The Ukrainian Weekly 1984, No.25
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Institute of National Remembrance https://ipn.gov.pl/en/news/4466,Two-Victories-over-Communism-Jaroslaw-Szarek-PhD.html 2021-09-23, 20:06 25.08.2020 Two Victories over Communism, Jarosław Szarek Ph.D. In the 20th century two Polish victories changed the course of general history: stopping a march of the Bolsheviks to the Polish Republic and further to the West in 1920 and the first step on the way to free Central and Eastern Europe from the system imposed by Moscow in 1980. Both great victories over communism, impossible according to rational assessment, were won by our ancestors because a well-informed minority could overcome long-lasting weaknesses of the nation, wake it up from a lethargy and bring Poles together around fundamental values. The faces of people gathered on 15 August 1981 in Ossów look very attentive. The oldest of them must still remember the horror and joy from over sixty years ago. Several dozens photos stored at the IPN Archive show tens of people standing next to the monument of Father Ignacy Skorupka, which was rebuilt at the times of Solidarity, after it had been destroyed by communists. Father Wacław Karłowicz, who was thirteen in 1920, is delivering a speech. Next to him, an elderly man in an uhlan uniform is standing at attention ‒ he enlisted as a seventeen-year-old in the Volunteer Army of General Józef Haller. It was quite similar in summer 1981 in Płock, where a fourteen-year-old defender of the city, Antoni Gradowski was commemorated, and in so many other places of victory over Bolshevism. -
Please Download Issue 1-2 2015 Here
B A L A scholarly journal and news magazine. April 2015. Vol. VIII:1–2. From TIC the Centre for Baltic and East European Studies (CBEES), Södertörn University. The story of Papusza, W a Polish Roma poet O RLDS A pril 2015. V ol. VIII BALTIC :1–2 WORLDSbalticworlds.com Special section Gender & post-Soviet discourses Special theme Voices on solidarity S pecial section: pecial Post- S oviet gender discourses. gender oviet Lost ideals, S pecial theme: pecial shaken V oices on solidarity solidarity on oices ground also in this issue Illustration: Karin Sunvisson RUS & MAGYARS / EsTONIA IN EXILE / DIPLOMACY DURING WWII / ANNA WALENTYNOWICZ / HIJAB FASHION Sponsored by the Foundation BALTIC for Baltic and East European Studies WORLDSbalticworlds.com in this issue editorial Times of disorientation he prefix “post-” in “post-Soviet” write in their introduction that “gender appears or “post-socialist Europe” indicates as a conjunction between the past and the pres- that there is a past from which one ent, where the established present seems not to seeks to depart. In this issue we will recognize the past, but at the same time eagerly Tdiscuss the more existential meaning of this re-enacts the past discourses of domination.” “departing”. What does it means to have all Another collection of shorter essays is con- that is rote, role, and rules — and seemingly nected to the concept of solidarity. Ludger self-evident — rejected and cast away? What Hagedorn has gathered together different Papusza. is it to lose the basis of your identity when the voices, all adding insights into the meaning of society of which you once were a part ceases solidarity. -
The Ukrainian Weekly 1984, No.21
www.ukrweekly.com (ГОС Published by the Ukrainian National Association Inc., a fraternal non-profit association! > 3 w ax XJO– oo z -no - -n о OO-D о z m cua 33- м mo О ИО rainian Weekly tn СД — Vol. Lll No. 21 THE UKRAINIAN WEEKLY SUNDAY, MAY 20, 1984 25c^t? Stepson fears Sakharov and wife Soviets to terminate contracts could die from hunger strikes with Western parcel companies WASHINGTON - The son of Ye– by George B. Zarycky the owner of the company never paid Іапа Bonner, wife of Andrei Sakharov, the Soviets millions of dollars in duties said on May 15 that the couple could JERSEY CITY, N.J. - The Soviet and other fees, forcing them to ship die soon unless the Soviet authorities Union has recently -implemented a back many parcels at their own expense. allowed his mother to leave the country, change in its policy on the shipment of But others see the Soviet decision in reported the Associated Press. parcels to the USSR that will make it political terms. According to spokes Dr. Sakharov has been on a hunger impossible, effective August 1, to send men from several small, Ukrainian strike for some 14 days to back his packages from the United States parcel companies, the Soviets made demand that she be allowed to leave. through private companies. their move to cut off material aid from Ms. Bonner's son. Alexei Semyonov, Currently, many parcels are shipped the West, aid that often finds its way to said his mother had begun her own. through private firms that contract persecuted human-rights activists, the hunger strike and was in her fourth day. -
