Reliable Words Third Person Pronouns in Indonesian News Reports
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A US-Indonesia Partnership for 2020: Recommendations for Forging
A U.S.–Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Murray Hiebert Chair for Southeast Asia Studies Ted Osius SEPTEMBER 2013 Gregory B. Poling A U.S.- Indonesia Partnership for 2020 Recommendations for Forging a 21st Century Relationship AUTHORS Murray Hiebert Ted Osius Gregory B. Poling A Report of the CSIS Sumitro Chair for Southeast Asia Studies September 2013 ROWMAN & LITTLEFIELD Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymouth, UK About CSIS— 50th Anniversary Year For 50 years, the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) has developed solutions to the world’s greatest policy challenges. As we celebrate this milestone, CSIS scholars are developing strategic insights and bipartisan policy solutions to help decisionmakers chart a course toward a better world. CSIS is a nonprofi t orga ni zation headquartered in Washington, D.C. The Center’s 220 full-time staff and large network of affi liated scholars conduct research and analysis and develop policy initiatives that look into the future and anticipate change. Founded at the height of the Cold War by David M. Abshire and Admiral Arleigh Burke, CSIS was dedicated to fi nding ways to sustain American prominence and prosperity as a force for good in the world. Since 1962, CSIS has become one of the world’s preeminent international institutions focused on defense and security; regional stability; and transnational challenges ranging from energy and climate to global health and economic integration. Former U.S. senator Sam Nunn has chaired the CSIS Board of Trustees since 1999. Former deputy secretary of defense John J. -
Appendix 2 Intelligence Career Paths
Appendix 2 Intelligence career paths In this Appendix I will sketch the main groupings in the Indonesian intelligence world in the New Order period, and discuss what appear to be typical career groups and paths. This will, to some extent, mean covering ground already presented, but looked at from a slightly different angle. However, the detailed evidence for most of what I have to say here lies in the biographies of men involved in intelligence set out in Appendix 1.1 The three major divisions are obvious enough: a large number of military men against several small groups of significant civilians; the predominance of the Army against the other services; and generational groupings within the Army. Beyond these broad divisions, I will look at competing streams within the Army in the New Order period: Mainstream Army Intelligence and the Military Police streams; the career patterns of intelligence professionals under Moerdani; the role of combat/Special Forces officers in intelligence in the 1970s and 1980s; and the distinctions suggested in the 1970s between what have been called "principled" (or technocratic) versus "pragmatic" or manipulative approaches to intelligence agencies' political interventions. Military and civilian intelligence roles It is clear that the great bulk of intelligence posts since 1965, as well as before, have been filled by serving or retired military officers - it is a thoroughly militarized system. The principal intelligence organizations throughout the new Order period have either been military in nature, or, as in the case of Bakin, dominated at the higher levels by military officers. That said, let us begin this discussion by looking at the small number of civilians who do come into the picture at different times in the story. -
Chinese Big Business in Indonesia Christian Chua
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by ScholarBank@NUS CHINESE BIG BUSINESS IN INDONESIA THE STATE OF CAPITAL CHRISTIAN CHUA NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2006 CHINESE BIG BUSINESS IN INDONESIA THE STATE OF CAPITAL CHRISTIAN CHUA (M.A., University of Göttingen/Germany) A THESIS SUBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEPARTMENT OF SOCIOLOGY NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF SINGAPORE 2006 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Throughout the years working on this study, the list of those who ought to be mentioned here grew tremendously. Given the limited space, I apologise that these acknowledgements thus have to remain somewhat incomplete. I trust that those whose names should, but do not, ap- pear here know that I am aware of and grateful for the roles they played for me and for this thesis. However, a few persons cannot remain unstated. Most of all, I owe my deepest thanks to my supervisor Vedi Hadiz. Without him, I would not have begun work on this topic and in- deed, may have even given up along the way. His patience and knowledgeable guidance, as well as his sharp mind and motivation helped me through many crises and phases of despair. I am thankful, as well, for the advice and help of Mary Heidhues, Anthony Reid, Noorman Ab- dullah, and Kelvin Low, who provided invaluable feedback on early drafts. During my fieldwork in Indonesia, I was able to work as a Research Fellow at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) in Jakarta thanks to the kind support of its direc- tor, Hadi Soesastro. -
