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Drug War Deadlock
Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_1 rev1 page 1 PART ONE Background Prohibition will work great injury to the cause of temperance. It is a species of intemperance within itself, for it goes beyond the bounds of reason in that it attempts to control a man’s appetite by legislation, and makes a crime out of things that are not crimes. A prohibition law strikes a blow at the very principles upon which our government was founded. Abraham Lincoln Speech in the Illinois House of Representatives, December 18, 1840 Prohibition may be a disputed theory, but none can complain that it doesn’t hold water. Thomas L. Masson Little Masterpieces of American Wit and Humor 1922 Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_2 rev1 page 2 Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_3 rev1 page 3 American Drug Policy: The Continuing Debate James A. Inciardi James A. Inciardi is director of the Center for Drug and Alcohol Studies at the University of Delaware, a professor in the Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice at Delaware, and an adjunct professor at the University of Miami School of Medicine. This selection was excerpted from “American Drug Policy: The Continuing Debate” in The Drug Legalization Debate (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, Inc. 1999). Concern over the use and abuse of illegal drugs remained critical throughout the 1990s. In fact, regardless of political affiliation and ideology, socioeconomic status and ethnicity, or geographical location and occupational status, most Americans continued to rank “drugs” among the major problems facing the nation for three reasons. The first was crack-cocaine and its relation to crime. -
Perhapsthemostfamousvic
COVER STORY Cocaine Violence Is the Last Straw SUMMARY: The threat of death, made real by assassinations and bombs, has tipped the scaies In Colombia's cocaine battle. Last summei's murder of a respected presidential contender seemed finally too much, forging public opinion and making the nation's leader talk tough on extradition. In December, authorities gunned down a drug kingpin. The changed mood in Bogota may be behind the cartels' recent claims of retreat, though skeptics call it little but public relations. Perhapstim ofthethe battlemost famousbetweenvicthe New World's oldest justice system and its most lucra tive industry is Colombia's former justice minister, Monica de Greiff. She now teaches Colombian law at the University of Miami and lives in an elegant if small apartment with a view of the Atlantic De Greiff invokes her son's safety to explain her retreat from the Justice Ministry. shoreline. The view from her balcony is a panorama of white sand beach, rows of De Greiff resigned from the Justice Greiff will not name names, she says, palm trees and Miami's most exclusive Ministry Sept. 21 amid death threats and "These were not veiled threats; they let me apartments. Youalso see a bunch of kiddie warnings from the notoriousMedellin drug know on exactly whose behalf they were seats and a Batman tricycle that belong to cartel that members would kill 10 judges calling." de Greiffs son, Miguel Jose, who is by all for every Colombian extradited to the There are about 4,000 justices, at all accounts doing well in school. -
Carlos Lehder Rivas: the Fall of an 'Untouchable'
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 14, Number 8, February 20, 1987 Carlos Lehder Rivas: the fall of an 'untouchable' by Valerie Rush A scan of the last five years' writings and interviews given refugeit had provided theunderworld financier, thereby forc by Colombia's flamboyantdope czar, Carlos Lehder Rivas, ing Vesco into Caribbean island-hopping. Using the good provides a striking view of his kaleidoscope of ideological offices of a Dutch Antilles shell company undoubtedly cre attachments. Lehder's professed admiration for Adolf Hitler, ated for the occasion by Vesco, Lehder and his new friend his association with the Colombian MAS death squad that purchased the privateisland known as Norman'sCay, a mere murdered leftiststudents and labor leaders, his oft-published 200miles from the tip of Florida anda first-class