Thoughts on the Meaning of Solidarity
The Missing Commemoration: Thoughts on the Meaning of Solidarity by Eric Chenoweth On the 30th anniversary of the 1989 "velvet revolutions" that resulted in the downfall of communist regimes in the Soviet bloc countries of Central and Eastern Europe, there was little reflection on the most important social and political movement that helped to bring about this transformation of the region. That movement was the Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union, Solidarity in Poland (Solidarność in Polish). Solidarity's importance as a worker and trade union movement in bringing freedom to Eastern Europe has long been overlooked. Indeed, the official conference marking the 25th anniversary of Solidarity's historic rise in 1980 did not even consider its role as a trade union. The following article was written on that occasion in 2005 to explore the fuller meaning of Solidarity. The lost meaning of Solidarity has had profound consequences for the region. Eric Chenoweth was director of the Committee in Support of Solidarity from 1981 to 1988. The August 1980 strikes of Polish workers that led to the signing of the Gdansk Agreements are recognized today as one of the 20th century’s most consequential events. While not altering Poland’s governance, they were revolutionary. By guaranteeing Polish workers the right to freedom of association and the right to strike, the Agreements broke the monopoly control of the communist state over Polish society and shattered the communist party’s claims of legitimacy as the sole representative of a “workers’ state.” Out of the Gdansk Agreements, the free trade union Solidarity emerged with ten million members, nearly the entire industrial and professional workforce. -
NSZZ “Solidarity's”
Studies in Political and Historical Geography Vol. 8 (2019): 207–226 http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2300-0562.08.11 Krystyna Krawiec-Złotkowska NSZZ “Solidarity’s” notions for the state’s role in social life Their social and political roots and status in 3rd Republic of Poland Abstract: The paper portrays the origins and ideological foundations of NSZZ “Solidarity” (Independent Self-governing Trade Union “Solidarity”) and their meaning in social life at the time of the communist regime in PRL (Polish People’s Republic). There are references to strikes (June ‘56 in Poznan, polish March ’68, June ’76, July ’80 in Lublin and Swidnica and August ’80) and, in 1980, the creation of Inter-Enterprise Strike Committee, which developed and published 21 demands aimed at the authorities. In the study, it is acknowledged that those demands are the ideological sources of Solidarity. The author of the text thinks that John Paul II sermons and encyclicals as well as Fr. Józef Tischner’s texts (published in the book Etyka solidarności oraz Homo sovieticus – Solidarity’s ethics and homo soviecticus) also had an influence on the formation of these ideas, which could bring back moral order, the rule of law, dignity and freedom for the society enslaved by Soviets. “Solidarity” also desired to improve the economic status of the country, particularly by ending the crisis. Those thoughts were, and are, beautiful; unfortunately, nowadays many of them exist only in the sphere of ideas or demands written in NSZZ Solidarity’s statute. Therefore, the article contains a sad conclusion, that in the 3rd Republic of Poland’s reality, “Solidarity’s” ideas are not attractive anymore. -
Instructions
INSTRUCTIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS rules of strike / 5 introduction / 6 scenario / 7 game components / 8 game preparation / 10 sequence of play / 13 player turns / 15 gaining cards from the board / 16 special actions / 20 drawing cards / 22 discarding cards out of the game / 23 end of turn / 24 negotiating demands and the end of the game / 25 advice of the Committee of Experts / 27 how did it happen? / 31 Strike dr Grzegorz Majchrzak / 31 The 21 Demands / 53 Protocol of the Agreement of August 31, 1980 / 57 Members of the Committee of Experts / 61 Members of the MKS Presidium / 62 Biographies / 63 RULES OF STRIKE NUMBER OF PLAYERS: 2–5 AGES: 12+ GAME DURATION: 30–60 minutes GAME DESIGN: Karol Madaj STRIKE! 5 Before August, I was known as a simple worker, one of many union members No one can make a plan for something like a strike. A strike is like a crowd (...) Now I jump to the front, I act independently, I take the leader’s role, which reacts unpredictably, in its own way. I impose my role on the group... INTRODUCTION SCENARIO In the game “Strike”, you get the chance to step into the shoes of Lech Everybody in turn controls the actions of Lech Wałęsa, gaining sup- Wałęsa (pronounced “va-WEN-sa”) and direct the activities of the Inter- port for the strike in the shipyard. You use walking and running cards Enterprise Strike Committee (MKS) in the Vladimir Lenin Shipyard in to move Wałęsa around the board. You use speech cards to win over Gdańsk in August 1980. -
ICES- El CENTEI El CEITER of EXCELLENCE
ICES- El CENTEI El CEITER OF EXCELLENCE RESEARCH GRANTS & WORKING PAPER SERIES #8 AY2116-11 ) Supporting the Revolution: America, Democracy, and the End of the Cold War in Poland, 1981-1989 By Gregory F. Domber B. A. June 1997, Lafayette College A Dissertation submitted to The Faculty of Columbian College of Arts and Sciences of the George Washington University in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy January 31, 2008 Dissertation directed by James G. Hershberg Associate Professor of History and International Affairs Copyright© Gregory F. Domber 2007 For Mira ll Acknowledgments The following institutions and organizations provided funding for language programs and research trips which made this dissertation possible: American Consortium on European Union Studies Research Seed Grant Cosmos Club Foundation Young Scholars Award J. William Fulbright Student Scholarship Grant George Washington University Hoffmann Dissertation Award George Washington University Institute for European, Russian, and Eurasian Studies Travel Grant Kosciuszko Foundation Tomaszkiewicz-Florio Scholarship George C. Marshali/Baruch Fellowship Title VIII East-Central Europe Research and Language scholarship, administered by the American Councils for International Education Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars East European Studies Program Short-term Grant !11 Abstract Early on the morning of December 13, 1981, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, the leader of the communist Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR), declared martial law, ending the so-called "Polish Crisis," which began with the creation of the Independent Free Trade Union "Solidamosc" in August 1980. Over the next eight years, the Communist government and the opposition struggled over power, culminating in 1989 with the creation of a Solidamosc-led government which ended fifty years of Communist rule in Poland and led the way to further democratic revolutions throughout Eastern Europe. -
The Origins of Solidarity: Workers, Intellectuals, and the Making of an Oppositional Movement
Draft Not for Quotation Comments Welcome THE ORIGINS OF SOLIDARITY: WORKERS, INTELLECTUALS, AND THE MAKING OF AN OPPOSITIONAL MOVEMENT By Jerome Karabel Institute of Industrial Relations and Department of Sociology University of California, Berkeley August 1992 1 The case of Poland's Solidarity movement, cited by many as the quintessential expression of a powerful alliance between the working class and the intelligentsia against established authorities, has recently been the subject of a lively controversy. A key issue of contention concerns the relative contribution of intellectuals to the creation in August 1980 of the world's first independent trade union in a Communist country. It is a debate that is inextricably intertwined with larger theoretical and political issues; indeed, xrevisionist'1 scholars such as Roman Laba and Lawrence Goodwyn^ have raised anew the classical question posed by Lenin: can the working-class, acting without the assistance of the intelligentsia, attain the levels of consciousness