Local Politics and Chinese Indonesian Business in Post-Suharto Era
<Articles>Local Politics and Chinese Indonesian Business in Title Post-Suharto Era Author(s) Chong, Wu-Ling Citation Southeast Asian Studies (2015), 4(3): 487-532 Issue Date 2015-12 URL http://hdl.handle.net/2433/203094 Right ©Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University Type Departmental Bulletin Paper Textversion publisher Kyoto University Local Politics and Chinese Indonesian Business in Post-Suharto Era Wu-Ling Chong* This article examines the relationships between the changes and continuities of Indonesian local politics and Chinese Indonesian business practices in the post- Suharto era, focusing on Chinese Indonesian businesses in two of the largest Indo- nesian cities, Medan and Surabaya. The fall of Suharto in May 1998 led to the opening up of a democratic and liberal space as well as the removal of many dis- criminatory measures against the Chinese minority. However, due to the absence of an effective, genuinely reformist party or political coalition, predatory political- business interests nurtured under Suharto’s New Order managed to capture the new political and economic regimes. As a result, corruption and internal mis- management continue to plague the bureaucracy in the country and devolve from the central to the local governments. This article argues that this is due partially to the role some Chinese businesspeople have played in perpetuating corrupt busi- ness practices. As targets of extortion and corruption by bureaucratic officials and youth/crime organizations, Chinese businesspeople are not merely passive and powerless victims of corrupt practices. This article argues, through a combination of Anthony Giddens’s structure-agency theory as well as Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus and field, that although Chinese businesspeople are constrained by the muddy and corrupt business environment, they have also played an active role in shaping such a business environment. -
The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: the Indonesian Case
Southeast Asian Studies. Vol. 25, No.3, December 1987 The Role of Ethnic Chinese Minority in Developntent: The Indonesian Case Mely G. TAN* As recent writIngs indicate, the term Introduction more commonly used today is "ethnic Chinese" to refer to the group as a Despite the manifest diversity of the whole, regardless of citizenship, cultural ethnic Chinese in Southeast Asia, there orientation and social identification.2) is still the tendency among scholars The term ethnic or ethnicity, refers to focusing on this group, to treat them a socio-cultural entity. In the case of as a monolithic entity, by referring to the ethnic Chinese, it refers to a group all of them as "Chinese" or "Overseas with cultural elements recognizable as Chinese." Within the countries them or attributable to Chinese, while socially, selves, as In Indonesia, for instance, members of this group identify and are this tendency is apparent among the identified by others as constituting a majority population in the use of the distinct group. terms "orang Cina," "orang Tionghoa" The above definition IS III line with or even "hoakiau."D It is our conten the use in recent writings on this topic. tion that these terms should only be In the last ten years or so, we note a applied to those who are alien, not of revival of interest In ethnicity and mixed ancestry, and who initially do ethnic groups, due to the realization not plan to stay permanently. We also that the newly-developed as well as the submit that, what terminology and what established countries In Europe and definition is used for this group, has North America are heterogeneous socie important implications culturally, so ties with problems In the relations cially, psychologically and especially for policy considerations. -
Where Communism Never Dies Violence, Trauma and Narration in the Last Cold War Capitalist Authoritarian State
01 Heryanto (to) D 28/6/99 10:11 am Page 147 Downloaded from <arielheryanto.wordpress.com> ARTICLE INTERNATIONAL journal of CULTURAL studies Copyright © 1999 SAGE Publications London, Thousand Oaks, CA and New Delhi Volume 2(2): 147–177 [1367-8779(199908)2:2; 147–177; 008929] Where Communism never dies Violence, trauma and narration in the last Cold War capitalist authoritarian state ● Ariel Heryanto National University of Singapore ABSTRACT ● Indonesia’s militarist New Order, the last and longest-lasting Cold War capitalist authoritarianism, came to power in 1965 immediately after one of the bloodiest massacres in modern history. Vigorous cultural reproduction of the trauma of the events and continuous rehearsals of state violence on the nation’s body politic have been enormously responsible for the regime’s longevity. They constitute the most determining force in the identity-making of the powerless subjects, and in their everyday practices. Far from being systematic, however, the efficacy of the New Order’s authoritarianism is full of refractory and contradictory features. Neither instrumental political-economy nor cultural essentialism is adequate to explain them. Central to the enduring responses of the powerless Indonesians before the decisive protest in 1998, but most frequently misunderstood by scholars and human rights observers alike, is hyper- obedience, instead of resistance. ● KEYWORDS ● history ● hyper-obedience ● Indonesia ● narrative ● political violence ● popular culture ● simulacra Since the keyword ‘globalization’ has had the serious examination it deserves, its predecessor the ‘Cold War’ has been largely left alone. It seems there is a general perception that the Cold War is not only a dead thing of the past, but also essentially a clear-cut phenomenon. -