smugglers' denunciations of "Marxism-Leninism," all stand in seeming paradise, whereLehder was to live for the next several years. ly stark contrast to his adoration of the Beatles' "peace Under the pretextof turningthe island into a tourist resort, loving" John Lennon, his politicalmovement's emulation of Vesco andLehder convertedit into a high-class "pit stop"for the "flower-children" of West Germany's Green Party, his the dope trade. Providing refrigerated warehouses for the lucrative business arrangements with the Cuban and Nicara cocaine, airplane hangars for repair and refueling, comfort guan governments, and his declaration of common cause able accommodations for weary pilots, and the best in elec with the leftist M -19 guerrillas in Colombia. tronic surveillance and killer Dobermans as security, Lehder Schizophrenic? Not at all. -
Pablo Escobar: Drug Lord As Heroic Archetype Adem Ahmed Bucknell University, [email protected]
Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses 2016 Pablo Escobar: Drug Lord as Heroic Archetype Adem Ahmed Bucknell University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Recommended Citation Ahmed, Adem, "Pablo Escobar: Drug Lord as Heroic Archetype" (2016). Honors Theses. 344. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/344 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PABLO ESCOBAR Drug Lord as Heroic Archetype by Adem Ahmed Submitted to the Honors Council For Honors In Comparative Humanities April 1, 2016 Approved by: ________________________ Adviser: James Mark Shields ________________________ Co-Adviser: David Rojas _______________________ Department Chair: Katherine Faull 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank Professor James Shields, both my academic and primary thesis advisor. His patience, dedication and continual support in my endeavors have played a large role in my accomplishments. I would like to thank Professor David Rojas, who courteously agreed to serve as my co- advisor. As a native Colombian, without his expertise I would not have been able to complete this thesis. I also find it appropriate to thank Professor Slava Yastremski, who served as my advisor for as long as he could. Lastly, I would like to thank my family for their continuous support in both my personal and academic success. My gratitude towards them cannot be expressed in words. -
I. Introduction I. Introduction
I. Introduction Political violence in Colombia continues to take more lives than in any other country in the hemisphere. Some of the killings take place during fighting between combatants, but most are cases of simple murder. Those responsible for these murders include members of the military and security forces as well as insurgents, hired gunmen and paramilitary groups. The intellectual authors of these crimes are comparably varied. The very complexity of political violence in Colombia often serves as a shield for those who order and commit violent acts. As this report demonstrates, the Colombian government has done too little to work through these complexities to identify, prosecute and punish those behind the political violence. This failing has been greatest in acknowledging the role of military and security forces in the killings. These forces continue to commit violent abuses themselves, and to condone and support killings by paramilitary groups. The problem is most acute in the case of paramilitary groups. These groups, which have been responsible for some of the largest and most sensational massacres, are gangs of highly trained killers, often masquerading as "self-defense" associations of farmers. Powerful economic interests recruit, train, finance and support these bands, and use them to target leftist political activists, leaders of peasant and popular organizations, and those Colombians perceived to be the "social base" of the guerrillas. Drug traffickers are among the most prominent supporters of paramilitary groups, a fact -
Spaulding, Hon. Karla R
