZE KIT for speakers born around 1880, the NZE KIT vowel movement has had no influence on the modern Māori short /i/.

AN APPARENT-TIME STUDY OF TONE CHANGE IN PROGRESS IN LALO CATHRYN YANG [email protected] JAMES STANFORD [email protected] ZHENGYU YANG [email protected]

Keywords: change in progress, sociotonetic, sociophonetic, China, tone, apparent time

Since Labov’s early work (e.g., 1963), sociolinguists have frequently examined change-in-progress on the segmental level, but much less is known about tone change-in-progress (Mok et al. 2013; Kang & Han 2013; Svantesson & House 2006). We conducted an acoustic sociophonetic apparent-time study of Lalo, a Tibeto-Burman language of China (Yang 2010). Hypothesis: The Lalo village of Qingyun is undergoing a tone change-in-progress as younger generations have later F0 peaks in Tone 1 voiced-initial syllables, setting the stage for a rising tone to develop. We recorded wordlists with 37 Lalo speakers in Qingyun Village (both genders, ages 23-75, 73 words/speaker). We extracted 2,000 tone tokens (Praat), converted to semitones, and normalized with a mid-level tone (Stanford 2008, 2013). The same speakers were given a perceptual identification task in which F0 was systematically adjusted. We ran mixed-effects models on Age and Gender, with Word and Onset-Type as random effects. Results showed that older speakers are more likely to have a steeper slope in the first one-third of the syllable (p=0.0012), and the F0 peak occurs earlier for older speakers (Figures 1-2). Gender was not significant. As for perception, mixed- effects analyses showed that listeners used multiple acoustic cues (consonant voicing (p<0.001), F0 onset (p<0.01), and non-flat contour (p<0.001)) to identify the voiced initial; in other words, a cue-trading relationship exists between F0 onset, contour and voicing. The age-based differences in peak-timing and slope suggest “peak-sliding” (Pittayaporn 2007), in which the F0 peak slides rightward across the syllable (cf. Thai’s high tone, Teeranon 2007). The perceptual results suggest that Lalo’s segment-tone interaction is not microprosody, but rather speaker-controlled and perceptually salient. By examining this process in apparent time, this study deepens our understanding of the intermediate stage in the phonologization of tone, suggesting that the emergence of a rising tone may be preceded by gradual temporal realignment and cue-trading. Finally, we speculate that contact with Mandarin’s rising Tone 2 may be a factor in this change, as younger speakers have more exposure to Standard Mandarin. Our Lalo study therefore provides a sociotonetic counterpart to the wider sociophonetic literature on segmental change-in-progress.

Figure 1: Example of age contrast: Each line Figure 2: Apparent-time plot showing the slope of 2 represents a single token of Tone 1 for (a) a 71 each token of Tone 1 for the 37 speakers, R =0.08, year-old woman (black lines) and (b) a 30 year-old p<0.0001. woman (green lines)

References Kang, Y. & S. Han. 2013. Tonogenesis in early Contemporary Seoul Korean: A longitudinal case study, Lingua, 134, 62-74. Labov, W. 1963. The social motivation of a sound change. Word 19:273-309. Mok, P. P. K., D. H. Zuo & P. W. Y. Wong. 2013. Production and perception of a sound change in progress: Tone merging in Hong Kong Cantonese. Language Variation and Change 25(3), 341-370. Pittayaporn, P. 2007. Directionality of tone change. In J. Trouvain & W. J. Barry (Eds.), Proceedings of the 16th International Congress of Phonetic Sciences (ICPhS XVI) (pp. 1421-1424). Saarbrücken, Germany: Saarland University. Stanford, J. N. (2008). A sociotonetic analysis of Sui dialect contact. Language Variation and Change 20(3):409-50. Stanford, J. N. (2013). Sociotonetic normalization and plotting in R [computer program]. Svantesson, J.-O., & House, D. 2006. Tone production, tone perception and Kammu tonogenesis. Phonology, 23, 309-333. Teeranon, P. 2007. The change of Standard Thai high tone: an acoustic study and a perceptual experiment. SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics, 4(3). Yang, C. 2010. Lalo regional varieties: Phylogeny, dialectometry, and sociolinguistics. Unpublished PhD dissertation, La Trobe University, Melbourne. 47

