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'Little Wolf' and the Alphabet: Nationality and Its Spaces

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'Little Wolf' and the Alphabet: Nationality and Its Spaces Artha-Journal of Social Sciences 2018, Vol. 17, No. 3, 15-35 ISSN 0975-329X|https://doi: 10.12724/ajss.46.2 ‘Little Wolf’ and the Alphabet: Nationality and its Spaces Etienne Rassendren* Abstract This article intends to investigate the conjuncture between the birth of an alphabet, the notion of space, the migration of people, the function of belief and religion and the formation of identities. It employs Ulfilas‘ biblical translation and his missioning attitude to comment on the project of Gothic conversion to Christianity and its attendant controversies, particularly that of Arianism. The article explores how spaces become cultural geographies and imbue geo-histories, specifically in the moment of Biblical translations and the travel of people. It also argues that language and spaces cannot escape the cultural-politics of nationality. At the end, it concludes by commenting of the contemporary relevance of the conjuncture above-mentioned. Keywords: Arianism, Identity, Spatiality, Gothic, Alphabet 1. Introduction In 376 CE when Valens was still Roman Emperor, some 90,000 Goths, arrived at the Danube, expecting to cross to make a settlement. They were fleeing from the Huns who had attacked their homesteads and savaged their lands. The Goths sent an ‗‗embassy‘‘ (Heather, 1986, p. 300) to Valens in order to negotiate safe passage to and temporary residence in the lower Danube (Sivan, 1996, p. 375). Warriors, women, and children comprised this *St Joseph‘s College, Bengaluru, India; [email protected] 15 Artha-Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.17, No.3 ISSN 0975-329X great migration. They were led by the so-called barbarian heroes, Fritigern and Allavivus, of Thervings and Alatheus and Saphrax, of the Greuthungi (Heather, 2007a, p. 152). They were accompanied by Bishop Ulfilas who travelled with them to enable the Danube crossing (Sivan, 1996, p. 376). The Emperor imposed severe conditions for the crossing and kept the tribesmen divided. He offered better deals to the one and enforced strictures on the other. For the Thervings he gave them Thrace and ferried them over while the Greuthungi, he blocked, forcing them to push their way in. However, all agreed to pledge their allegiances to the Emperor and become supporting militia for his wars. Valens insisted that the Goths hand in their iconic short swords and round shields to the Roman legions before they crossed (Heather, 2007, p. 152). The Roman soldiers did ferry the Goths across on boats, enabled their settlements and supervised their security. But they were also corrupt legions as they extorted bribes for Gothic arms and ammunition, traded slaves for food and safety and were tardy and lax with the more militant Goths. Some Goths settled in the Lower Danube, in Moesia; others, maybe to the west. In this settlement, they got themselves the gothic alphabet, distinct from Greek and Latin, created in the moment of Biblical translation, and formed by Bishop Ulfilas—whose name literally translated in ancient gothic as ―Little Wolf‖. ―Little Wolf‖ was known to be a writer of ―alphabets, (Thompson, 1962, p. 798), ―a great embassy‖, (Sivan, 1996, p. 375), a political genius and a reputed scholar. He was anti-Nicene, an Arian, with profoundly dissident views of the Nicene oligarchy of the Roman church. He converted the Goths, and negotiated truce with Emperor Valens (Sivan, 1996, p. 374). The Goths found themselves a nationality, a homeland beyond exile, an identity in the new faith. They were soon to overrun the Roman empire (Thompson, 1962) and build a great kingdom based on notions of ―nation-ness‖ (Anderson, 1983/2006, p. 3).1 In the rest of the article, I wish to explore the conjuncture between the birth of a language, the migration of a warring tribe, the role of a religion, and the contemporary relevance of such a complex conjuncture. Indeed, this cultural convergence demands investigation into the function of the Gothic script, the implications of settlerdom, the role of Biblical translations, the development of religious controversies, and the project of nationality. This 16 Etienne Rassendren ‗Little Wolf‘ and the Alphabet exploration argues that such historical conjunctures have contemporary relevance and that the spatiality of both culture and history constitute identities that mark varied nationalities. 