The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) 1985-1990
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Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations
Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Mark P. Sullivan Specialist in Latin American Affairs November 27, 2012 Congressional Research Service 7-5700 www.crs.gov RL30981 CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Panama: Political and Economic Conditions and U.S. Relations Summary With five successive elected civilian governments, the Central American nation of Panama has made notable political and economic progress since the 1989 U.S. military intervention that ousted the regime of General Manuel Antonio Noriega from power. Current President Ricardo Martinelli of the center-right Democratic Change (CD) party was elected in May 2009, defeating the ruling center-left Democratic Revolutionary Party (PRD) in a landslide. Martinelli was inaugurated to a five-year term on July 1, 2009. Martinelli’s Alliance for Change coalition with the Panameñista Party (PP) also captured a majority of seats in Panama’s National Assembly. Panama’s service-based economy has been booming in recent years – with a growth rate of 7.6% in 2010 and 10.6% in 2011 – largely because of the ongoing Panama Canal expansion project, now slated for completion in early 2015. The CD’s coalition with the PP fell apart at the end of August 2011when President Martinelli sacked PP leader Juan Carlos Varela as Foreign Minister. Varela, however, retains his position as Vice President. Tensions between the CD and the PP had been growing throughout 2011, largely related to which party would head the coalition’s ticket for the 2014 presidential election. Despite the breakup of the coalition, the strength of the CD has grown significantly since 2009 because of defections from the PP and the PRD and it now has a majority on its own in the legislature. -
Drug War Deadlock
Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_1 rev1 page 1 PART ONE Background Prohibition will work great injury to the cause of temperance. It is a species of intemperance within itself, for it goes beyond the bounds of reason in that it attempts to control a man’s appetite by legislation, and makes a crime out of things that are not crimes. A prohibition law strikes a blow at the very principles upon which our government was founded. Abraham Lincoln Speech in the Illinois House of Representatives, December 18, 1840 Prohibition may be a disputed theory, but none can complain that it doesn’t hold water. Thomas L. Masson Little Masterpieces of American Wit and Humor 1922 Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_2 rev1 page 2 Hoover Press : Huggins/Deadlock hhugdw ch1 Mp_3 rev1 page 3 American Drug Policy: The Continuing Debate James A. Inciardi James A. Inciardi is director of the Center for Drug and Alcohol Studies at the University of Delaware, a professor in the Department of Sociology and Criminal Justice at Delaware, and an adjunct professor at the University of Miami School of Medicine. This selection was excerpted from “American Drug Policy: The Continuing Debate” in The Drug Legalization Debate (Thousand Oaks, Calif.: Sage Publications, Inc. 1999). Concern over the use and abuse of illegal drugs remained critical throughout the 1990s. In fact, regardless of political affiliation and ideology, socioeconomic status and ethnicity, or geographical location and occupational status, most Americans continued to rank “drugs” among the major problems facing the nation for three reasons. The first was crack-cocaine and its relation to crime. -
Perhapsthemostfamousvic
COVER STORY Cocaine Violence Is the Last Straw SUMMARY: The threat of death, made real by assassinations and bombs, has tipped the scaies In Colombia's cocaine battle. Last summei's murder of a respected presidential contender seemed finally too much, forging public opinion and making the nation's leader talk tough on extradition. In December, authorities gunned down a drug kingpin. The changed mood in Bogota may be behind the cartels' recent claims of retreat, though skeptics call it little but public relations. Perhapstim ofthethe battlemost famousbetweenvicthe New World's oldest justice system and its most lucra tive industry is Colombia's former justice minister, Monica de Greiff. She now teaches Colombian law at the University of Miami and lives in an elegant if small apartment with a view of the Atlantic De Greiff invokes her son's safety to explain her retreat from the Justice Ministry. shoreline. The view from her balcony is a panorama of white sand beach, rows of De Greiff resigned from the Justice Greiff will not name names, she says, palm trees and Miami's most exclusive Ministry Sept. 21 amid death threats and "These were not veiled threats; they let me apartments. Youalso see a bunch of kiddie warnings from the notoriousMedellin drug know on exactly whose behalf they were seats and a Batman tricycle that belong to cartel that members would kill 10 judges calling." de Greiffs son, Miguel Jose, who is by all for every Colombian extradited to the There are about 4,000 justices, at all accounts doing well in school. -
