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Towards British-Chinese Futures: a Social Geography of Second Generation Young Chinese People in London

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Towards British-Chinese Futures: a Social Geography of Second Generation Young Chinese People in London Towards British-Chinese futures: a social geography of second generation young Chinese people in London. Pang, Kim Kiang The copyright of this thesis rests with the author and no quotation from it or information derived from it may be published without the prior written consent of the author For additional information about this publication click this link. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/jspui/handle/123456789/1614 Information about this research object was correct at the time of download; we occasionally make corrections to records, please therefore check the published record when citing. For more information contact [email protected] Towards British-Chinese futures: a social geography of second generation young Chinese people in London Kim Kiang Pang Thesis submitted for degree of Ph.D Department of Geography Queen Mary and Westfield College University of London 1999 ABSTRACT This thesis is primarily concerned with the cultural identities of second generation British-Chinese people located within the urban context of London. There are two chief reasons why London is the setting of the study. One, it has the largest Chinese population of any city in Britain, accounting for over a third of the British total. Second, its Chinatown acts as an economic hub for Chinese social and cultural activity for the South East region. It is argued that the conditions of Chinese settlement in London allow for the formation of Chinese collectivities and identities characterised by a high level of heterogeneity. One of the principal aims of the research is to demonstrate how pre- existing writing on 'new ethnicities' in Britain may be applicable to Chinese youth. Using a mixed qualitative research methodology, in-depth interviews were conducted with both first and second generation Chinese settlers, comprised of a core sample of twenty-one second generation Chinese informants and ten of their parents. Complementing the interviews were a series of participant observation studies at sites relevant to the 'Chinese community'. The research shows that young Chinese people in London are redefining notions of self and identity through a protracted negotiation between the contrasting terrains of Chineseness and Britishness. This general theme is explored in four different ways: through experiences of work (what are the effects on Chinese children who feel obliged to help out their parents?); community (how do Chinese people understand their relationship to the 'community'?); gender (how does the experience of growing up in Britain differ for young Chinese men and women?); and identity (how do young Chinese people cope with growing up in isolated circumstances?). Through these research questions, an analysis that cross-cuts social dimensions of class, ethnicity, gender, sexuality and generation emerges to illuminate the changing nature of contemporary British-Chinese life. 2 TABLE OF CONTENTS Page Abstract 2 Table of Contents 3 List of Tables 7 List of Figures 8 List of Boxes 8 List of Plates 8 Acknowledgements 9 Chapter 1: Introduction 11 The silent minority? 12 Geography, 'race' and diaspora 22 The British-Chinese and the Chinese diaspora 25 The Chinese in Australia 30 The Chinese in Canada 34 The Chinese in the United States 38 Chinese settlement in Britain 42 The history of Chinese migration to Britain 48 The early settlers 48 Mass migration 54 Structure of the thesis 60 3 Chapter 2: Methodology 62 Differentiating between qualitative research and ethnography 62 Interviewing 65 Focus groups 68 Participant observation 72 On being a male British-Chinese researcher 77 The informants (snapshot profile, May 1997) 82 Summaiy 88 A note on using the quotes from the interviews 88 Appendix 1: List of questions for interviewees 89 Chapter 3: Work 92 A successful minority? 92 First generation attitudes towards work 99 Second generation British-Chinese and 'work' 104 Obligations: the role of young Chinese people in family businesses 105 Dealing with the public 113 Beyond the take-away? 118 Case study: Trung - choosing the catering trade 124 Working outside the catering trade 127 Conclusion 135 4 Chapter 4: 'Community' 137 Introduction 137 Chinatown as a symbol of 'community' 140 The heterogeneity of Britain's Chinese population 145 Group solidarity 150 Chinese social arenas 154 Language 161 Belonging? 168 BBCs 172 Conclusion 175 Chapter 5: Identity 178 Representation 179 Contemporary representations of Chinese people in Britain: re-presenting the Other 180 Towards British-Chinese futures? 185 Growing up and school 188 Ascribed identities? 194 Essentialist formations of identity 202 "Chineseness" and identity 203 Not all Chinese are the 'same' 207 Hybridised identities: resisting essentialism(s)? 