2. Some preliminary conceptual frames 2.1 Space vs. Place At the outset, I invoke some conceptual frames which then could form interpretative structures for further analysis. The important one is the idea of space. There are at least four major markers that constitute space as distinct from place. They are a) memory (history and time), b) religion (myth and belief), c) language (signs and referents), and d) settlerdom (migration and destiny).Place as both literal and symbolic, as idea and experience, is a ―palimpsest‖ (Ashcroft, et al., 1995, p. 392), a ―parchment‖ (p. 392) on which meanings are inscribed (p. 392). An atlas or a map that describes places is not just landscape or geography that fixes or defines a region for its routes, its weather and its natural conditions. In fact, I argue that places are a-priori to geography, to an atlas, or even to a simple map. By contrast, spaces are named (Carter, 1995, p. 403), and invested with both natural and cultural descriptions. In other words, the conversion of place into space is principally determined by language. This naming, this apparently seamless writing and rewriting of the so-called ―parchment‖, (Ashcroft et al 1995, p. 392) invokes a sense of time. This sense of time is further ordered by memory, a sense of the past and a revisiting of experience that provides meanings for the present. In fact, ―time‖ as a ―metaphor of history‖—i.e. time standing in for periodisation of people‘s pasts (Thapar, 1996)—employs language by which knowledge of places as spaces are uncovered. Therefore, spaces are born in the intersection between language and history. Spaces also offer the prospect of ―re-territorialisation‖ (Huggan, 1995, p. 408). That is, they have constructed boundaries, often mediated by the migration of people. These are further interwoven with arrivals and departures of human communities into specific spaces. Indeed, they are organised by settlerdom, that is both imperial and syncretic (Bhabha, 1994, p. 7), a conquest and an assimilation at once. Therefore, I argue that the underlying ―formation‖ (Williams, 1977, p. 117) eventually structuring the 17 Artha-Journal of Social Sciences, Vol.17, No.3 ISSN 0975-329X notion and experience of space is the semiotic of homeland; and homeland-spaces are identitarian, invested with character and subjectivity. In simpler terms, spaces are named places that languages mark as settlements for human communities. Hence, spatiality as the inevitable cultural turn privileges imagined and real geographies (Soja, 1996, p. 1426) over history. It formulates historiographies that include descriptions of place that transform into highly layered cultural geographies. The Gothic settlement in the Lower Danube with heavily armed warriors on horseback, tired women ferried across the Danube, chests and other luggage being lugged over—all depict spatiality, otherwise silenced by an exclusive historiography that omitted depictions of space. Thus spatiality itself becomes the way for historicising pasts. These imagings of space produce new geo-histories and cultural geographies. The writing or representation of spatiality is about culture. Hence ―reconfiguring‖ and ―restructuring‖ spaces in order to represent culture include museumising architecture and spatial planning. (Soja, 2010a, p. 372). Spatial knowledge then becomes cultural history. Indeed, if one studies Gothic church architecture, one cannot escape references to European antiquity. Gothic architecture was a challenging prelude in the Middle Ages to the revolutionary Renaissance and Reformation in Europe. The cathedrals that carried such architecture were identified as grotesque, at best recalling the so-called barbaric nature of the Goths that overran the Roman Empire and established Germanic supremacy all over Europe. For instance, the gargoyles of the churches that sprouted rainwater recalled an infamous Greek legend integral to the spread of Catholic-Christianity there. The gargoyle was an evil creature shaped like a dragon with the head of a lion, sprouting fire, and feeding on human flesh. The people appeased this creature every year. They sent prisoners as human sacrifice. It was a saint who captured the gargoyle, by both prayer and deceit and in the bargain, conquered evil (Benton, 1997)2. The figurines at the churches served as warning to evil and a reminder of the faith that redeemed them. The Goths did not belong to the Middle Ages typically; neither was the gargoyle a creature they worshipped. Indeed, then, the Gothic in architecture had nothing to do with the so-called barbarian Goths themselves. Instead they were reminders 18 Etienne Rassendren ‗Little Wolf‘ and the Alphabet of the violent nature of the Goths. The meaning was hence only symbolic: it signified the terrorising force that savaged and conquered the Southern Danube, fighting Valens to his ignominious death and once and for all re-writing the fate of the Empire. Thus the Gothic churches today only serve as fear- inspiring, horror-generating symbols of Christian power, an oddity in architectural aesthetics and perhaps the exploratory beginnings of horror-art. Thus Gothic tropology symbolises the terror of alternative Christianity. In this manner, writing spatiality writes history: spatiality historicises the past but problematises more than authenticates it. While history and space intersect, an alternative episteme of reading emerges, wherein spatiality becomes crucial. Consequently, two highly volatile ideological frames emerge, namely the story of belief and the formation of religion. They shape spatiality and determine the historicity of space and the production of nationality. Hence the exploration below. 2.2 Mythos vs logos: The problem of religion Most thinkers in the contemporary context define belief by differentiating between mythos and logos (Armstrong, 2009).
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