and organization necessary to wage a transformative struggle against those who control the key levers of power?3 Conversely, if — as many analysts have argued — intellectuals did in fact constitute an integral part of a cross- class coalition that produced Solidarity, what forces made this extraordinary alliance between oppositional workers and oppositional intellectuals possible? How, specifically, was it constructed? And what tensions, if any, between workers and intellectuals arose during Solidarity's formative stages? This paper will address these questions by examining the specific events leading to the formation of Solidarity. The focus will be on the city where Solidarity was founded, Gdansk, and on the enterprise where the decisive strike began, the Lenin Shipyard. -
Contemporary Perceptions of the Solidarity Movement Held by Polish Nationals Nathan P
East Tennessee State University Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University Electronic Theses and Dissertations Student Works 5-2013 Contemporary Perceptions of the Solidarity Movement Held by Polish Nationals Nathan P. Buhr East Tennessee State University Follow this and additional works at: https://dc.etsu.edu/etd Part of the European History Commons, Other Political Science Commons, and the Other Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Buhr, Nathan P., "Contemporary Perceptions of the Solidarity Movement Held by Polish Nationals" (2013). Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Paper 1168. https://dc.etsu.edu/etd/1168 This Thesis - Open Access is brought to you for free and open access by the Student Works at Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. It has been accepted for inclusion in Electronic Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Contemporary Perceptions of the Solidarity Movement Held by Polish Nationals _____________________ A thesis presented to the faculty of the Department of Liberal Studies East Tennessee State University In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts in Liberal Studies _____________________ by Nathan Peter-Grzeszczak Buhr May 2013 _____________________ Henry J. Antkiewicz PhD., Chair Marie Tedesco PhD. Stephen G. Fritz PhD. Keywords: Poland, Solidarność, Solidarity Movement, Trade Union, Survey ABSTRACT Contemporary Perceptions of the Solidarity Movement Held by Polish Nationals by Nathan Peter-Grzeszczak Buhr Widespread participation in the 1980s Solidarity movement by Polish nationals of both genders, varying ideologies, and differing political backgrounds has led to diverse views of the history and narrative of the movement that today is interpreted in differing ways by groups and individuals. -
IMPLEMENTATION of the HELSINKI ACCORDS HEARING COMMISSION on SECURITY and I COOPERATION in EUROPE
IMPLEMENTATION OF THE HELSINKI ACCORDS HEARING BEFORE THE COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND i COOPERATION IN EUROPE NINETY-NINTH CONGRESS FIRST SESSION THE OTTAWA HUMAN RIGHTS EXPERTS MEETING AND THE FUTURE OF THE HELSINKI PROCESS JUNE 25, 1985 Printed for the use of the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe U.S. GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE 54-575 0 WASHINGTON :1985 IAA COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE ALFONSE M. D'AMATO, New York, Chairman STENY H. HOYER, Maryland, Cochairman JOHN HEINZ, Pennsylvania DANTE B. FASCELL, Florida JAMES A. McCLURE, Idaho SIDNEY R. YATES, Illinois MALCOLM WALLOP, Wyoming TIMOTHY E. WIRTH, Colorado GORDON J. HUMPHREY, New Hampshire EDWARD MARKEY, Massachusetts CLAIBORNE PELL, Rhode Island DON RITTER, Pennsylvania PATRICK J. LEAHY, Vermont CHRISTOPHER SMITH, New Jersey RUSSELL B. LONG, Louisiana JACK F. KEMP, New York DENNIS DECONCINI, Arizona JOHN E. PORTER, Illinois EXECUTIVE BRANCH The Honorable RICHARD NORMAN PERLE, Department of Defense VACANCY, Department of Commerce VACANCY, Department of State MICHAEL R. HATHAWAY, Staff Director MARY SUE HAFNER, General Counsel (11) CONTENTS WITNESSES JUNE 25, 1985 Page Schifter, Ambassador Richard, head of U.S. delegation to the Ottawa Human Rights Experts Meeting ............................................................ 5 Palmer, Robie M., Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs.... 19 Matthews, Gary, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs ............................................................ 12 Gilman, Representative Benjamin A., U.S. Congress, Republican, 22d District.. 39 APPENDICES Report of the Ottawa Experts Meeting on Human Rights ...................................... 53 Text of speeches made at Ottawa Human Rights Experts Meeting: Statement by Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Michael Arma- cost, May 9, 1985 ........................................................... -