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002
Description of document: Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) Case Log October 2000 - April 2002 Requested date: 2002 Release date: 2003 Posted date: 08-February-2021 Source of document: Information and Privacy Coordinator Central Intelligence Agency Washington, DC 20505 Fax: 703-613-3007 Filing a FOIA Records Request Online The governmentattic.org web site (“the site”) is a First Amendment free speech web site and is noncommercial and free to the public. The site and materials made available on the site, such as this file, are for reference only. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals have made every effort to make this information as complete and as accurate as possible, however, there may be mistakes and omissions, both typographical and in content. The governmentattic.org web site and its principals shall have neither liability nor responsibility to any person or entity with respect to any loss or damage caused, or alleged to have been caused, directly or indirectly, by the information provided on the governmentattic.org web site or in this file. The public records published on the site were obtained from government agencies using proper legal channels. Each document is identified as to the source. Any concerns about the contents of the site should be directed to the agency originating the document in question. GovernmentAttic.org is not responsible for the contents of documents published on the website. 1 O ct 2000_30 April 2002 Creation Date Requester Last Name Case Subject 36802.28679 STRANEY TECHNOLOGICAL GROWTH OF INDIA; HONG KONG; CHINA AND WTO 36802.2992 CRAWFORD EIGHT DIFFERENT REQUESTS FOR REPORTS REGARDING CIA EMPLOYEES OR AGENTS 36802.43927 MONTAN EDWARD GRADY PARTIN 36802.44378 TAVAKOLI-NOURI STEPHEN FLACK GUNTHER 36810.54721 BISHOP SCIENCE OF IDENTITY FOUNDATION 36810.55028 KHEMANEY TI LEAF PRODUCTIONS, LTD. -
America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S
Louisiana Law Review Volume 71 | Number 4 Summer 2011 America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S. Corn Sharon G. Finegan Repository Citation Geoffrey S. Corn and Sharon G. Finegan, America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega, 71 La. L. Rev. (2011) Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.lsu.edu/lalrev/vol71/iss4/2 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at LSU Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Louisiana Law Review by an authorized editor of LSU Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. America's Longest Held Prisoner of War: Lessons Learned from the Capture, Prosecution, and Extradition of General Manuel Noriega Geoffrey S. Corn* Sharon G. Finegan" INTRODUCTION In the fall of 1986, while serving his first tour as an Army officer in Panama, one of the authors, Professor Corn, participated in a large-scale field training exercise called Operation Kindle Liberty. For three weeks he worked alongside members of the Panamanian Defense Force (PDF) with the mission of enhancing the capability of the Panamanian military to work side-by-side with the U.S. military to defend the Panama Canal. At the end of their training, as is customary, the commanding generals of both armies came to the field to visit the troops. Then-First Lieutenant Corn stood in an impromptu formation outside of the combined U.S.-PDF tactical operations center as General John Galvin, Commander of United States Southern Command, and his Panamanian counterpart General Manuel Noriega walked down the row of U.S. -
Carlos Lehder Rivas: the Fall of an 'Untouchable'
Click here for Full Issue of EIR Volume 14, Number 8, February 20, 1987 Carlos Lehder Rivas: the fall of an 'untouchable' by Valerie Rush A scan of the last five years' writings and interviews given refugeit had provided theunderworld financier, thereby forc by Colombia's flamboyantdope czar, Carlos Lehder Rivas, ing Vesco into Caribbean island-hopping. Using the good provides a striking view of his kaleidoscope of ideological offices of a Dutch Antilles shell company undoubtedly cre attachments. Lehder's professed admiration for Adolf Hitler, ated for the occasion by Vesco, Lehder and his new friend his association with the Colombian MAS death squad that purchased the privateisland known as Norman'sCay, a mere murdered leftiststudents and labor leaders, his oft-published 200miles from the tip of Florida anda first-class smugglers' denunciations of "Marxism-Leninism," all stand in seeming paradise, whereLehder was to live for the next several years. ly stark contrast to his adoration of the Beatles' "peace Under the pretextof turningthe island into a tourist resort, loving" John Lennon, his politicalmovement's emulation of Vesco andLehder convertedit into a high-class "pit stop"for the "flower-children" of West Germany's Green Party, his the dope trade. Providing refrigerated warehouses for the lucrative business arrangements with the Cuban and Nicara cocaine, airplane hangars for repair and refueling, comfort guan governments, and his declaration of common cause able accommodations for weary pilots, and the best in elec with the leftist M -19 guerrillas in Colombia. tronic surveillance and killer Dobermans as security, Lehder Schizophrenic? Not at all. -
Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations Louisa Reynolds
University of New Mexico UNM Digital Repository NotiCen Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) 10-8-2015 Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations Louisa Reynolds Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen Recommended Citation Reynolds, Louisa. "Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations." (2015). https://digitalrepository.unm.edu/noticen/10288 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Latin America Digital Beat (LADB) at UNM Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in NotiCen by an authorized administrator of UNM Digital Repository. For more information, please contact [email protected]. LADB Article Id: 79786 ISSN: 1089-1560 Former Panamanian Dictator Manuel Noriega Apologizes for Human Rights Violations by Louisa Reynolds Category/Department: Panama Published: 2015-10-08 Panama’s former dictator Manuel Noriega (1983-1989) apologized on national television for human rights violations committed under his regime. In his first interview since 1996, Noriega told Panamanian TV station Telemetro on June 24, "I am asking forgiveness from all the people who were offended, affected, hurt, or humiliated by my actions or those of my superiors in compliance with orders or those of my subordinates." He added that he wanted to "close the cycle of the military era." Noriega, a Panamanian Army officer who became one of the CIA’s most valued intelligence sources as well as a conduit for illicit weapons destined for US backed counterinsurgency forces (NotiCen, April 14, 1989), was removed from power in 1989 during a US military invasion (NotiCen, Dec. -
Pablo Escobar: Drug Lord As Heroic Archetype Adem Ahmed Bucknell University, [email protected]
Bucknell University Bucknell Digital Commons Honors Theses Student Theses 2016 Pablo Escobar: Drug Lord as Heroic Archetype Adem Ahmed Bucknell University, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses Recommended Citation Ahmed, Adem, "Pablo Escobar: Drug Lord as Heroic Archetype" (2016). Honors Theses. 344. https://digitalcommons.bucknell.edu/honors_theses/344 This Honors Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Theses at Bucknell Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Honors Theses by an authorized administrator of Bucknell Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. PABLO ESCOBAR Drug Lord as Heroic Archetype by Adem Ahmed Submitted to the Honors Council For Honors In Comparative Humanities April 1, 2016 Approved by: ________________________ Adviser: James Mark Shields ________________________ Co-Adviser: David Rojas _______________________ Department Chair: Katherine Faull 2 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First and foremost, I would like to thank Professor James Shields, both my academic and primary thesis advisor. His patience, dedication and continual support in my endeavors have played a large role in my accomplishments. I would like to thank Professor David Rojas, who courteously agreed to serve as my co- advisor. As a native Colombian, without his expertise I would not have been able to complete this thesis. I also find it appropriate to thank Professor Slava Yastremski, who served as my advisor for as long as he could. Lastly, I would like to thank my family for their continuous support in both my personal and academic success. My gratitude towards them cannot be expressed in words. -
I. Introduction I. Introduction
I. Introduction Political violence in Colombia continues to take more lives than in any other country in the hemisphere. Some of the killings take place during fighting between combatants, but most are cases of simple murder. Those responsible for these murders include members of the military and security forces as well as insurgents, hired gunmen and paramilitary groups. The intellectual authors of these crimes are comparably varied. The very complexity of political violence in Colombia often serves as a shield for those who order and commit violent acts. As this report demonstrates, the Colombian government has done too little to work through these complexities to identify, prosecute and punish those behind the political violence. This failing has been greatest in acknowledging the role of military and security forces in the killings. These forces continue to commit violent abuses themselves, and to condone and support killings by paramilitary groups. The problem is most acute in the case of paramilitary groups. These groups, which have been responsible for some of the largest and most sensational massacres, are gangs of highly trained killers, often masquerading as "self-defense" associations of farmers. Powerful economic interests recruit, train, finance and support these bands, and use them to target leftist political activists, leaders of peasant and popular organizations, and those Colombians perceived to be the "social base" of the guerrillas. Drug traffickers are among the most prominent supporters of paramilitary groups, a fact -