211 New British-Chinese futures 214 Conclusion 220 5 Chapter 6: Gender 223 Introduction 223 Parental expectations 227 British-Chinese femininity: thinking through representation 233 British-Chinese masculinities: attitudes towards women 241 The case for Chinese partners 245 Conclusion 251 Chapter 7: Conclusion 254 Where are they now? The changing lives of my informants September 1999 260 Bibliography 262 6 LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1.1 Distribution of overseas Chinese in the United States, Canada, Australia and the United Kingdom, c. 1980 and 1990 29 Table 1.2 Asian birthplaces of the Australian population, 1981, 1986 and 1991 32 Table 1.3 Birthplaces of Cantonese-speakers in Australia, 1991 33 Table 1.4 Percentage in workforce with professional occupational status for settler arrivals by Asian birthplace: 1998-1989, 1989-1990, 1990-1991 34 Table 1.5 Chinese immigration to Canada 36 Table 1.6 Comparison of Chinese-American population with immigration by decade, 1860-1990 39 Table 1.7 Ethnic distribution in the 1991 British Census 44 Table 1.8 Country of origin of Chinese, Great Britain, 1991 44 Table 1.9 Sex ratio for selected ethnic groups, Great Britain 1991 45 Table 2.1 Participants in the focus groups 69 Table 3.1 Socio-economic group for males and females, Whites and Chinese, Great Britain, 1991 95 Table 3.2 First generation settlers and work histories 100 Table 3.3 Current occupational status of second generation infonnants 121 Table 4.1 List of venues for Chinese discos, February 1996 - September 1997 157 7 LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1.1: Comparison of Chinese and total population age/sex pyramids, Great Britain, 1991 46 Figure 1.2: Percentage of the economically active who are self-employed, Great Britain, 1991 49 Figure 1.3: The distribution of the Chinese population in Britain, 1991 50 Figure 1.4: The distribution of the Chinese population in London, 1991 51 LIST OF BOXES Box 3.1 Working in the catering trade 98 Box 3.2 Working for parents 106 Box 3.3 Handling drunk customers 116 Box 3.4 Obtaining work in the British catering trade 120 Box 3.5 Perceptions of racism 130 Box 3.6 Going to Hong Kong to work 134 LIST OF PLATES Plate 1.1: Bruce Lee stencil, Steve 1999 14 Plate 1.2: Bruce Lee stencil in situ, London 1999 15 8 For Mum and Dad and the kids. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Doing this research has been something ofa journey which has taken in many individuals along the way in what can best be described as a rollercoaster. Some people have embarked, others have departed. There have been plenty of highs, lows, twists and turns along the ride. For those who have stayed I am eternally grateful. First of all I would like to thank my supervisors Miles Ogborn and Philip Ogden for their support and unwavering belief that I would complete this project. Their persistence and patience was a source of encouragement throughout the duration of the project. Their painstaking work reading through many drafts during the latter stages of the research was especially appreciated. Furthermore, I would like to extend my gratitude to Miles for being a calming influence and a mentor. Nonetheless, without the help and the cooperation of my informants this project would never have happened. Our lives have intersected in contrasting ways which have enrichened my personal and research experiences for which I am filled with joy. I am particularly grateful to the 'Hatfield bunch' (you know who you are!), Kwok, Trung, Jase, Tony and Nic. 'Sue' and Steve big up your chest! In particular I would like to say thanks to Ivestar for showing me what love is, and Ming for letting me know what friendship is. Cousin Will you must be the most 'interesting' accountant out there, what can I say? Thanks for much love over the years. Cheers cousin John (no more 'toothirty's' at Kempton Park?) and auntie and uncle for helping me out in the final year. Cath, what have I done to deserve your friendship all this time? (By the way, have you got any more freebies?) Sandy, I am truly appreciative for your interest in the research. I am indebted to you for being a pillar of strength and I will remember your efforts - word! 'Da bug deserves attention for hearing out (and putting up with!) my rants during various stages of the research and introducing me to the aural delights of alternative musics and ways of 'being' - what 'da deal? A big shout out to the Walthamstow massive, Neil, Faisal, Yousaf, Raheel and Raja for always treating me as a sane individual, during the low times I honestly did think I was losing it for a while. Kwan, your humour and ability to 9 make me laugh has enabled me to maintain a positive outlook. I will miss playing snooks in the middle of the night and your instant noodles. Thank yous to Glen Butler, Bill Bullock and George and Cos Manoli for letting me know that I 'belonged' in the first place. In introspect, I am relieved that I never had to think about where I was coming from during those years.
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