THE CHANGED AND THE UNCHANGED: A LANGUAGE ATTITUDE SURVEY ON NEUTRAL TONE VARIATION IN MODERN STANDARD CHINESE HUI ZHAO [email protected]

Keywords: Neutral Tone, Modern Standard Chinese, Prestige, Gender

There are four contour tones in Standard Chinese; however, when “neutralised”, a syllable can lose its original tone in certain positions (Norman, 1988). Standard Chinese has a limited use of neutral tone (Chen, 1999; Hu, 1986) while overuse and underuse are associated with regional dialects and non-standardness. This paper investigates native speakers’ attitude towards neutral tone variation in Standard Chinese to assess the presence, or lack thereof, of prestige status for the standard language among speakers of different dialects. As a social factor related to language standardness (Trudgill, 1972; Labov, 1990; Eckert & McConnell-Ginet, 2003), gender is also examined to further the understanding of symbolic power possessed by Chinese women (Zhang, 2005; Zhang, 2007). Data was collected from over 170 university students/graduates from three regions where different dialects are spoken (Beijing, Henan & Guangdong). An on-line language attitude questionnaire and a matched-guise test (Lambert, 1967) with occupation suitability ratings (Labov, 1972) were used to collect participants’ language background and ratings on six guises representing neutral tone variation (overuse, standard and underuse) in both genders. Focusing on differences across regions and gender groups, the study used quantitative methods to analyse self-reported language use data and implicit language attitude data from the matched-guise test. The paper presents participants’ language use and the prestige they associate with Standard Chinese with an emphasis on gender differences. Beijing participants self-reported to be the most standard in speaking Standard Chinese despite of the non- standardness of Beijing dialect. The standard guise received overt prestige across regions; however, a high overt prestige was found for the overuse guise associated with Beijing dialect. Results indicate that female participants use more standard language than male participants. Regarding occupation suitability, women are rated lower than men and surprisingly, are affected by the standardness of their speech to a lesser degree. Therefore, this paper argues that Beijing variety is challenging the status of Standard Chinese and gender differences shown suggest Chinese women are perceived to be less competent than men. This study illuminates the emergence of new prestigious standard and the persistent gender inequality in a country undergoing deep socioeconomic changes.

GETTING AROUND WELLINGTON The Pipitea Campus of Victoria University is centrally located, convenient to public transit and within comfortable walking distance of lots that the city has to offer. Wellington is a great city to walk in, but sometimes those hills can be daunting. There are a few options available for those who want to venture further from the city centre but don’t necessarily want to walk the whole way.

By bus There are a number of different bus companies that operate in the greater Wellington region. The buses you will most likely be interested in are: • Airport Flyer – service to and from the airport • To Courtenay Place from the Wellington Train Station – #14, 24, 43, 44 • To Cuba Street from the Wellington Train Station – #11, 24, 54 Just let the driver know where you’re trying to go and they’ll generally let you know when to get off. Bus details www.metlink.org.nz

By train Trains won’t get you around in Wellington proper, but if you have some free time and feel like exploring further afield, there’s decent service to many of the neighbouring towns/suburbs. You’ll have to do your own research on which ones to visit, but many are quite lovely. Train details www.tranzmetro.co.nz

By taxi There are a number of taxi companies operating in Wellington. They’re all comparable in price (which can be quite high), and most take Eftpos (direct debit) in the taxi itself. Kiwi Cabs Ltd www.kiwicabsltd.co.nz tel: 04 389 9999 or from cell: 0508 42 54 94 Wellington Combined Taxi Ltd www.taxis.co.nz tel: 04 384 4444 Green Cabs Ltd www.greencabs.co.nz tel: 0508 447 336

Cable-car There’s a cable-car that runs from Lambton Quay (downtown) up to the top of one of the hills. Cost is $4.00 one way, $7.00 return. Very useful if you want to explore the Botanical Gardens or Zealandia. Runs every 10 minutes. Info www.wellingtoncablecar.co.nz

PLACES TO EAT, DRINK AND BE MERRY Compiled by various graduate students at LALS, but mainly Micky Vale – thanks!