Published December 2013 Judicial Profile by Coleman W. Watson Hon. Karla R. Spaulding U.S. Magistrate Judge, Middle District of Florida pproximately 210 miles from the Florida coast sits Norman’s Cay, an island in the Central Bahamas. There is no question that both its sunshine and pristine beaches con- tribute to its fame. But in the late 1970s Aand early 1980s, one man put Norman’s Cay on the map: Carlos Lehder, co-founder of the Medellin Cartel. He used Norman’s Cay as his personal island headquarters for the distribution of cocaine. During his prime, he was respon- sible for smuggling the bulk of all cocaine into the United States from Colombia by using small airplanes. According to Forbes magazine, he amassed a $2.7 billion fortune in doing so. Lehder’s fleet took off from a private runway on Norman’s Cay, which was closely protected by attack dogs and armed guards, and then landed on several out-of-the- way runways in Florida and Georgia. He bribed and evaded authorities for years, and once threatened to kill one federal judge per week if he were ever captured and extra- dited. The threat put officials on high alert in 1987 after he was apprehended on a farm in Colombia. Within hours of his capture, he was put on a U.S. government airplane en route to Florida to face drug trafficking charges. Ultimately, Robert Merkle, former U.S. attorney for the Middle District of Florida, and Ernst Mueller, an assistant U.S. attorney, prosecuted Lehder. On their pretrial team sat a young prosecutor who would later go on to become a respected member of the federal bench: the future U.S. -
International Extradition and the Medellin Cocaine Cartel: Surgical Removal of Colombian Cocaine Traffickers for Trial in the United States
Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review Volume 13 Number 4 Article 7 6-1-1991 International Extradition and the Medellin Cocaine Cartel: Surgical Removal of Colombian Cocaine Traffickers for Trial in the United States Steven Y. Otera Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Steven Y. Otera, International Extradition and the Medellin Cocaine Cartel: Surgical Removal of Colombian Cocaine Traffickers for Trial in the United States, 13 Loy. L.A. Int'l & Comp. L. Rev. 955 (1991). Available at: https://digitalcommons.lmu.edu/ilr/vol13/iss4/7 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. It has been accepted for inclusion in Loyola of Los Angeles International and Comparative Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons@Loyola Marymount University and Loyola Law School. For more information, please contact [email protected]. International Extradition and the Medellin Cocaine Cartel: Surgical Removal of Colombian Cocaine Traffickers for Trial in the United States I. INTRODUCTION As the United States enters the 1990s, illicit drugs, particularly cocaine, have stampeded their way to the forefront of the problems confronting this country. President Bush recently declared cocaine, once proclaimed as an aphrodisiac, a solution to morphine addiction, and a glamorous means of escape "like flying to Paris for breakfast,"1 to be "the quicksand of our entire society,"12 and "the gravest domes- tic threat facing our nation today."' 3 The President further declared that "[o]ur most serious problem today is cocaine and, in particular, crack."' 4 Though some may characterize these statements as political rhetoric, they highlight the war-like character of the United States' campaign against drug trafficking. -
Political Visuality of Latin America in Narcos
° www. comunicacionymedios.uchile.cl 106 Comunicación y Medios N 37 (2018) Political Visuality of Latin America in Narcos: a te- levision style analysis Visualidad política de América Latina en Narcos: un aná- lisis a través del estilo televisivo Simone Rocha Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Belo Horizonte, Brasil [email protected] Abstract Resumen From the theoretical approach of the visual stu- Desde la fundamentación teórica ofrecida por dies articulated with television style analysis, I los estudios visuales articulados al análisis del intend to analyze visualities of Latin America estilo televisivo, propongo analizar visualidades and historical events on the contemporary drug de América Latina y de eventos históricos que problem exhibited in the first season of Narcos tratan la problemática contemporánea de las (Netflix, 2015). Based on the primary meaning drogas exhibidas en la primera temporada de established by the