Trends in Southeast Asia
ISSN 0219-3213 2017 no. 6 Trends in Southeast Asia OLD STEREOTYPES, NEW CONVICTIONS: PRIBUMI PERCEPTIONS OF ETHNIC CHINESE IN INDONESIA TODAY JOHANES HERLIJANTO TRS6/17s ISBN 978-981-4786-34-8 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg 9 789814 786348 Trends in Southeast Asia 17-J02278 01 Trends_2017-06.indd 1 10/7/17 2:28 PM The ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute (formerly Institute of Southeast Asian Studies) is an autonomous organization established in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security, and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are grouped under Regional Economic Studies (RES), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). The Institute is also home to the ASEAN Studies Centre (ASC), the Nalanda-Sriwijaya Centre (NSC) and the Singapore APEC Centre. ISEAS Publishing, an established academic press, has issued more than 2,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publishing works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world. 17-J02278 01 Trends_2017-06.indd 2 10/7/17 2:28 PM 2017 no. 6 Trends in Southeast Asia OLD STEREOTYPES, NEW CONVICTIONS: PRIBUMI PERCEPTIONS OF ETHNIC CHINESE IN INDONESIA TODAY JOHANES HERLIJANTO 17-J02278 01 Trends_2017-06.indd 3 10/7/17 2:28 PM Published by: ISEAS Publishing 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Singapore 119614 [email protected] http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg © 2017 ISEAS – Yusof Ishak Institute, Singapore All rights reserved. -
Indonesian Politics in Crisis
Indonesian Politics in Crisis NORDIC INSTITUTE OF ASIAN STUDIES Recent and forthcoming studies of contemporary Asia Børge Bakken (ed.): Migration in China Sven Cederroth: Basket Case or Poverty Alleviation? Bangladesh Approaches the Twenty-First Century Dang Phong and Melanie Beresford: Authority Relations and Economic Decision-Making in Vietnam Mason C. Hoadley (ed.): Southeast Asian-Centred Economies or Economics? Ruth McVey (ed.): Money and Power in Provincial Thailand Cecilia Milwertz: Beijing Women Organizing for Change Elisabeth Özdalga: The Veiling Issue, Official Secularism and Popular Islam in Modern Turkey Erik Paul: Australia in Southeast Asia. Regionalisation and Democracy Ian Reader: A Poisonous Cocktail? Aum Shinrikyo’s Path to Violence Robert Thörlind: Development, Decentralization and Democracy. Exploring Social Capital and Politicization in the Bengal Region INDONESIAN POLITICS IN CRISIS The Long Fall of Suharto 1996–98 Stefan Eklöf NIAS Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Studies in Contemporary Asia series, no. 1 (series editor: Robert Cribb, University of Queensland) First published 1999 by NIAS Publishing Nordic Institute of Asian Studies (NIAS) Leifsgade 33, 2300 Copenhagen S, Denmark Tel: (+45) 3254 8844 • Fax: (+45) 3296 2530 E-mail: [email protected] Online: http://nias.ku.dk/books/ Typesetting by the Nordic Institute of Asian Studies Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International Limited, Padstow, Cornwall © Stefan Eklöf 1999 British Library Catalogue in Publication Data Eklof, Stefan Indonesian politics -
Jusuf Wanandi.Pub
ISIS FOCUS • PP 5054/06/2011 (028668) • Issue No. 3 • March 2011 Conversations with Jusuf Wanandi ♦ Preamble ….. 1 ♦ The Activist from Tanah Abang ….. 2 ♦ Eyes and Ears ..… 9 ♦ A Parting of Ways ….. 13 INSTITUTE OF STRATEGIC AND INTERNATIONAL STUDIES (ISIS) MALAYSIA www.isis.org.my Limited Circulation ISIS Malaysia’s core areas of research include: • Economics; • Foreign Policy and Security Studies; • Social Policy; and • Technology, Innovation, Environment and Sustainability. Its objectives are: • To undertake research in various and specific About ISIS fields and conduct long‐term analysis of public policies on national and international issues; The Institute of Strategic and International • To contribute towards efforts in promoting Studies (ISIS), Malaysia’s premier think‐tank general and professional discussions on was established on April 8, 1983. As an important national and international issues autonomous and non‐profit organisation, ISIS through the organization of seminars, is engaged in objective and independent policy conferences and other activities; research. It also fosters dialogue and debate • among the public sector, the private sector and To provide an avenue and a forum for academia. individuals, experts and intellectuals from various fields to exchange views and opinions ISIS has been at the forefront of some of the and to conduct research in a free and most significant nation‐building initiatives in conducive atmosphere; Malaysia’s history, such as contributing to the • To disseminate information on research Vision -