The Solidarity Decade: 1980–1989
The Solidarity Decade: 1980–1989 JAN.PAKULSKI What is called here the ‘Solidarity Decade’ covers the developments between September 1980, the beginning of the mass, organised, peaceful and negotiated dismantling of communist domination in the Soviet Bloc, and September 1989, the formation of the first non-communist government in Eastern Europe, and the beginning of the ‘contagious’ systemic transformation that initiated the domino-like fall of communist regimes in the region and the gradual transition to what Holmes1 labelled ‘post-communism’. While the Polish Solidarity was not the first mass protest against communist domination—it was preceded by mass anti-communist opposition in 1945–47 in Poland, in 1953 in East Germany, in 1956 in Poland and Hungary, in 1968 in Poland and Czechoslovakia and, again, in 1970 and 1976 in Poland—it was unique in many ways. The Hungarian uprising and the Prague Spring apart, the pre-1980 mass protests could be accurately described as spontaneous eruptions of public anger and frustration; they were poorly organised and politically ineffective—and were promptly suppressed or defused by the authorities. While they resulted in leadership changes, their impact was more cultural than political; they left behind important political memories, legends and traditions, but no political-organisational legacies. Solidarity was different. It was a mass movement of unprecedented strength, political restraint and—at least initially—social discipline. At the peak of its popularity in mid-1981, Solidarity boasted about 10 million members/ supporters—more than half the adult population of Poland. Moreover, this mobilisation was well coordinated, and it adopted the novel, yet familiar, form of a ‘free trade union’. -
The Origins of Solidarity: Workers, Intellectuals and the Making of an Oppositional Movement
IRLE IRLE WORKING PAPER #46-92 August 1992 The Origins of Solidarity: Workers, Intellectuals and the Making of An Oppositional Movement Jerome Karabel Cite as: Jerome Karabel. (1992). “The Origins of Solidarity: Workers, Intellectuals and the Making of An Oppositional Movement.” IRLE Working Paper No. 46-92. http://irle.berkeley.edu/workingpapers/46-92.pdf irle.berkeley.edu/workingpapers Institute for Research on Labor and Employment UC Berkeley Title: The Origins of Solidarity: Workers, Intellectuals, and the Making of an Oppositional Movement Author: Karabel, Jerome, University of California, Berkeley Publication Date: 08-01-1992 Series: Working Paper Series Publication Info: Working Paper Series, Institute for Research on Labor and Employment, UC Berkeley Permalink: http://escholarship.org/uc/item/62p1f678 Keywords: Karabel, Solidarity, workers, Poland, intellectuals, oppositional movement Copyright Information: All rights reserved unless otherwise indicated. Contact the author or original publisher for any necessary permissions. eScholarship is not the copyright owner for deposited works. Learn more at http://www.escholarship.org/help_copyright.html#reuse eScholarship provides open access, scholarly publishing services to the University of California and delivers a dynamic research platform to scholars worldwide. Draft Not for Quotation Comments Welcome THE ORIGINS OF SOLIDARITY: WORKERS, INTELLECTUALS, AND THE MAKING OF AN OPPOSITIONAL MOVEMENT By Jerome Karabel Institute of Industrial Relations and Department of Sociology University of California, Berkeley August 1992 1 The case of Poland's Solidarity movement, cited by many as the quintessential expression of a powerful alliance between the working class and the intelligentsia against established authorities, has recently been the subject of a lively controversy. A key issue of contention concerns the relative contribution of intellectuals to the creation in August 1980 of the world's first independent trade union in a Communist country.