producers, it is possible to Narcos (Netflix, 2015). A partir de la identifica- understand the complex relationships between ción del sentido tutor, definido por los realizado- crime, economy, formal politics and corruption. res de la serie, es posible captar las complejas relaciones establecidas entre crimen, economía, Keywords política formal y corrupción. Visuality; Narcos; Latin America; Television Style. Palabras clave Visualidad; Narcos; América Latina; estilo tele- visivo. Received: 10-03-2018/ Accepted: 08-06-2018 / Published: 30-06-2018 DOI: 10.5354/0719-1529.2018.48572 Political Visuality of Latin America in Narcos: a television style analysis 1. Introduction There were four directors in the first season:107 the Brazilians Jose Padilha (episodes 1 and A little over a decade ago audiovisual produc- 2) and Fernando Coimbra (episodes 7 and 8); tions depicting the global issue of drug traffic- the Mexican Guillermo Navarro (3 and 4) and king began making an appearance. -
El Narcotráfico En Colombia. Pioneros Y Capos*
El narcotráfico en Colombia. Pioneros y capos* Adolfo León Atehortúa Cruz Diana Marcela Rojas Rivera*** Resumen El contenido del presente artículo cubre las primeras décadas del tráfico ilícito de drogas emprendido desde Colombia hacia Estados Unidos. Su singularidad estriba en el análisis de los mecanismos empleados por los actores en examen (los pioneros y los grandes capos), para responder a los desafíos planteados por su actividad ilícita y a la persecución en contra de ella. Palabras clave: Narcotráfico, Historia del narcotráfico, Capos del narcotráfico en Colombia, Pablo Escobar, Rodríguez Orejuela, Narcoterrorismo, Cartel de Cali, Cartel de Medellín. Abstract The present article comprises the first few decades of illegal drug trafficking from Colombia to the USA, featuring a unique analysis of the tactics employed by the subjects involved (from pioneers to prominent drug lords) in dealing with the challenges of their illegal activities and the chasing brought upon them. El tráfico ilícito de drogas no es un asunto reciente en la historia de Colombia y los países andinos. Se sabe, como verdad de apuño, que el cultivo de la coca registra su existencia desde la cultura indígena en tiempos precolombinos. Hallazgos arqueológicos, cronistas de indias e investigadores contemporáneos, coinciden al ubicar su presencia y uso en antiguos hayales1 (Friede, 1944, p. 210), en tempranas épocas aymará, o en valles y selvas de yungas preincaicas en Perú y Bolivia2 (De Matienzo, 1978; Murra, 1978), así como su “mambeo” o masticado por atávicas tribus andinas. Su carácter legal y su comercio fue materia de discusión entre clérigos y colonizadores hasta que el pragmatismo se impuso en las mitas y centros de explotación minera (Polo de Ondegardo, 1990), o hasta cuando se le fijó tributo en las audiencias virreinales. -
Cuatro Décadas De Guerra Contra Las Drogas Ilícitas: Un Balance Costo
ANALISIS LATINOAMERICANO 4 Cuatro décadas de Guerra contra las drogas ilícitas: un balance costo - beneficio Cesar Paez Este document hace un recuento no solo de las diversas etapas en la Guerra contra las drogas ilícitas por parte del estado colombiano sino también de las diferentes sustancias que han surgido a lo largo de las últimas cuatro décadas afectando la economía nacional. Concluye mirando el tema del consume como un nuevo reto para la estrategia contra las drogas. Centro de Pensamiento Estratégico - Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores Cuatro décadas de guerra contra las drogas ilícitas: Un balance costo/beneficio. I. Introducción Desde finales de los años 60, Colombia se convirtió en una parte activa de lo que se denomina hoy el “problema mundial de drogas”1: el cultivo, la transformación, el tráfico, la distribución y el consumo de sustancias psicoactivas2. El problema de las drogas en este país no sólo ha sido un fenómeno criminal, grave en sí mismo, sino que ha fomentado y alimentado el desarrollo de una buena parte de la delincuencia y violencia que éste sufre: las actividades de cultivo, producción y tráfico se encuentran relacionados con fenómenos diversos como la corrupción, la violencia política, la insurgencia y el terrorismo (Rangel, 2005, p. 9). A las actividades que conforman la cadena principal del narcotráfico, se suman otras que se han asociado de manera directa o indirecta con ellas en Colombia: el lavado de activos, el tráfico de precursores químicos y de armas, el sicariato, la extorsión, el terrorismo y otras formas de criminalidad común y organizada. Durante estas cuatro décadas, el problema de las drogas en Colombia ha estado ligado a la oferta de las mismas: el cultivo de coca, y la producción y el tráfico de cocaína. -