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg
Panama and Noriega: “Our SOB” Scott Rosenberg On December 20, 1989, approximately twenty seven thousand American troops invaded Panama with the goals of apprehending Panama’s military dictator and de facto leader General Manuel Noriega and restoring democracy throughout the country. The invasion occurred a year and a half after two Florida grand juries indicted General Noriega on federal drug trafficking charges and after he had survived months of economic sanctions and back-channel tactics aimed at forcing him out. The morning following the invasion, President George H.W. Bush addressed the nation and described the objectives and reasons for “Operation Just Cause,” revealing that “the goals of the United States have been to safeguard the lives of Americans, to defend democracy in Panama, to combat drug trafficking, and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal treaty.”i In retrospect, however, it appears clear that the United States could have rightly used the same justifications six years earlier, shortly after General Noriega assumed power in 1981. Why did the U.S. government wait so long, and what finally prompted it to invade and forcibly oust him in 1989? Historians have argued that Noriega’s drug trafficking and election tampering forced the United States’ hand, but I believe that it was his arrogance and utter lack of responsiveness to U.S. demands that eventually sealed his fate. Noriega had been involved in the international narcotics trade for years,ii and began installing puppet Panamanian presidents through election fraud as early as 1984, but the United States was willing to accept this activity because of his cooperation with what was perceived to be greater U.S. -
AMR 44/02/95 Distr: UA/SC
EXTERNAL (for general distribution) AI Index: AMR 44/02/95 Distr: UA/SC UA 95/95 Excessive use of force/Legal-Medical concerns 19 April 1995 PANAMATraslación Acosta, Vidal Concepción, Alejandro Jiménez, Fermín Franco Cortés, Silverio Pimentel, Enrique Concepción, Ana Acosta, Anselmo Acosta (aged 12), Liborio Concepción - all members of the Ngobe-Bugles indigenous group (the Guayamí) On 11 April l995 the above-named members of the Ngobe-Bugles indigenous group were reportedly arrested without warrants in Cerro Pelado, Las Palmas district, Veraguas province following a confrontation with a special anti-riot squad of the National Police. In the ensuing disturbances, nine of the demonstrators were arrested and one suffered gun-shot wounds to the head and face. After arrest, the detainees were taken to the vastly over-crowded and substandard Cárcel Modelo in Panama City, where they are said to have been held incommunicado, and not permitted to inform relatives and lawyers of their whereabouts. Lawyers working on their behalf secured their return to Veraguas, after arguing that the transfer to Panama City was illegal. Liborio Concepción, who was injured in the confrontation, is reportedly now hand-cuffed to his bed at the Hospital de Santiago in Veraguas. Anselmo Acosta, also detained, is only twelve years old. Another detainee, Ana Acosta, is pregnant, but has apparently not been given any medical attention. Lawyers also complain that the charges against the detainees have, as yet, not been made clear. Concern has also been expressed that legal proceedings have not been completed within the time limits specified by Panamanian law, and that there has been no response to the writs of habeas corpus, nor requests for bail filed on behalf of the detainees. -
Introduction to the Ditch
Copyrighted Material O N e INTRODUCTION TO THE DITCH From a distance, in North America, the Panama Canal seems like an imperialist anachronism, a historical leftover from a discreditable and nearly forgotten chapter of U.S. history. Up close, however, it is immediately apparent that the Panama Canal is one of the world’s great waterways, the highly efficient economic en gine for a rather prosperous Latin American country. Both of these interpretations of the Panama Canal are correct. This book was written to reconcile these seemingly conflicting points of view. There is a stylized narrative many Americans learn about the history of the Panama Canal. In the late nineteenth century, so the story goes, French private interests tried and failed to build a canal across the Isthmus of Panama. Amidst the wreckage of the French effort, President Theodore Roosevelt stepped in, unleash ing America’s industrial energy on the isthmus, and in the process accidentally inspiring the greatest palindrome in the English lan guage. The Panama Canal became an unparalleled economic and strategic success, cutting the cost of ocean transport and permit ting the U.S. Navy to dominate two seas for the price of one. Presi dent Jimmy Carter, however, mysteriously decided that the United States could no longer ignore the Panamanians. And so the Amer icans, controversially, at great risk, and with no gain to themselves, arranged to give one of their greatest engineering triumphs to the Panamanian people, whom they fully expected to squander it. This standard story of the Panama Canal raises more ques tions than answers.