Part 1: Places to eat In general, you will have to book in advance for larger groups (6 people +) on weekend evenings. Especially at the waterfront places you may otherwise be looking at a waiting time of 2 hours or more.

WATERFRONT The Crab Shack NZ seafood, burgers and steaks. Mains around $20-$30. Bookings only accepted for groups of 10+ people. ph: 04 916 4250 http://crabshack.co.nz

One Red Dog Pizza, pasta and salads. Mains between $20 - $25 (or share larger pizzas for cheaper options). ph: 04 918 4723 http://onereddog.co.nz/wq/home.html

Wagamama Japanese ‘fast’ food (fairly generic but plentiful), seating on benches. Gorgeous view! Mains between $16.50 - $20.50 ph: 04 473 799 http://www.wagamama.co.nz/restaurants/queens-wharf- wellington

Other waterfront options are on the pricier end.

FEATHERSTON STREET Leuven Belgian Beer cafe Great selection of beers. Belgian food (meat, fish, salads, chips), excellent mussels ($20). Light platters from $17; main dishes between $18 - $30. This place gets very busy at night but it has a small private room (seats about 15) that may be booked in advance. ph: 04 499 2939 http://www.leuven.co.nz

Thunderbird American South West / Mexican inspired food (quesadillas, corn chips, nachos…) Mains around $16. Live music on Thursdays and Fridays. This is a small place and bookings are advised. ph: 04 499 1966 http://www.thunderbirdcafe.co.nz

There are also a number of hotel bars / restaurants in Featherston St, e.g. Portlander; but they may be more expensive.

COURTENAY PLACE Courtenay Place is a bit more of a hike from the conference location (map on next page), but if the weather’s decent it’s worth the trek. It’s convenient to Te Papa, and has a number of bars/clubs as well. There are a lot of restaurants on Courtenay Place. To name just a couple:

Sweet Mother’s Kitchen - http://www.sweetmotherskitchen.co.nz New Orleans / Mexican inspired food (sister restaurant to Thunderbird). Expect a long wait (they don’t do bookings) but they will take a phone number and ring you back once they have a table available. Mains between $15 - $25. ph: 04 385 4444 http://www.sweetmotherskitchen.co.nz 50 Bangalore Polo Club Varied bar menu with everything from curries to pizza to fish and chips and venison steak. Mains between $25 - $35. ph: 04 384 6416 http://www.bangalorepoloclub.co.nz

BLAIR / ALLEN ST (OFF COURTENAY PLACE) Dragons - http://www.wellingtondragons.co.nz Chinese restaurant with a great yum cha menu. Mains between $18 - $35, with set menus for 4-5 people from $28. ph: 04-384-3288 http://www.wellingtondragons.co.nz

Monsoon Poon Malaysian / Thai cuisine. Mains between $21 - $25 (rice $5). ph: 04 803 3555 http://www.monsoonpoon.co.nz/wellington-about/

Little India Indian chain of restaurants (there is another one in Cuba Mall). Mains between $15 - $25 ph: 04 3849989 http://www.littleindia.co.nz/wellington-blair-st

Big Dogs on Blair Gourmet pizza and burgers. Mains between $15 - $25. ph: 04 384 9777 http://www.bigdogonblair.co.nz/

CUBA STREET Cuba Street has great food, nifty bars/clubs, lots of pokey little shops. Well worth exploring, even if the weather’s less than ideal. Friday night has the Wellington Night Market (http://www.wellington-nightmarket.co.nz/), which can be quite fun to explore.

Scopa Italian pizza and pasta. The best! Phenomenal hot chocolate. Mains between $20 - $25. ph: 04-384-6020 http://www.scopa.co.nz

Matterhorn Bar (good cocktails) and award-winning restaurant. Full meals as well as tapas and snack menu. Mains between $25 - $35. ph: 04 384 3359 www.matterhorn.co.nz

All suited for smaller groups / individuals, mains generally between $30 - $40.