Redalyc.ENTRE CARLOS LEHDER Y LOS VAQUEROS DE LA COCAÍNA
Cuadernos de Economía ISSN: 0121-4772 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de Colombia Colombia Sáenz Rovner, Eduardo ENTRE CARLOS LEHDER Y LOS VAQUEROS DE LA COCAÍNA. LA CONSOLIDACIÓN DE LAS REDES DE NARCOTRAFICANTES COLOMBIANOS EN MIAMI EN LOS AÑOS 70 Cuadernos de Economía, vol. XXX, núm. 54, 2011, pp. 105-126 Universidad Nacional de Colombia Bogotá, Colombia Disponible en: http://www.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=282121965005 Cómo citar el artículo Número completo Sistema de Información Científica Más información del artículo Red de Revistas Científicas de América Latina, el Caribe, España y Portugal Página de la revista en redalyc.org Proyecto académico sin fines de lucro, desarrollado bajo la iniciativa de acceso abierto ENTRE CARLOS LEHDER Y LOS VAQUEROS DE LA COCAÍNA. LA CONSOLIDACIÓN DE LAS REDES DE NARCOTRAFICANTES COLOMBIANOS EN MIAMI EN LOS AÑOS 70 Eduardo Sáenz Rovner1 A mediados de 1978, el narcotraficante colombiano Carlos Lehder compró la mi- tad del islote Cayo Norman en las Islas Bahamas cerca a la costa sur de la Florida. Hasta entonces Cayo Norman había sido un lugar de turismo para gente rica que quería tranquilidad y aislamiento. Lehder se apoderó de la isla y sus hombres, norteamericanos, colombianos y alemanes, hostigaron a los vecinos y visitantes a punta de pistola, uno de ellos Norman Solomon, reciente miembro del parlamento de las Bahamas, el otro Walter Cronkite, periodista decano de los noticieros de televisión norteamericanos. Para que no quedaran dudas un cadáver acribillado a balazos fue encontrado en un bote de placer a la deriva. Lehder amplió la pista de aterrizaje en Cayo Norman, que se convirtió en un lugar de paso de la cocaína enviada por los narcotraficantes colombianos del llamado Cártel de Medellín hacia los Estados Unidos. -
The Impact of U.S. De-Certification on Colombian Democracy
Calhoun: The NPS Institutional Archive Theses and Dissertations Thesis Collection 1996-12 The impact of U.S. de-certification on Colombian democracy Mejia, Alberto J. Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School http://hdl.handle.net/10945/32013 .. ' ! NAVAL POSTGRADUATE SCHOOL MONTEREY, CALIFORNIA THESIS THE IMPACT OF U.S. DE-CERTIFICATION ON COLOMBIAN DEMOCRACY by Alberto J. Mejia December, 1996 Advisors: Thomas C. Bruneau Scott D. Tollefson Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. DTIC QUiLLJ:'I'Y INSPECTED l ... • 't REPORT DOCUMENTATION PAGE Form Approved OMB No. 0704-0188 Public reporting burden for this collection of information is estimated to average I hour per response, including the time for reviewing instruction, searching existing data sources, gathering and maintaining the data needed, and completing and reviewing the collection of information. Send comments regarding this burden estimate or any other aspect of this collection of information, including suggestions for reducing this burden, to Washington Headquarters Services, Directorate for Information Operations and Reports, 1215 Jefferson Davis Highway, Suite 1204, Arlington, VA 22202-4302, and to the Office of Management and Budget, Paperwork Reduction Project (0704-0188) Washington DC 20503. 1. AGENCY USE ONLY (Leave 2. REPORT DATE 3. REPORT TYPE AND DATES COVERED blank) December, 1996 Master's Thesis 4. TITLE AND SUBTITLE THE IMPACT OF U.S. DE-CERTIFICATION 5. FUNDING NUMBERS ON COLOMBIAN DEMOCRACY 6. AUTHOR Alberto J. Mejia 7. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION NAME(S) AND ADDRESS(ES) 8. PERFORMING Naval Postgraduate School ORGANIZATION Monterey CA 93943-5000 REPORT NUMBER 9. SPONSORING/MONITORING AGENCY NAME(S) AND 10. SPONSORING/MONITOR ADDRESS(ES) ING AGENCY REPORT NUMBER 11.