For Indonesia's Ethnic Chinese, a New Era Revives Old Hatreds
For Indonesias Ethnic Chinese, A New Era Revives Old Hatreds JAKARTA, Indonesia—Since the fall of President Suharto last month, many Indonesians have begun to dream of a brighter future for themselves and their families. But not Chairul, 44, an ethnic Chinese shopkeeper. Chairul’s wife and two teenage daughters— his only children—burned to death in the widespread rioting that swept through Jakarta after four student activists at Trisakti University were killed by government troops. The May 12 violence led to Suharto’s resigna- tion after 32 years in power. “If the students of Trisakti were the heroes of reform, my family was the victim of reform,” Chairul said from the apartment courtesy of David Loh/Reuters above his shop that he now shares Students at Trisakti in West Jakarta read the list of students still missing from the rioting. with other members of his Indonesian police shot and killed six students at the school, triggering widespread rioting in extended family. Jakarta which left more than 500 dead. Chairul was in another part it unlikely they will rush back to that was implemented in Malaysia of town when the small restaurant help the nation pull itself out of after anti-Chinese riots there in his wife ran and the apartment its current economic crisis. They 1969. The system required corpo- above it were set ablaze by rioters sense little prospect that the rations to hire a quota of indige- targeting the businesses of the country’s prejudiced attitudes will nous Malaysians and reduced the ethnic Chinese minority. Initially, change any time soon. -
The Activist from Tanah Abang
The Activist from Tanah Abang he political tumult of 1965 changed the direction of Jusuf Wanandi’s life T 180 degrees. From a professor of law, he became a political activist, and even had to forego the opportunity of attending Harvard University in the United States. Jusuf was a ringside spectator to the end of President Sukarno’s reign, and was personally involved in the political upheavals and student demonstrations that led to Sukarno’s fall from power. Together with like‐minded individuals, he encouraged General Suharto to become leader of the New Order. He was a close friend of Major‐General Ali Moertopo, a Special Operations officer who was greatly trusted by Suharto. The wheels of history never stop turning, and during the Malari incident, or the tragedy of January 15, 1974 it was the turn of Jusuf ‐ and his colleagues at the Center for Strategic & International Studies (CSIS), headquartered in Tanah Abang, Central Jakarta ‐ to be the targets of student criticism and protests. Even his relations with Suharto were not always smooth, and from 1987 he began to diverge from the man he had previously supported so firmly. Next month, Jusuf, born in Sawahlunto, West Sumatra, will turn 73. Two weeks ago, he related his life story, so intimately entwined with contemporary Indonesian history, to TEMPO’s Nugroho Dewanto, Ign. Yophiandi and Ninin Damayanti. 2 ISIS FOCUS NO. 3/2011 The Activist from Tanah Abang “Was I really afraid of them?” “It’s not like that, Sir. I was once in their position, and they’re very strong. -
Chinese Politics in Post-Suharto's Indonesia
CHINESE POLITICS IN POST-SUHARTO’S INDONESIA Beyond the Ethnic Approach? Leo Suryadinata The long and heavy involvement in trade of ethnic Chi- nese in Indonesia and elsewhere around Southeast Asia has often led to the perception that they constitute members of a trading minority who are not interested in politics. In fact, this is not entirely true. The past 100 years of their history in Indonesia show that ethnic Chinese have participated in local politics. Dependent in part on the various Chinese ethnicities involved and the policies of the state toward ethnic Chinese, the characteristics of that par- ticipation and of ethnic Chinese politics in general have differed from period to period. In 1976, Charles Coppel published a paper discussing various patterns of political participation in the Chinese Indonesian community, especially the peranakan (see below for definition) Chinese community.1 In the present article, however, the discussion will use a more streamlined classification of Chinese politics and be focused on the post-Suharto period. I argue that Chi- nese politics has been divided between peranakan and totok politics and that the peranakan community itself is further divided between ethnic and non- ethnic approaches. The original meaning of peranakan Chinese was a mixed blood Chinese who was born in the Dutch East Indies. It was also used to Leo Suryadinata is Professor in the Department of Political Science, National University of Singapore. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the ISSCO Conference 2000, “Chinese Overseas and Asia-Pacific Rim Countries: Opportunities and Chal- lenges in the New Millennium,” Seoul, June 2000.