CHEAPER OPTIONS: Satay / Malaysian places around Cuba Street and Dixon Street (e.g. Satay Kajang on Dixon Street; Satay Kingdom on Cuba Street) Kebabs: Several around Courtenay Place and Cuba Street (recommended: AbaKebabra on Manners Mall) Hamburgers: BurgerFuel on Courtenay Place Pizzas: Heaven Pizzas on Cuba Street Café food: Midnight Espresso on Cuba Street (vegetarian and vegan options)

51 Part 2: Places to drink Wellington prides itself on its craft beer, and accordingly, there are a number of specialist bars that cater to the hops connoisseur.

Below are some of the more popular places. Note that the list below is compiled from this website http://www.wellingtonnz.com/nz/craft-beer-capital/craft-beer-bars so I highly recommend the beer-serious to explore in more detail.

A Malthouse “29 taps and over 140 different beers in […] 6 temperature controlled fridges” + basic menu 48 Courtenay Place

B Golding’s Free Dive “excellent selection of beer, cider and non-alchy drinks” + pizza from Pizza Pomodoro 14 Leeds St

C Hashigo Zake “the world’s craft breweries […] an emphasis on New Zealand and Pacific Rim” 25 Taranaki St

D Fork & Brewer “40 taps […] and a brewery on the premises” + menu built around beer selection 14-20 Bond Street

E The Hop Garden “New Zealand microbreweries, quality wine” + extensive menu 13 Pirie St

F Little Beer Quarter “14 taps, 2 handpulls, and around 100 bottled varieties” + hearty pub fare 6 Edward St

G The Tap Haus “up to 29 taps and a vast selection of bottled beers as well” + gastro-pub menu 145 Victoria St

Part 3: Places to be merry Depending on the weather, Wellington can be a great place to explore outside… or a good reason to find indoor pursuits. A comprehensive list of places to go and things to do would be impossible, but here are some highlights (map is on the next page). Tourist information is also widely available in the downtown area.

OUTDOORS Botanical Gardens Lovely walk through a range of different gardens, some indoors, most outdoors. The garden stretches up a hill, but there’s a cable-car you can take up to the top and stroll back down. The garden is free, the cable-car costs $4.00 one way and runs every 10 minutes. Garden www.wellingtonnz.com/sights-activities/wellington-botanic-garden Cable-car www.wellingtoncablecar.co.nz

Zealandia Predator-free sanctuary up in Karori. Lots of birds and lovely bushwalks, and there’s an exhibition, gift shop and café as well. Admission is $17.50. Well worth it on a nice day if you like nature. There’s a city bus that stops nearby (#3, #23), as well as a free shuttle that runs from the top of cable-car. Zealandia www.visitzealandia.com

Wellington Zoo A small but interesting zoo for the animal-lover in all of us. Has a wide range of animals, plus cafés and gift shop. Bus service near the zoo includes #11, 54, 24. Zoo www.wellingtonzoo.com

The waterfront On a nice day, the waterfront is lovely. There are shops, cafés, bars, kayak rentals, places to sit and enjoy the world. You can keep going around the bay and into Oriental Parade, which is a beachy suburb with some terrific spots and views.

Town belt(s) There are loads of small reserves and parks scattered throughout the city, so you’re looking for a quick breath of fresh air, you’re never that far from some grass and trees. All of the blocks of green on the following map are free reserves.

INDOORS On a rainy, cold or windy day, Wellington is less fun to explore on foot. There are a handful of terrific indoor alternatives, though:

Te Papa A terrific museum right in downtown Wellington. Has a number of permanent exhibitions about New Zealand and the Pacific, ranging from cultural to scientific, as well as visiting/touring exhibitions from other institutions. Entry to the permanent collections is free, although some of the short-term exhibitions have an entry fee. Well worth a visit, rain or shine. Also has a café and gift shop. www.tepapa.govt.nz

City Gallery, Civic Square Across from Te Papa, the City Gallery hosts contemporary New Zealand an international art. There’s usually an interesting exhibition or two on, well worth checking out if fine art is your thing. Admission is free. www.citygallery.org.nz/visit

Beehive The Beehive is the most iconic of the government buildings, and is open to the public. There are free daily one-hour guided tours of Parliament, starting at the Visitor Center in the foyer of the Beehive. Bookings are only necessary for groups of 10 or more. www.eventfinder.co.nz/venue/parliament-buildings-wellington

54 NOTES

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